Kautilya Arthashastra
Kautilya Arthashastra
Kautilya Arthashastra
DEFENCE AND EX
TERNAL AFFA.llls.
THE defence of the
sta~ .is ~ as
.J- .l--·Tlie
( ua nu u , 5C two are among ~ . o~ th_~_~~- (dur a
the seven f i r a ~
t e· ~tate. Of thes
e. two, durga 1s an
co d th
. . •
more importaOt
earlier than in the list of prak nt . ns.,1tiien:i
fortified capital ~is (6.1.1) It :nd is
of the s_?te, wher: !~ ~'4
enemy_,_ e}rin_g,J~)1.l!:!~ pi'.§SCe
_h~~~.!!_~~~!~a! p r~ ~
duringJV.hl.~'1-. ld a siege_ ~er~ a s
.SlJ!El and a!:yt a a j~1!P!~~~v:e~-~~-~e to ~ M e
• Well 8\Sfo? defence ty . .. T~~_.army,, 1t 1s true, ~an be u ~ ~ Ji~ r\
;_ b1.
helpless and iS at the 1-t ~f 1t 1s defeated, the king beCO!:nes ; '
mere! of the enemy.
•·, · The text ;ecoU . a~
ltnends a series of po
charge of an antapiila sts alon g the· fronr
. .,In parti•c~1ar, th
four pnnc1pal, di~e_ct·
• • ~r e ar e to be four ier, Cac. h I\•
10 ~~ Vfh'~ch'
t ~r t
. . state (2.1.5) .. The te o s~
frontier po~ ~' 1 seem rve as· gates of. enPo trystsintl1lo \the
. • f~tnesse~•;Ilo s, ar e to be some kind of
t. re~r ,forts_ built bY
r:i::
/
g the
at the same time be able to hold ·in check any rivalr ies amon
entire garris on.
various comm andan ts and ensur e the Ioyalt y of the
n
Since the fort is a place of shelte r in which one may have to remai
opinio n
entrenched over a long period , it is s~ted as Kauti lya's own
there
that the fort shoul d have plenty of suppli es stored in it and that
it in case of need
should also be secre~ mean s of escap ing from
(7,15,11).
The army, it seems , could be recrui ted from all four varnas. The
from
earlier teacliers, in fact, had held the view that an army rec~i ied
from I ~
men of a highe r va~ is bE:tter for purpo ses of fightin g than one 1
s~tes that
those of a lower va~a . Disag reeing with this view, Kauti lya
enemy
Brahmin troops might at the last mome nt be won over by the
Ksatr iya
prostrating himse lf before them, and that, theref ore, w~ll-t rained
lS and
troo.ps ar~e st, or in~~h e_~l~ ~tive , a strong army of VaiSyj
- g forces
Sudras (9.2.21 -24). It may be assum ed that the core of the fightin
would
. would be forme d by ~atri yas,. and that, the stand ing army
same -time,
consist mainl y of well-t rained K~atr iya up.its. At the
ble in
it is possible that the numb er of ~atri yas so traine d and availa
that in practi ce
times of war may not have been quite adequ ate, so
sed to
the lower va~ , and in partic ular the Siidra s, .may be suppo
have forme d a very large part of the fightin g forces .
ted
Since fairly early times the army in india appea rs to have consis
ions
of four ~ s of fighti ng units- infrui try, cavalr y. chario t-divis
and elepha nt-div isions . Each of tbese u • its s cial fun t" s
i1; war, {10.4. 18-16) and 1 f.ferent modes of fig_ht_!ng (10.5.5 8-56). •
Each of unit is the_resp_Qnsibility of a special adhya k,a, who is
psa'Is o
concerned with the e ui m nt and trainf og of his unit_J perha
he text describes the dutie of the PJ!1tya -
for recrui ting m~n to it.
dhralc,a') the ratht idhj/l a, the __g.]ijj,ili:pa and the hastya,1;'1,galqa
k1as
(Chapters 2.80-8 8). In~~ _ ! h e s~ct,iQI!~.J>_n_tb~J~LtJ!q_!!!_hya
lay doWI], de~e d_ !uJ e~~ ~ care and traini ng of horses
phal}t ~_!:h~ ~- ch~rge_:/ . •
From anoth er point of view the troops are said to be of six kinds
and
ang.e
atavib
rle-
ala
:
mau~ la, bhrta,bala, .freti,ibala, mitrabal,a, amitrabal,a
(9.2.l) . The natur e of these is assum ed to be well-known,
since no
to the
description is given. Of these, the maula bala appea rs to refer
es of hered itary
stanging army of thJ state, recrui ted from famili
by the
sold!e~,J2_1-al to the ruling dynas ty. It is referr ed to as inspir ed
king himse lf (tadbhl ivabhd vin) and
same feelings and m terest s as the
The word maula is derive d
JlS one consta ntly honou red by him {9.2.1 4).
which
from mtlla, which often refers to tlie native land, the base from
of conqu est. Prima rily then the
the vijigt, u starts on an exped ition
expression means a native force. Howe ver, the bh,-tab gk:i is also rectui t-
246 KAUTILlYA ARTHASASTRA
\
r
DEFEN CE AND EXTER NAL AFFAIR S 247
that cause damage or harm (himsrikaJ.,,), those coming from \J.n enemy' s
territory and those viol~tin g port regulati ons (2.28.12 }. But these are
in the main police duties rather than military duties. And the equip-
l
2
ment of the boats in his charge, with.th eir crew of a captain , a pilot, a
manipu lator of the cutter and ropes and !J. bailer of water (2.28.18 )
hardly suggest s naval craft. V\.. 1J-....t fvvtvv.., .
As for ranks in the army, it is stated that an officer in char~ of
ten units is patika, one over ten patikas is senii12ati, and one over ten
8 -;;:ipatis is nii'Y_!!,ka
(10.6,:45). The position assigne d to senapati here
is at varianc e with that referred to elsewhe re. General ly, the senapat i
in the text is one of the highest state dignitar ies, equal in status to the wOvJ..QL
mantrin, purohit a and yuvariij a. He· is require ~ to be convers ant with
all military _mat.te rs, training , tactics in fighting and so on (2.38.9:-10).
The niiyaka appears to be-resp - - - onsible
---- _ seffing
- for
up-·fi);° skandhiiviira
_ _ _ ::.--____,1 _ _ _ __
qr camE (IO.I.I) . The niiyil?c !!_i~~~ rch at th~hea d of the army and
the seniipati in the rear (10.2.4) . This senapat i again seems to have a
different status altogeth er. It may be that a differen ce in sources is
responsible for this confusi on in the position of the seniipati .
. The importa nce of the training of the ar_med forces is natural ly
emphas ised. Th~~s ~~o !>~ practic~ ~f the fighting arts every day
exc~pt holiday s and the lgp.g is to carry _ou~ a!_l i!>:spe£!!.on of the various
u~n d their f!._ghting 4l:!~!~~~ at frequen t interva ls (5.8.35- 36}.
The l~al!y of ~he_tro op~ is of utmost importa nce and therefo re
it is recomm ended that they should be under the constan t surveill ance
of spies, prostitu tes, artisans , actors and singers in secret service,
besides being under the watchfu l eye of senior army officers ( 5.8.47}.
The arm01.~-~i~_!p_~~-in ch-~rge .of.~ ~e~~!J ,yak~a , who is obvious ly
subordi nate to the samnidh iitr. He is respons ible for getting weapon s
manufa ctured and fo_! §toring tl.:!.,em in such· a way tfiat':fl iey_do not
dete~a te thr_pug~ heat, moistur e 9r !n~~cts. He is to mainta in a full
record of the differen t types of weapon s (2.18.1- 4). He is respons ible
for any loss of weapon s, being require d to· make good the. loss twice
over (5.8.39} . Each weapon is to bear the king's emblem (5.3.37) .
- --- -
Weapon s may be useful for fighting on the battlefi eld (siimgriimika)
or for defendi ng a fort (daurgakar·mika) or for batterin g down an enemy' s
fortifications (parapu riibhigh atika). And these implem ents of war are
of four kinds-- yantra, machin es, iiyudha, weapon s prope,-, dvara~ ,
shields and upakararJ,O,, other accoutr ements of war (2.18.1) . A large
number of machin es are describ ed, the princip al purpose of which
appears to be to throw huge stones at enemy troops. The names of
2 Cf. 0. Botto, £11 Navadhy ak~a nel Kautilfty4 rtliaatJ3h 'a e Pattivita, marinura
Q
ne1l'India antica', RSO, XXXVI (1961),.p p. 128-124..
\ ~ - 1,,-,
~1 J-t ft¼ ~,'r-..t.
I , .,_._ - f'-M..,.,..; - M,(
u,.teS, ·twelve to _each· of the four, ~ijigi.,.m, ari, ~nadhyama and uda8 ;na.' • •
;bis ·view is• obviously due m1s~nderstandmg of the text.
Of the two, the former scheme appears to be gene~ally implied in
.-.·th~ discussions in this text. The pdr,tt,igrdha and akranda, who do not
• in the other scheme a~ f~equently referred to. The former scheme
~ed on the assumption, well-supported by experien ce @verywhere,
JS6at~ne ighbou ring states te11:d to be hostile to each other
and
thtstates with a common enemy tend to be allies.regarde The vijigi,u,
d as the
!;-rscon te~plat iiig the expansi on of his dominio n, is
: e n ~ b e r of states which he has to overcom e in his quest for
~ n t . But though mf!,'TJ,<f,ala suggests the idea of states_ concen tr~
-k y situated roun:d ~he 'l!i}ig~u's stat~, the actual idea is· that of states
in a straig~t line lying one beyond the ot-!ier. Nei~her idea in its
entirety might conform with the actual state of ~hings prevailing. at any
tirne anywhere. • •
. .
• The par~•TJ,igraha and the iikranda are only the ari and the mitra
respectively, so called in a specific situatio n. When the vijig~ is
planning to _march in a particu lar directio n, the enemy in the, rear
becomes par~igr aha ' heel-cat cher ' and the ally _in the rear akranda
who' cries out' when going to )1elp. Similarly, the two iisdras are only
the ·arimitra and the m,itramitra in .the rear respectively. • All these
.' &re.a·elastic· terms. ,: The -S~~e. king µiay become a parrJ,igraha or an -"
-/a,ior"~-;nitra·or~even a·vijigi ~ 1~ changed-c1r~uim tances." •. :_/'._-·-.\.·_·- _: •.:
. .- .- - ,.;,. . - .. - .... . ... . • .. .' ... : .. . ..
n .
.,.
kings, with the exceptio
,;
Each of the twelve states has, beside the ruler, the ·oth
.
. ptakrtis, a,niitya, janapada, durga, kosa . and da·r;uJ,a, which· are er fiv
e
dravy~prllkrtis. The rtljamarp/.a_la thus has tWelve ki~gs, riijapr::1~~d,
and sixty dravyapralcrtis, .that 1s, seven ty-two prakrtis in all (a
Such is.the theory . . 2 r2 s,
,• • • 8). •·
Cyx_. Ruben thinks that the doctrine' of the rganrli,la was, in it.a.or; i
related to the growt h of the power 6f Ma adha. . " .g ~,
ur1ng t e per10 o t e andas, when the defeat ed one· after the oth1
1n o e anges va e , the olic of the circle must have ained er
impor tance " 6-- He adds that policy and d~c~rine may have gro
in
simultaneously. I~ is not possible to say if the policy of the Nan:
was influenced by· any theory of ma~u!,ala they might have kn.own.
Much lc!ss_ is it possible to s~y how far, if at all, ~he policy of the Nandas
affected the development of the theory . 'fhe theory of the man4al
a
• • app~ars to be unnecessary to explain the Nanda conquests.
O~ •the
t
other hand, the theory may well have been in exist~nce at the time with-
out the ·Nandas consciously following its pre_cepts in their program
me
' .of co~quest. . After all, the theory is, in _the last analysis, ~ased
on tbe
..
basic realities of inter- stat~rel~~ c:... · .. , . ..
•• The neighl?ouring princes, samantas, may normally be supposed
/
to
b~ hostile. But it is possible that some may have, a friendly feeling
.. \~war ds the vijigi~u, while others may e_ven be. subservient to
him.
Neighbouring states thus fall in three categories, aribhavin, mitrabhilvin
and bhrtyabluivin (7.18.29}. The last are, of course, the- vassals of
the
t·ijigi~u.
l •
. Relati ons with foreign states are to be established and negotiations
carrie d on with them throug h ..the duta, ambassador or env9y, of whom
there are three. types, nisr~tiirtha, the plenipotentiary, parimitcirtha,
I • )
• •
th e foreign st at e
n, sm ug gl in g ~ op s secretly in to as ur y of th~
~ ti le to bis. ow !° re ig n pr ince, ge tti ng t.hc tre
of tJ1 e with th e
. kidnappi~ kmsmcn lp1 ng a ho st ag e ke pt by his king
bbed, l1e seduce
• foreign prmce ro ow in g va lo ur if need be-, try in g to
' foreign prince to
cscitpe, sh his king's side,
th ei r lo ):n lty an ~ ,vin tl1~n ov er to expected to
enCJllY officers from It de nr th at he 1s frcqucntlv
).
and so on (1.16.88-3.J. ified sp y nn d secret agent. ..
1s
ro le of a di gn d come
play th e to de se rt th ei r m as te r an
en em y of t1 ce rs n.
, • The instigation of im po rt an t ac tiv ity in th is connectio
an
0 ,·er to on
e,s side (t4pa}iipa) is om th ei r lo ya lty ar e ca
lled Jcrtyas
be se du ce d fr e . ar e th e
Those who ca n th us on , . ,v ra th , gr eed, fear an d prid it.
d up t nn d ,v an t to change
• who can be worke ie d ,,· ith on e's lo
t dissatisf ers of th e
feelings th at m ak e on ta ke n of su ch feE"Jings am 9n g offic
How a~vantage sh ou
ld be er to th e
to le ay e th ei r n1aster an d conie ov
em added
enemy to in st ig at e th ng th (I. 14 .1 -1 0) . It is, of course,
uijig;,u's side is de
scribed at le watch should
ke n in on e's service, a close
th at af te r th ey ha ve
be en ta rm' to th e
th ey ch an ge th ei r minds an d do ha
le st
be ke pt ov er th em 11 ).
\
new master. {1 .1 4. s of
wh icl 1 su m s up fo reign policy consist
<Jgutzya nditions or
•The formula of ~ti n1 ak in g a tr ea ty containing co
si~ guti,aS or policie
s: sa th dh i,
raha, th e policy
of hostility ;
y of £e ac e; vig on an
polic planning to m ar ch
terms, th at is, th e ng qu ie t ( an d no t • '
uana, th e policy of
~emaini eking sh el te r
g on an ex pe dition ; sa m ba ya , se
expedition)·; yanci,
m ar ch in le policy of
in a fo rt ; an d dv aidhiblzava, th e doub e tim e
with an ot he r ki ng
or
d vi gr ah a· w ith an ot he r· at th e sam
e ki ng a.p th e
_ 1amd/1,i w ith on te ac he rs , V at av ya dhi, ha d expressed
of th e earlier , an d th at th e
. -(7.1.6-12). O ne tw o po lic ies, peace an d war
view th at th er e ar
e on ly self, how-
pe ct s of ' th es e two. K au til ya him
ly as ations
ot h~ policies ar e on as sif ic at io n, . as th er e ar e different situ
-fold cl
ever, favours th e six .8-5) .
di fferent policies (7.1
which call for th e n one is weaker th an
th e. enemy,
le is th at w he v!'~aha.
. · · _The general ru fo llo w e~ , if st ~n ge r t~ an him, _then ry
),aamdhi" is th e -polliciny po to be
an a 1s th e ri gh t po licy, bu~ if one 1s ve
wer, as k sa m ha ya
• H bo th ar e eq ua so rte d to . W he n .one is ve ry wea
be re n w ith
strong, ya na sh ou ld iv a is th e po lic y recommended whe
dv ai dh ib hi •B ut
is necessary, while e ca n fig ht on e'$ · en em y (7.1.18-18).
source o~ ations m ak e it
help fr om an ot he r se t as id e if various consider
ay be licies is
th e general ru le m er en t co ur se . Th e purpose of all po one
ff
advisable to follow
a di
ru n th an th e en em y, th ou gh someiimes
to grow strongerleinrathtee telomngporarily th e gr ea te r st re ng th, -of th. · e -e ne1 ~y
m ay ha ve to to• • • • . .,
(7 .1 .2 0f f.) . ·, • because, of one's
sa m dh i is forc~d on one
Normally. th e· po lic y of_
ng •a tr ea ty one m
ay be required
es s. W he n ~a ki
• co m pa ra tiv ~ weakn
I
252 l{AUTILIYA ARTHAS~STRA
~•~·-~~,,,.
. \
and 11,antra, •
·aJ resources consisting of. the. treas ury and ar1ny,
earli er teach ers,
~r• unsel and diplomacy. •Disagreeing with the . The (9.1. 2-16)
gvv-tira regards mantraJakti as the mos t impo rtant
must also take into considertltion the desa or the terra in in whie h
n when fighting
vtJilfi ht is likely to. take place and kala, the seaso
the :e expected. Kaut ilya' s own opin ion is that sakti, ,desa
rtanc e
and _kci.l~
(~.1. 26-83 ).
:>:nutuallY ~elpful and are there fore of equ~ l i~po
an insur recti on
· A very im})?rtant cons idera tion is. the poss ibilit y ~f
ditio n.. It may be
. the kingdom while the king is away on the expe
raja, ,when it
~nee red by. the mantri"!- ?r puro hita or senapati or yuva
•s called abkyantarakopa, or by a palac e official,
when it is calle d antaram.d-
state , a rti#r amu-
;yakopa, or _by an ~fficial_ in t~e _outlying r~g~ons of the
In ge~eral, when a
khya or an antap~la, ·when 1t 1s calle d bal!,yakopa.
latent i~surr~ction ..s_uspected,.the vijigi~u is advi
sed to take the suspec-
to the inter ior and
ted party·~~r'the expe ditio n with him if he belongs
him if he belongs
take the wives and child ren of the susp ected part y with
to the outlying regions (9.3. 9-83. ). • The
vijigi~·u .is also io be on his guar d
capi tal . and· the
against_ the• possibility of two o~ce rs, one from t_he
in revo lt durin g the
other from the outly ing regions, cons pirin g to rise
it also gives advi ce
king's absence. And as is char acter istic of this te_xt,
lt, tellin g them with
to officers who may be think ing of risin g i_n revo
iled analy sis of the
.whom to conspire arid ~hen . We have a very deta
supp ort from othe r
ulterio~ motives that. gene rally impe l officers to seek
.86-4 1). • · •
ofli~ for an insur recti on agai nst the king :(9.3 '
gain expe cted
LA fac~ r that -~us t be weig hed b~f~re start ing is
. Norm ally t1ie
from .the expe 1bon an t. e osses 1 e y to e su ere
former must ~utwe1g man y time s over the losse
s in men and anitn als
s, princ ipall y thos e
and the expenses in cash· an~ grain s (9.4. 1-3). Gain
easy to seize and·
oflana, are classified in vario us ways , such as adeya '
akdla 'quic kly'
keep', prat.yadeya' easy for the enem y to reco ver', hrasv . \
on the sen.son nnd the terra in. tts ,vcll ns on the type or troo ps
i~ like ly to en,ploy in tho figh t. Troo ps the cncrn.
to be n1obiliRcd mus t be sue~
n~ "'<>ulc\ ensily ovt'rrome the encn ,y's resis
tance.
Refore lca,ring, l\ A,1,iyap<Tlti, thnt is f\ t·cgcnt.,
sho 1.1ld be nppointc l
in chn.rge of t.hc kingdon1 duri ng the kini
f s nl>st'nC'c on Uw cxpcditio~
'fht' to..xt docs not say who should be so l\pp
oinl cd ; some metn bcr of
th~ ,~yn l fanlily or l\ tJ·ustcd tnin istcr n1ny be
thou ght. of u.s likely. lt is
stat ed t.hnt uornuilly one- third or nt lcnst
one- four th of the mobiliAcd •
troo ps should be kep t behi nd for the prot ceti
on of the kingdom nA W(•l\
ns fol.' gua rdin g the 1-ear, t.hc bord ers o.nd
the forest regions (9.1.34).
trhe troops are to consist of different unit s,
und er different commanders
so that no single po·werful co1n1nander prov ~,
es intr1ictnblc to the regent
(9.8 .10) .
T~e tc.xt describes
1:\t leng th the set.ling up of
the cam p afte r the
troops arc n\obilised (Ch apte r 10.1 ) and the mar
ch of the ar.my on the
~xpedition (Ch apte r 10.2 ). 'l'he taki ng of
n1easures for the safety of
the troops ,vhe ther in the cn.1np or on the mar
ch is natu rally cn1.pha.sised.
Figh ting , yud-dha. is said to be of thre e
kind s-pr a.lci isa- yudd ha
'ope n figh t• in the place and at the
time indicated, kufa-yuddha
' concenled figh ting ,, involving the use of tact
ics on the battlefield, and
tti,,.1tti}-yuddlu,. ' silen t fight', implying the
use of secret agents for entic-
ing enem y officers or killing them (7.6. 40-4 1).
It is stat ed that ,vhen the
uijigf~u is supe rior in stre ngth and the sens
on and terr ain are favourable
to him , he should reso rt to open ,va.rfarc
(10.8 .1). In fo.ct, a fight,
abo ut the plac e and time of which notice has
been given, is considered
righteous, <lha,r,ni~tha. (10.8.26).
If the vijig'i~u is not superior to the enem
y and the terr ain and
season are unfa vou rabl e to him, he may 1·eso
rt to ki"lfa-yuddha. An1ong
the vari ous for1us of ktlla-yt1,ddha described,
the follo,ving may be noted:
atta ckin g enem y troo ps ,vhen they are in
a. vulnerable position or on
unfa vou rabl e terr ain; feigning a retr eat and
thus drEnving the enemy
troo ps awa y to an unf'avoura,ble terr ain nnd
then turn ing rO'ttnd and
attacking them ther e ; usin g elep hant s
to brea k the closed rank s of
the enem y troo ps ; feigning a rout and man
agin g to get the enemy
rank s dhrided whe n they are in purs uit of his
own troo ps and then turn -
ing roun d to atta ck the divid'ed rank s ;
atta ckin g on one flank first
and when the enem y troo ps are pressed back
, atta ckin g them on the
othe r flank; using inferior troo ps first to
tire out the enemy troops
and then attacki11g with superior troo
ps; enticing enemy warriors
for a bun t or a catt le-ra id and killing them
in an amb ush ; keeping
enem y troo ps awake by an atta ck at nigh t
and then atta ckin g them the
n~ day whe n they are sleepy or fatigued
; mak ing a sudden at~ ck
at nigh t with elep hant s while the ei1emy troo
ps are asle ep; atta ckin g
S
DE ~NC E 'AND EXT ERN AL AFFAIR 259
. .
I ..
•
I
\
I
260 I<AUTILIY A ARTHASAS TRA
ing categories of persons are not attacked by his troops : (1) patita th
_. kh
who have fallen down, {2) paranmu a, those who have turned, those.
back on the fight, (8) abhipanna , those who surrender, (4) ·muktake;ir
those whose hair are loose (as _a mark of sub1nission~, (5) mukta.foatr::
those who have abandoned their weapons, (6) bhayavirilpa, those whose
appearanc e is changed through fear, and (7) ayudhyami ina, those wh
at'e taking no part in the fight _(!3.4.52). I~ view_ of this, it is not quit:
correct to say that the Arthasa,stra knows nothing about fair play in
battle', as, Basham says.7 This text too knows a dharmit;tha yuddha
(10.3.26), but it recognises that on the battlefield tactics are essential
particular ly when one is at a disadvanta ge.. That is what its kilta-'
yudfU!,a means. 8
lwhen the fight ends in victory, the subsequen t conduct of the
vijigifu is to be determine d by the relative strength of the defeated
enemy. If he has defeated a king more powerful than himself, he may
offer ter1ns of peace and win him over to his side. If the defeated
king was his equal, he may accept the terms of peace offered by him,
as implying a friendly alliance, if not submission . But no peace should
be made with a weaker king, who is defeated ; he may be completely
destroyed, unless he becomes desperate fights for his life, when
peace may be made.with him {10.8.54-5 72.)
If the enemy, instead of giving an open fight, takes refuge in a fort,
siege should be laid to it by the vijigifu after satisfying himself that his
own troops ·are well-equip ped and properly supplied and conditions
are favourable to him. A suitable occasion for a siege would be when
the enemy is in difficulties on account of the depletion of his stores and
defences.t hrough fa1ninc, diseases etc. (13.4.8). On the way to the fort,
the- vijig~u should grant safety to the. people. Those who have to be
removed from the place where fighting ·n1ay take place should be settled
elsewhere and helped in every way. Destructio n of the people is a
ruinous policy. For, says Kautilya in his own words, a country without
people makes no sense, and there can be no kingdom without a c_ountry
(13.4.2-5). •
All sorts of tricks are described for the capture of a fort wit~out
a serious fight. Attempts should be made to seduce the principal
---oincef.lioftnc enemy from their lo alt to him so that they n1ay des~rt
hi • 18.l. -21). Or, advantage should be taken of the credulity
or _s~perstitious nature of the enemy· king to in~uce him to co~c-_out
.
<> In the latter kind of empir e we may u~der stand the creati on
ot soine
sort of feudal relationshi . But this feuda lism is not of the
same typ
as the feudalism that preva iled in Medieval Euro 9 The
surren e ,
of troop s by t e conquered king is conten1plated; but the
vassal kin
does not holq the territ ory _in fief with the oblig ation of
going to th!
suzer ain's help with troop s when he goes to war. His territ
ory is not
grant ed 'to him by his over- lord as a gift to a com rad
e-in -ar~
his own legiti mate ki • i h is for the time
c:being exting uishe d ,by the• conqu est. If circum stanc es
cba n~
_vassalage may be shake n off.· In· fact, it is possible to
conceive a
situat ion in which the tables are·\u rned, the· forme r vassa
l esta6Iish-
ing his suzer ainty over the former. suzerain. ·_;
---- ,
. 'the ideal of conqu est of the world ~rest ricted , of cours
e, to: the
India n ·wo!l d-ma y perhaps_ be found ·faul~ with on the gi-ou~
d ~hat-it
destro ys the right of small or weak states to lead an indep
enden t life
• of their ·own. But the idea of conqu est and empire-building
h~ al~ays -
exercised a fascin ation for rulers. What the text does is to
•
I • •
take notice
of such desires an4 proce.ed_to analyse th_e ~ays of three types
•
' J •• •
~f conquer-
ors. •It is not quite corre ~t to·say , as does B~sh am;'t hat the
. ,._. Artha.Aaatra
' evi,dently looks on conqu est. of the . demo . ... '' ..
niac vane ty as t~e most
' ;
, be
ac ~e s the ide al ?f co ~quest. It ma y, therefore
The tex t pre t the Ar tha -
reg ard ed as a ma nu al _of Imperial po lit y ,.is Bu din g,o f
r'<>'htlY als o a gu ide to the wi ths tan
t me rel y th at. It 1s
~t a is no t· • Seven, yiitavyavrttih
sas r iali•sm. B esI'de ma ny sec ions In Bo ok e~tir~
. per pte r 7.2) an d oth ers , the
),. sam sra yq, vrt tib , (C ha
;~hapter 7.8 ak kin g from the
ok IS d~ vo ted to the pro ble m of sav ing a we
tw elf th Bo es how the
im pe nd ing att ac k by a str on g king. It tea ch
actual or imperialistic
ou ld be fru str ate d an d his
tte r's att em pts to co nq ue• rhsh Bh ara d-
Ia
. To st. art wi t , Ka uti ly~ rej ec ts the advice of
designs foiled on g kin g as well
a tha t the we ak kin g mu st alw ay s su bm it to the str ve r the
vij
e of Vi sa. lak ~a th at he sh ou ld alw ay s ·fight wh ate
as the advic ou ld seek shelter,
ces . Hi s ow n ad vic e is th at the we ak kin g sh
con seq uen tex t the n
a mo re po we rfu l kin g or in a fo rt (12 .1. 1-9 ). Th e
either with ld be tri ed to ge t
s on to de scr ibe ho w the va rio us up ay as shou en em y's
goe sh ou ld be engineered in the
av ert ed . Ho w tro ub les
the attack sav e his own king-
gdo m so th at he is for ce d to go ba ck in ord er to att em pts
kin
ibe d at gr ea t len gth . Again, the tex t shows how
dom is descr en em y to de se rt
de to ge t th e ch ief arm y officers of the
sho uld be ma the en em y
ge t the m kil led (12 .2 an d 12 .3) . At tem pts to ge t If
him or to are als o described {12.5.1-~).
pe d an d kil led
king himself ·tr ap nc ing , the
se eff ort s su cc ee ds an d the en em y keeps ad ya
none of the is the n ad vis ed
h him sel f in the for t. He
weak king sh ou ld en tre nc rou nd the
fue l an d gr as s up to a: dis tan ce of on e yojana all
to burn down ble ob str uc tio ns in
wa ter an d to pu t all possi
fort, to spoil or dr ain aw ay me thi ng like-a scorched ea
rth po lic y•
the en em y's ma rch . So
the path of siege is lai d by the
cle arly rec om me nd ed he re (12 .5. 13 -15 ). W he n a example,
is
va rio us tac tic s· sh ou ld be tri ed to ou tw it him . Fo r
strong king, the en em y or the
un de rgr ou nd tun ne l ma y be bu ilt an d officers of all ow ed ·
an po iso ne d supplies ma y be
f ma y be kid na pp ed , or
enemy himsel res ult s to his arm y,
in the ·ha nd s' of th e en em y, wi th dis ast rou s fail, the
to' fall
efforts to sa ve the for t
5.1 6ff ). W he n all
and so on ( I2. secretly, tak ing
g ad vis ed to su rre nd er the ·fo rt an d lea ve it
Weak kin is sel f free
at he him sel f is no t ca ug ht. He mu st ke ep him
care to see th ing, thr ou gh
ba ck . Th at ma y be do ne by sec ret ly re-enter
to stri ke ma y
on ly to him sel f, th e ch am be r where the en em y
Passages known ng fire to the
epi ng an d kil lin g him wi th a we ap on •o r se tti
be sle
).
chamber an d so on (12 .5. 43 -48 foil an am bi-
thu s in thi s tex t as full an ad vic e on how to nd
• , We ha ve .up·
w to co nq ue r ~ , buil~
1
prefe rable to follow in any ~iven ~itua tion. Its teach ing
is intended
for all kings , for the weak king being attack ed, the yiltavy
a, the hina
the abaliyas, the dar;uJ,opanata, as much as for the stron g, ambit
ious kin '
the jyayas; the balavat, the darJ,<!,opanayin. That is what
make s it;~
comp rehen sive.
It 'is becau se of the autho r's endea vour to imagi ne and
provide
for all possib le situat ions which a state may have to face
in its relations
with foreign. states that we some times find detail s that
migh t appear
to be of little significance. To regar d this as an indica
tion of his
pedan try is, howe ver, to misu nders tand the natur e and
scope of this
work. It is not a treati se on gener nl princi ples, but a work
concerned
vdth recom mend ing pract icable policies in any conce ivable
situation
that may arise in ·actua l politi cal life. And its vi~ua lisatio
n of such
situat ions and the cours es that are then open to a state is
characterised
by a realis m that is altog ether uniqu e. And its teach ing
has not lost
its releva nce in these matte rs even to-da y. C. W. Gurn er
has shown how
the' fortre ss polic y' recom mend ed in Chap ter 7.15 was actua
lly pursued
by Great Brita in durin g the Secon d Worl d War, when it
turne d itself
into an island fortre ss and successfully withs tood the onsla
ught of the
then more powe rful Germ ans, makin g effort s in the mean
while gain
stren gth and obtai n new allies. Refer ring ~o the surre
nder ·of one
Conti nenta l powe r after anoth er to the migh t of the Germ
an forces,
he point s out how this is wh~t Kaut ilya recom mend s when
a ' fortress
policy ' is not possible. He refers to the flash of insigh t and
vivid com-
press ion in the expre ssion ' enteri ng the flame like a moth
' descriptive of
a useless attack , as exemplified in a prem ature secon d front.
He speaks
of the great depth and penet ration of Kaut ilya's politi cal
teach ing and
show s that the princi ples he enum erates are as true to-da y
in their wiaer
appli cation as.the y were in his days. 14
The mean s recom mend ed in this text for avert ing dange
r to the
state and for achie ving success over hostil e eleme nts migh
t often appear
to be obnox ious from the mora l point of view. It shoul
d not be for-
gotte n, howe ver, that t~e use of such mean s is inten ded
again st in- '
tracta ble enem ies of the state. Its justif icatio n is that
it is necessary
in the intere sts of the ltate . One of the chara cteris tic featur
es of the
realis m of this text is that quest ions of mora lity are not
allowed to
intrud e when policies are consi dered that are to be pursu
ed towards
enem ies of the state, those who jeopa rdize its secur ity and
independence.
This is a positi on that is tacitl y recog nised as neces sary
when it is a
quest ion of pract ical politics. Even when certai n action
s. may be re-
garde d as moral ly unjus tifiab le, they are in actua l practi ce
resort ed to in
14 'The Fortre ss Policy in K~uti1 ya's ATthaa
dstra 'in IC, VIII (,1941-1942 ),
pp. 251-~5 2.
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RN AL
J
DE FE NC E AN D EX TE