PAPER CODE- JN-3

Immigrant Spaces and Their Cultural Economy: A Case Study of Majnu Ka

Tila

1.1 Abstract

In this research paper, we aim to engage with the cultural economy of Delhi, by studying one
cultural hotspot within Delhi’s geographical conscribes- namely Majnu ka Tila. The paper
explores the manifestation of modern capitalism in the production of localised art and symbolic
goods and its subsequent contributions to the culture of Delhi. The different parts of this cultural
economy interpret and reinterpret images, symbols, and associations that have been formed over
the years. These creations and recreations are carried forward through the expansion of
local/symbolic values encoded in the final, marketable commodity. The success and failure of
the same are derived from the consumer’s concept of those products and their place of origin.
We thus aim to study specialised consumerism and its economic effect in shaping the microcosm
of Majnu Ka Tila and its relationship with Delhi’s diaspora. By employing ethnographic and
observational research, we empirically dissect this economy's social dynamic by studying
immigrant colonies contributing directly to the selected hotspot. Our theory investigates this
cultural praxis with a specific focus on migrant cultural artefacts, their circulation, and in turn the
way this redefines the migrant identity in Delhi’s city space.

Key Words: Cultural Economy, Immigrant, Consumerism, Tibetan

1.2 Introduction

Immigration can simply be understood as the movement of people across international borders,
to a country they are not natives of, in order to settle as permanent residents or naturalised
citizens. However, this simplistic definition of immigration, while explains the core concept,
fails to address the fallout of this movement, the transmission of practices and culture and the
spaces created upon resettlement. Any society’s identity is manifested in and expressed through
its collective culture. A nation, for example, is an amalgamation of different cultures, which
creates a relatively homogenous identity for its citizens by borrowing from its subset cultures.
This national identity is expressed and sustained via holidays, festivals, symbols, largely
accepted values and a shared sense of history. An immigrant culture thus, presents an interesting
pattern of both, carrying their native culture and expressing it in the form of aforementioned
manifestations, while also embracing their host culture. Majnu ka Tila is one such immigrant
colony, which displays a pattern of culture transmission. We interact with the cultural economy
of Majnu ka Tila to understand this transmission and particularly, its interaction with the local
economy. Cultural Economy, explained further in the paper, can be understood as a nexus
between culture and economy. Majnu ka Tila, a Tibetan Colony, displays trends which help us
thoroughly study Immigrant Spaces and their Cultural Economy.
 BACKGROUND FOR THE RESEARCH

2.1 Cultural Economy

Culture is a notoriously difficult term to define. There are multiple different understandings of
culture, most consider it as an all-encompassing body of knowledge, attitudes, behaviours, laws,
morals and virtually any tangible or intangible habits or capabilities acquired by man, by virtue
of him being a member of society. ‘Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for
behaviour acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of
human groups, including their embodiment in artefacts; the essential core of culture consists of
traditional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values;
culture systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of action, on the other, as
conditional elements of future action.’ (Kroeber & Kluckhohn 1952). Culture is about meaning
and as such ‘permeates all of society.’ (Hall, Stuart. In Representation: Cultural Representations
and Signifying Practices: Sage Publications, 1997)
This explicitly indicates that values, morals, practices and the representations thereof have
manifestations of cultural meanings and identities, which together, engage in discourse. Cities
are a gateway for intercultural communication. Cities have always played a privileged role as
centres of cultural and economic activity (Allen J Scott). Cities both generate and nurture culture
in the form of attitudes, art and the production of semiotic content that induces economic
frivolity and growth. A convergence between culture and economy can thus be observed. One of
the distinguishing characteristics of contemporary urbanisation processes is in fact this
convergence.

In the twenty-first century, patterns indicate that culture has been commodified by means of
mass production. This also implies that goods produced and further distributed in decentralised
markets are infused in one way or another with broadly aesthetic or semiotic attributes
(Baudrillard, 1968; Lash and Urry, 1994; Molotch, 1996). Cultural Economy thus, as the name
suggests, aims to explore this nexus between culture, its perception and its consequent
interaction with the economy it creates and exists in. Geographer Allen Scott (1997) explains
how the postfordist cultural product economy affirms the supply side’s differentiation marketing
strategy and the demand side’s fad-driven consumption. Postfordism here implies, a shift away
from the mass production and standardisation of the Fordist era, towards a more flexible,
customised, and technologically advanced mode of production. Further, he propounded that the
‘intertwined effects of capitalist production processes and the ever-increasing cultural content of
outputs’ will be complex and far-ranging. A fallout of these complexities is the development of
almost interdependent social networks. Largely dictated by spatial conscribes, these networks are
a layered mode of both, competition and communication in a geographical homogenous market.
Social networks, created by the intersection of culture and economy, turn places into consumable
products dictated by a Postfordist logic. Thus, brands are recognisable through their
‘distinctiveness’ and perceived singularities (Lloyd 2002; Markusen 2004). This paper further
discusses commodification, along the lines of the post-Fordist dictum, in ‘Market Adaptability
and Survival Tools’.Cities generate economic tides, largely by means of tourism and cultural
amenities through the development and further marketing of the aforementioned distinctiveness
and singularity. For instance, campaigns for tourism tout and advertise culturally ‘special’ and
unique qualities, ranging from folk dances to locally grown and sourced cuisine and textile. We
can thus establish, that culture and economy are symbiotic and in modern capitalism this
symbiosis is re-emerging in powerful new forms as expressed in the cultural economies of
certain key cities (Scott, Allen. (1997). The Cultural Economy of Cities. International Journal of
Urban and Regional Research). The ‘cultural economy’ then becomes part of a wider set of
complex relationships, involving artisans turned commercial agents.

The paper explores this praxis, taking front and centre, Majnu Ka Tila. Creativity and innovation
in the modern cultural economy can be understood as social phenomena rooted in the production
system and its geographic milieu’ (Scott, Allen. (1997). The Cultural Economy of Cities.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research). Majnu Ka Tila has emerged from the
agglomeration of factors that contributed to the rapid circulation of information, destabilising
prevailing norms and practices to stay in touch with contemporary trends. This colony thus acts
as a precinct where Tibetan cultural consumption is concentrated, and where cultural producers
can keep a close eye on competitors while simultaneously benefiting from the work of cultural
intermediaries who construct markets through the various techniques of persuasion and
marketing (Negus, 2002:504).

We can thereby say that culture is a driver of development led by the growth of the creative
economy in general and the creative and cultural industries in particular. One key contribution is
the publication of the 2008 and 2010 editions of the Creative Economy Report, which was
prepared by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) through the United Nations Office for South-
Soundsth Cooperation (UNOSSC). These two editions empirically demonstrated that the
contemporary creative economies are not only one of the most rapidly growing sectors in the
increasingly democratised global economy but also highly transformative ones in terms of
income generation, job creation and export earnings.

India has long been associated with a wide assortment of cultural-products industries. It has been
marked by a patchwork of specialised industries like textiles, handicrafts, paintings, design &
architecture, etc. Delhi has long been associated with a variety of cultures owing to its history as
the coloniser’s capital and the Mughals’ nerve centre. This implies a logical corollary wherein
Delhi has housed multiple artisan communities and can thus, be aptly considered a ‘melting pot
of cultures’. From cultural hotspots ranging from Dilli Haat to Chandni Chowk, Delhi houses
multiple cultures from India and abroad. In this Research paper, we’ll be focusing on Majnu Ka
Tila: a cultural hotspot in North Delhi representing the Tibetan community, their lifestyle and
practices. This paper explores the cultural and economic dynamics of Majnu Ka Tila; a refugee
settlement of people from the Tibetan community who have found their homes in this small
locality of Delhi.

Delhi has been a host to millions of people seeking refuge from religious and ethnic conflict and
disasters, and while there are codified legal frameworks for their protection, there are still
hurdles in effectively and efficiently implementing these laws. Along with refugees, the capital
of India hosts tens of thousands of migrants, all in search of better economic prospects and
improved quality of life; all cohabiting with the city’s ‘local’ population. To provide a
comprehensive analysis of the dynamic between Delhi and its migrant communities, it is first
crucial to delve into the historical context of Delhi post-partition since Delhi’s post-partition
landscape established and facilitated the current attitudes and perceptions the host city’s
inhabitants hold towards migrant and refugee communities.

2.2 Post-Partition Delhi

The city of Delhi witnessed a dramatic change in its demographic and socio-cultural map post-
partition, thanks to the influx and efflux of migrants. During partition, the city sheltered millions
of majorly non-Muslim Pakistani migrants, while simultaneously losing the majority of its
Muslim population to what newly became Pakistan, mainly to the cities of Lahore and Karachi.
Though the Indian government sought to direct migrants to rural Punjab and Haryana, most
forged ahead to Delhi dreaming of a better livelihood. Historian Gyanedra Pandey baptises Delhi
as ‘refugee-istan’ (Pandey, Gyanedra. Partition and Independence in Delhi. 1997. p- 2270)
owing to the city’s population growing due to migration, by 90 per cent from the 1941 census
figure to 1.744 million in 1951, just four years after the partition (Ministry of Home Affairs,
Census Report of India, 1941).

The city’s landscape was entirely transformed to host a staggering number of migrants and de-
facto refugees. Refugee camps were set up and Hindus and Sikhs were grouped together, like
Kingsway Camp, Delhi’s largest refugee Camp. The Jama Masjid area, Nizamuddin and Okhla,
some graveyards, as well as residencies of cabinet ministers like Abul Kalam Azad and Rafi
Ahmed Qidwai, etc., were all Muslim-occupied refugee camps. These camps were inundated
with refugees, with abysmal living conditions- especially so for Muslim refugees. Due to the
rising tensions between Hindus and Muslims and the unprecedented riots that ensued, Muslim
monuments like Purana Qila (Old Fort) and Humayun’s Tomb were utilised as refugee camps
too. Zakir Husain, the third president of India, remarked on the conditions in the Purana Qila
camp that sheltered nearly a hundred thousand people: ‘Those who had made it to the camp had
escaped from ‘sudden death’ (…) to be ‘buried in a living grave’’ (Azad 1959 as cited in Pandey,
Gyanedra 1997). Muslims who were making their way to Pakistan were kept in Old Fort, to
protect them from any possible radical Hindu attacks. Meanwhile, the Hindus who left Pakistan
sought refuge in Humayun’s Tomb. So two of Delhi’s iconic monuments that still stand tall
today were a place of refuge for migrants, further reinforcing the idea of Delhi as a sort of safe
haven for migrants. This nature of hospitality is still interwoven into the city’s fabric and helps
us establish a parallel from the past to the contemporary wherein refugee colonies like Majnu Ka
Tila are akin to the aforementioned monuments; in that there still exist especially carved-out
spaces for people to seek refuge in.
Muslim refugees take shelter at Purana Qila, Old Fort Delhi | Source: Max Desfor, AP Photos

As per the 1951 Delhi Census, the Indian government had allotted 2,000 acres of land to the
Ministry of Relief and Rehabilitation to permanently resettle refugees (Ministry of Home Affairs,
Census Report of India, 1951). One of the first such colonies to emerge was Vijay Nagar, west of
Civil Lines. Kingsway Camp would eventually come to be known as Guru Teg Bahadur or GTB
Nagar (Prime Minister’s Office, 1948). Khan Market, now a posh market, opened in 1951. The
shops on the ground floor of the market were owned by refugees, who would live in the flats
above (Lakhani 2019). South Delhi, as we know it today, was vastly agrarian in the 1940s until
the government started buying land there to permanently resettle refugees. Whereas, land in
western Delhi was allotted to refugees after 1947. These refugee colonies became the template
for upcoming neighbourhoods. This was the beginning of Rajinder Nagar, West Patel Nagar,
Moti Nagar, and Rajouri Gardens, all overwhelmingly Punjabi neighbourhoods that are today
quintessentially Delhi (Alluri, Aparna and Gurman Bhatia. The decade that changed Delhi.
Hindustan Times).

Thus, Delhi, as we see it today, has risen out of these refugee camps and local residential areas
and has interwoven different migrant cultures within the very fabric of the city. Even after seven
decades of partition, and the cataclysmic events that followed, the cultural fabric of the city still
continues to be shaped by it and the people continue to live in the shadow of partition. However,
post-partition refugee colonies were not the only refugee colonies in Delhi. The city of Delhi is
also a shelter for other multi-ethnic communities facing the threat of religious and ethnic
persecution in their homeland and Majnu Ka Tila happens to be one of those immigrant
colonies.

2.3 History of Majnu Ka Tila

Majnu ka Tila (MKT) or New Aruna Nagar Colony as officially renamed in 2000, is an informal
refugee colony of Tibetans in Nothern Delhi. The name, ‘Majnu Ka Tila’ literally translates to
‘hillock of majnu’, where an Iranian Sufi mystic Abdulla, nicknamed Majnu (lost in love), met
Sikh Guru, Guru Nanak Dev Ji in 1505 (Kumar; Landscape as Text). In service of God, Majnu
helped ferry people across Yamuna, bonafide and pro-bono. His devotion prompted Guru to stay
there and further, a gurudwara was erected by Sikh military leader Baghel Singh Dhaliwal to
commemorate the same. This paper, however, explores the history of MKT as an immigrant
colony, inhabited by exiled Tibetans.

The Tibetan settlement of Majnu ka Tila was officially directed to be established in 1963, by the
Ministry of External Affairs, to accommodate Tibetans fleeing from the erstwhile North East
Frontier Agency to Delhi during the war between India and China (Sino-Indian War, 1962). It is
crucial to comprehend the circumstances leading up to the war, and its consequent lasting effect
on Majnu ka Tila. The war was widely fuelled by the violent clashes between India and China
after India gave asylum to Dalai Lama in 1959.

2.4 Exile of Dalai Lama

China’s attempts at annexing and legitimising its claim over Tibet drove the 14th Dalai Lama
into exile. The now autonomous region of China, Tibet, a largely Buddhist area has been the
subject of conflict. After the invasion of eastern Tibet (1949) by Chinese communist forces and
their attempts at imposing Chinese Marxist ideologies, the Dalai Lama found himself in a
position of political significance. He became the undisputed leader and defender of
approximately 6 million inhabitants, at the age of 15. In pursuance of resistance against the
Chinese aggressors, he appointed 2 Prime Ministers, Lobsang Tashi, and Lukhangwa. They
together decided to send delegations to The United States of America, Great Britain, and Nepal
in the hope of persuading these countries to intervene on Tibet’s behalf.

Eventually, after failed and frustrated attempts by the aforementioned countries, in a last bid to
avoid a full-scale Chinese invasion, His Holiness sent Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, Governor of
Kham, to Beijing to open a dialogue with the Chinese. A culmination of these dialogues led to
the ‘Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet’, a treaty signed under fear
of force and grievous hurt, which surrendered Tibet to Chinese rule.

By 1959, resentment placating attempts at Tibetan militarisation resulted in reports of increasing

brutality against the people. Due to the fear of assassination and brutal suppression of the Tibetan
national uprising in Lhasa by Chinese troops, he along with thousands of followers left behind
their homes and fled NEFA (Arunachal Pradesh).

The 14th Dalai Lama fleeing Tibet into exile with Khampa (men from the Eastern province of
Kham) bodyguards in March, 1959. (Photo/OHHDL)

2.5 Refugees and Resettlement

After fleeing Tibet, they were initially accommodated in Ladakh Budh Vihar, a small colony
located in Northern Delhi, a transit point for Ladakhi pilgrims on the outskirts of Delhi.
However, the influx of Tibetans caused overcrowding, which led to a subsequent strain on local
resources and gave way to unsanitary conditions. Responding to this, the Ministry instructed
local Ladakhi and Tibetan leaders to identify tracts of land along the banks of the Yamuna, and
the refugees were moved there. In prioritising security concerns, these settlements are spread
across the country and not in proximity to one another. These settlements are typically walled
spaces with a dedicated infrastructure of Tibetan schools, monasteries, cultural institutions, and
facilities for healthcare and livelihoods. They are fully functional, seemingly independent
ecosystems.

In response to the flight of the Dalai Lama in 1959, India was prompted to evolve the
rehabilitation regime shaped by its political and moral considerations vis-à-vis Tibet. The Indian
government also recognised and acknowledged the political overtones that came with hosting the
Dalai Lama in negotiating its border feud with China. Therefore, ironically while India
recognised Tibet as an autonomous Chinese region, it hosted the Tibetan government in exile,
now known as the CTA (Central Tibetan Administration). Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh is the
locus of CTA which was set up in 1960 as a continuation of the Lhasa government. It has since
evolved into a full-fledged refugee administration led, staffed by, and responsible for all Tibetans
in exile. While the CTA has no political recognition as a government, it performs the functions
of one in delivering welfare to all Tibetans in exile (McConnell;2016). Key departments of the
CTA are legally recognised as registered societies under India’s Societies Registration Act, of
1860 allowing them to function as NGOs. The CTA exercises substantive administrative powers
over the aforementioned settlements (Balasubramaniam, Gupta; Swedish Journal of
Anthropology; 2019)

The case of Majnu ka Tila is peculiar and involves a precarious claim on the land and is in
contrast to other settlements set up on leased land within a central rehabilitation regime
governing the Tibetans in India, which, while significant, operates outside the official structure.
Because the influx of Tibetan refugees was inadequately accommodated by designated
settlements, ‘spontaneous’ settlements such as MKT, were often established on government land
with tacit knowledge of the local administrative bodies, but with no formal claim to the land.
These settlements are usually self-administered through community organisations, such as the
Residents Welfare Association (RWA) in MKT, located outside of the bureaucratic structure of
the CTA.
 OBJECTIVE AND RESEARCH QUESTION

We aim to study the gamut of Cultural Economy of Majnu ka Tila, underscoring the
commodification of the Tibetan Culture and its incidental exoticisation. The objective of this
paper is, therefore, two-fold; To understand the transmission of culture in an immigrant colony
and to explore the manifestation of the same in economic terms.

We propose and seek to answer the questions, How is immigrant culture creating and preserving
generational culture and can we see its manifestation in the local economy? Are there any
behavioural or social fallouts to this nexus?

To answer the same, we employed semi-structured interviews with both the vendors and
consumers present in Majnu ka Tila. These interviews were recorded, analysed and interpreted
through the research methodology of Textual Analysis, which delineates that information of all
kinds, can be read as a text. The paper explains in detail, the concepts of cultural economy, its
contextualisation with Majnu ka Tila, the research methodology and the consequent findings and
interpretations.
 REVIEW OF LITERATURE

While reviewing the literature to aid our study into ‘Majnu ka Tila’ and its cultural economy, we
studied multiple papers which focus on one or more than one aspect we are concerned with. In
‘Making of Muslim Ilaque’ Nazima Parveen talks about Shahjahanabad in Delhi. She talks
about this space as one of cultural and political significance. She talks about the representation of
these Muslim spaces as polluted areas or ghettos. She further propounds these hubs as ‘obstacles’
to modernisation, often housing criminals and terrorists. These spaces acquire political
overtones, for example, Shahjahanbad being colloquially called ‘mini Pakistan’. Via her paper,
she has explored the relationships between communities and spaces. She traces the history of the
city to 1683 and describes its demographic pattern, which was dominated by caste hierarchical
practices. She also talks about the commercial and residential patterns which suggest economic
prestige, which was heavily influenced by caste. She also explores the system as being
influenced by external factors, yet having independence and self-regulation in the form of a
mohalla system. She argues that this spatial structuring of Shahjahanabd paved the way for a new
segregated discourse, where selective treatment of people was manifested through actions by the
British and clearance drives, which would evict Muslims. This ‘selective’ treatment converted
the symbols of Muslim presence into ‘contested’ sites for the first time. She further talks about
the fears of collective marginalisation and discourse of religious differences that penetrated deep
into the localities of Delhi.

Further, to focus on immigrant spaces and their functioning, we studied ‘Emerging Immigrant
Friendly City- why and how they frame themselves as a welcome place to immigrants. In this
research paper, the guide talks about the dilemma related to the influx of immigrants in the
country, some cities view them as a burden while some are making policies to attract or support
immigrants/refugees. In this context, he argues that immigrants are seen as an agent to revitalise
depressed economies. Others argue that immigrant-related development should focus on human
rights and the support that cities can provide to them, rather than simply capitalising on what
immigrants can do for the city. The study also contends that such economic development efforts
can lead to gentrification, residential displacement, and even marginalisation of such minorities.
The paper mainly focuses on how cities frame themselves as immigrant-friendly and welcoming
for refugees. What we can incorporate in our findings is the strategies used by vendors of Majnu
Ka Tila to maintain competitiveness and the Neoliberal induced competition that leads to the
commodification of the area, business, and art catering to the affluence-obsessed consumer.
Therefore, it becomes crucial to consider the historical lens through which culturally based
development efforts are instituted, so as not to misrepresent the experiences of ethnic groups.
The rapid pace of neoliberal development again comes into play with cultural reclamation
efforts. Lastly, to explore urban spaces and the policies surrounding them, the team reviewed

‘Migrants' Inclusion in Cities: Innovative Urban Policies and Practices. Prepared for UN-
Habitat and UNESCO’ by Marie Price and Elizabeth Chacko. The guide argues that cities are
‘magnets of hope’ for migrants and that migrants are pulled towards destination cities by the
belief that they’ll find better economic prospects and support networks. It offers good examples
of urban policies and practices that promote social inclusion and integration of migrants in cities
and build bridges between migrants and host communities. It also identifies inclusive urban
policies which enable international migrants to access their civil and political, social, cultural,
and economic rights thereby strengthening social cohesion and cultural diversity in cosmopolitan
cities. We can incorporate the findings of this guide by exploring the role and support of the local
government to improve and foster the relationship between Tibetan refugees residing in Majnu
Ka Tila and Delhi’s native population. Furthermore, the role of local authorities in enabling
Tibetan immigrants to access their civil and political, social, cultural, and economic rights and
responsibilities can be explored. Benefits, brought by the immigrants, such as skills, cultural
diversity, and entrepreneurship that can boost economic growth can be discussed along with the
resurgence in anti-immigrant attitudes and its effect on Tibetan refugees’ inclusion in the city.

Our comprehensive review of literature not only provided a better understanding of the existing
knowledge and aided our study into ‘Majnu Ka Tila’ but also served as a foundation for the
development of the research methodology employed in this paper, which is discussed extensively
in the following section.
 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

To better understand the cultural and economic aspects of Majnu ka Tila, we employed
observational and interviewing methods under the purview of Textual Analysis. Cultural Studies
allow culture to be read and interpreted as a text, wherein the ideological and cultural
assumptions of a text are qualitatively dissected. Text is a methodological field, which is
experienced only in an activity of production. (McKee, Robert; Textual Analysis; 2003). This
method included carrying out data-gathering about the sense-making practices of the Tibetan
culture, its influence on Delhi and vice-versa. Textual analysis thus involves an understanding
and working of cultural artefacts and their significance or lack thereof. It was imperative for us
to understand how the vendors pitch themselves, their products and their culture. Moreover,
being able to identify a pattern (if any) among local customers, their understanding of the
Tibetan culture and their consumption habits was of significance.

During the interviewing process, we formally interviewed seven vendors, and the President of
the local Resident’s Welfare Association. The researchers indulged in unrecorded informal
conversations with nine vendors who were uncomfortable with being recorded. These
conversations, however, enriched our observations. Six focus groups of consumers were also
formally interviewed. A focus group methodology involves the collection of opinions regarding
a certain experience or product from a group of demographically similar people. All interviews
were semi-structured, where qualitative questions of a predetermined thematic pattern were
asked and explored.

5.1 Textual Analysis

Textual analysis is an umbrella term used to describe various methods that can be used to
interpret and understand texts. All kinds of information can be gleaned from a text – from its
literal meaning to the subtext, symbolism, assumptions, and values it reveals.
The purpose of textual analysis is to describe the content, structure, and functions of the
messages contained in texts. The important considerations in textual analysis include selecting
the types of texts to be studied, acquiring appropriate texts, and determining which particular
approach to employ in analysing them.

The research questions to study the Tibetan migrant identity were addressed within a
paradigmatic framework of interpretivism and constructivism. The questions adopted to fit the
framework were designed to understand the attitudes of both, the consumers and vendors in a
manner that would reflect their experiences as faithfully as possible. Textual analysis as an
approach was most appropriate to account for the aforementioned expressed subjectivity while
also making space for our interpretations as researchers.

The data used to derive the following themes was obtained via interviews and observation. The
research questions for this study aimed to examine MKT residents’, shop owners’, and
customers’ attitudes toward Tibetan culture.
The qualitative phase of this study involved semi-structured interviews, which lasted
approximately seven to eight minutes each. Additionally, the incumbent President of the
Resident’s Welfare Association, spoke to us at length, about the dynamics of Majnu ka Tila, both
geographical and social. When conducting these interviews, we loosely adhered to an interview
agenda to ensure each of the key topics was addressed. However, discussions were typically
guided by what we interpreted to be meaningful to the interviewee, and would often weave in
and out of these different topics.

‘Dalai Lama as an icon for the community-migrant identity and its molding, using icons and
symbols; How Tibetans try to nurture their culture.’ and ‘Exoticisation of Tibetan Culture’ are
collations of our findings which problematise and attempt to answer the first objective of the
paper i.e. understanding the transmission of culture in an immigrant colony, while ‘Market
Adaptability and Survival Tools’ attempts to explore the second objective of the paper, i.e.
understanding the manifestation of the aforementioned culture in economic terms. Thus,
exploring the nexus between culture and economy.
 ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF RESULTS

6.1 How Tibetans Try to Nurture Their Culture; Observable Icons and Symbols and Their
Relevance

6.1.1 Signs, Symbols, and Their Significance

Majnu ka Tila is inhabited by followers of Tibetan Buddhism. This inhabitation manifests itself
in the form of various symbols, both of commercial nature and otherwise. Symbols form the
foundation of a culture’s visibility. A symbol is an object, word, or action that stands for
something else with no natural relationship that is culturally defined. A culture organises itself
through cultural symbolism. Symbolism is when something represents abstract ideas or concepts.
Symbols are arbitrary and based on the convention of culture. Interpretation of symbols depends
on culture. Symbols are means of communication of language, a form of ritual expression,
cultural interpretation, and expression of art and belief. Culture is a historically transmitted
pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in
symbolic forms by means of which communication and perpetuation of knowledge and
subsequent attitude and lifestyle formation takes place (Clifford Geertz). Symbols, capture
cultural meanings and condense them. Symbols can represent many things to many people, they
are multi-variated and layered. They are thus, dynamic.

Immigrant Cultural identities thrive through representation and cultural symbolism. There has to
be a discourse of belonging for a group to exist as a relatively homogenous group. This discourse
takes within its ambit, various stories, folk literature, religious signs and relevant cultural
symbols. These signs and symbols help empower immigrants to establish an identity and exist as
a unified minority. A pattern of inter-generational preservation of such symbols is thus, more
vividly observable in the immigrant colony of Majnu Ka Tila (discussed further). How and what
the immigrants select as symbols of ethnic identity depends on various factors, including events
from the past and the contemporary. Every generation attempts to preserve symbols that explain
their past. In the era of immigration, people live in scattered forms all over the world but their
cultural icons and symbols help them maintain an affinity to their shared heritage. This collective
sharing of icons and symbols generates the emotional connection essential to form a coherent
identity. Identity is a symbolic matter—a meaning attached to a person, or which he is able to
attach to himself, with the help of responses of others. Disturb these responses, disturb these
meanings, and you disturb the man. We could observe varied cultural symbols and icons in
Majnu ka Tila.

The most frequently occurring symbol for Tibetan Buddhism was the prayer flags, which could
be seen even in the areas adjoining Majnu ka Tila. The red, blue, yellow, white, and green
Buddhist prayer flags represent respective elements of fire, sky and space, earth, air and wind,
and, water. It is the Tibetan belief that these flags together, attract health and harmony. Further, it
is believed that these flags are known to carry prayers through the wind, thus, they are hung
significantly above ground level and known to benefit all. We observed these flags placed all
over the marketplace. While the placement of some could be chalked up to aesthetic reasons,
owing to a lack of conditions deemed necessary to hang said flags (an absence of airflow, for
instance), most were placed for reasons that transcended the aesthetic. The omnipresence of
these flags reinforced the Tibetan cultural identity, even if the viewer was unaware of the
significance, most acknowledged and recognised their connection to the Tibetan identity.
 Tibetan Prayer Flags

6.1.2 Dalai Lama as an Icon

Another recurring theme was the framed image of the 14th Dalai lama that was hung on the wall
of every commercial establishment, in an almost altar-like fashion. During interviews, vendors
held the Dalai lama in reverence and proudly displayed any pictures they or their families had
with him.

‘Altar-like’ Worship of Dalai Lama

Settlements like Majnu Ka Tila, are highly influenced by the Central Tibetan Administration and
its vehement efforts to retain the distinct Tibetan Buddhist culture have caused inhabitants to
maintain a very strong sense of Tibetan identity. It can be argued that holding the Dalai Lama in
high regard is a logical corollary to the maintenance of Tibetan Buddhism, because the Dalai
Lama is the ultimate spiritual leader, as explained above in the paper. However, through the
collected data, we deduced that the 14th Dalai Lama, because of his significant role in the Tibet
migration and consequent resettlement in India, is imperative to the identity of Tibetan migrants
residing in India. This identity has been inculcated subconsciously yet systematically in every
second and third-generation Tibetan. An example of the same was the framed family photograph
of a vendor’s family with the Dalai Lama. Though she wasn't a part of the photograph, she still
hung it with stride, decorating the same with fresh flowers. This implies the conservation of
Tibetan culture and generational identity through the Dalai Lama. It further continues to be
conserved by the community at large by upholding and sustaining their refugee status, their
language, and cultural practices, including food preferences, communal celebration of local
festivals, craft production, etc. The most important is the inherent imagination of the lost
homeland of Tibet, and the mysticism, beauty, and eventual oppression associated with it.

The protection of the Dalai Lama as an icon for the community becomes integral to
understanding the larger abstract identity of a Tibetan. Large-scale migrations and consequent
refugee identities don't simply transmit culture which is shaped by ancestral lineage but is also
contextually significant like the idol-like worship of the 14th Dalai Lama, who helped resettle
and rehabilitate these migrants.

The mass exodus of Tibetans is a source of grief and anger, which has been accounted for.
However, an interesting pattern was the transmission of the same through generations. Hostility
towards the fall-out of Chinese aggression, on behalf of those who never experienced it was
reinforced by the idolisation of the 14th Dalai Lama, who acts as a symbol of hegemonising
these emotions.

6.2 Exoticisation of Tibetan Culture

A recurring theme we discerned among consumers in MKT or outsiders who came to visit MKT
is the ‘exoticisation’ of Tibetan culture and conflating Tibetan culture and Korean culture, thus
inadvertently exoticising Korean culture as well. In the following analysis, we aim to examine
how and why Tibetan culture is often portrayed as exotic and explore the ways in which media
artefacts contribute to this exoticisation.

Exoticisation is a form of cultural commodification and objectification that can be traced back to
the history of Orientalism, which portrayed non-Western cultures as exotic and sensual.
Although it is closely linked to Orientalism, it is not necessarily associated with a specific time
period or culture. The word ‘exotic’ is rooted in the Greek word exo (‘outside’) and means,
literally, ‘from outside’. The first definition of ‘exotic’ in most modern dictionaries is ‘foreign’,
but while all things exotic are foreign, not everything foreign is exotic. Since there is no outside
without an inside, the foreign only becomes exotic when imported – brought from the outside in
(Sund, Judy. ‘Exotic – a Fetish for the Foreign’. GDC Interiors Journal). This lens of ‘exotic’ or
‘other’ prevails while viewing and interacting with Tibetan culture among residents of Delhi
majorly because the Tibetans residing in MKT are ‘foreign refugees’ and the cultural artefacts
they brought with them, de facto ‘exotica’. A modern definition of exoticism describes it as ‘the
charm of the unfamiliar’ or the attraction or fascination of something novel; something that falls
outside the confines of one's own culture. Scholar Alden Jones defines exoticism in art and
literature as the representation of one culture for consumption by another (Alden Jones (6 August
2007). ‘This Is Not a Cruise’. The Smart Set). Undoubtedly in this case, the ‘native’ culture of
Delhi is consuming ‘foreign’ Tibetan culture through means of consuming their food and fashion
(albeit often modified to fit the city’s taste), partaking in their festivities and traditions, through
media artefacts, and also through plain voyeurism. The material elements of their lives which are
typical to them is what is also exotic. Their normal is the natives’ source of fascination. This
fascination is palpable and almost uniform among the customers we interviewed. One of the key
giveaways of this fascination and lens of exoticism dominating the minds of Delhi dwellers and
the people we interviewed is that they wouldn’t have been there had it not been for the very fact
that it is a Tibetan colony.

A problematic theme that also surfaces while analysing the way Delhi dwellers perceive and
interact with the Tibetan marketplace is the interchangeability of Tibetan identity and Korean
identity in the minds of the customers. While interviewing people who had come to visit the
colony, most conflated Tibetan culture with Korean culture and were under the perception that
the food being served there was as much Korean as Tibetan, if not more. This contributes to the
incidental exoticisation of Korean culture as well. If consumers had been better informed and
conscious of the distinctions between these cultures, such a conflation could have been avoided.
Here, we witness a classic case of ‘amplified exoticism’ – which operates on the principle that
two exotics are better than one (Sund, Judy. ‘Exotic – a Fetish for the Foreign’. GDC Interiors
Journal). This can be majorly credited to the explosive popularity and influence of Korean Pop
culture. Korean Pop culture, commonly called K-pop, has managed to infiltrate the Indian Pop
culture scene and now dominates the pop culture zeitgeist. Media artefacts such as ‘K-dramas’
and Korean songs have garnered a massive Indian fan following. This has led many fans to
conflate the two cultural identities and use them interchangeably, implying that they might even
view the Tibetan identity as a subset of the Korean identity. Of course, there’s also a problematic
underlying assumption that all East Asian cultures are the same. This leads to a lack of
appreciation for the uniqueness and distinctions between the two cultures, and a tendency to
stereotype and exoticise both of them.

Unquestionably, K-pop's popularity has resulted in the phenomena of ‘amplified exoticism’.

However, another thing that has led to the exoticisation of the Tibetan colony solely is the
production and consumption of media artefacts such as Instagram reels, youtube shorts, and
internet vlog about the marketplace, activities to do there, what to eat there, etc. What was once a
covert hangout spot for North Campus students, as mentioned by the President of MKT’s
Resident Welfare Association in one of our interviews, is now a commercialised and exoticised
cultural hotspot whose popularity keeps growing owing to media artefacts and word of mouth.

Apart from this, the geo-political context of Tibet-India-China plays a crucial role in shaping the
perception of Indian people towards Tibetan people, and the Tibetan marketplace itself.
Exoticisation in part also happens to be a political process; our interest and fascination in the
Tibetan refugee community is also politically informed. As discussed above, Tibet has been a
subject of dispute between India and China since the 1950s, when China invaded Tibet and took
control of the region. The Tibetan community in India is largely seen as refugees who have fled
their homeland due to the Chinese occupation of Tibet. As a result, the Indian government has
historically supported the Tibetan cause and provided asylum to the Dalai Lama and his
followers. This has led to a certain degree of sympathy and solidarity towards the Tibetan people
among the Indian public. In the Indian political and cultural imagination, Tibet is seen as a more
peaceful, spiritual, and more manageable other of China, an aggressive communist invader. In
this way, the geo-political tensions between India and China have also contributed to the
exoticisation of Tibetan people as a way to differentiate them from the Chinese. Therefore, the
cultural commodification of Tibetan people in MKT can be seen as a way for Indian visitors to
experience an exotic culture which is also 'non-Chinese'. This perception of Tibet being the
‘peaceful other’ is one of the reasons why MKT attracts visitors from different parts of India and
the world alike. In this context, the portrayal of Tibetans as exotic and mystical can be seen as a
form of cultural resistance, a way of asserting their distinct identity and culture in the face of
political repression. However, it is also vital to acknowledge the harmful stereotypes that the
exoticisation of their culture may perpetuate and reduce their identity to mere victims of political
persecution and objects of cultural fascination.

6.3 Market Adaptability and Survival Tools

Majnu Ka Tila, apart from being an immigrant colony, has developed into a thriving commercial
hub due to its burgeoning appeal among the youth demographic of Delhi and foreigners alike.
The marketplace hosts a plethora of businesses that have carved a specific niche for themselves
in Delhi’s overall economy. Henceforth, our analytical focus will be directed towards examining
the dominant business strategy that business owners in Majnu Ka Tila have employed and its
interplay with their culture and heritage in order to sustain their businesses amidst the dynamic
and highly globalised economic landscape of Delhi i.e., commodification of their culture as an
extension of market adaptability in a dynamic environment.

One of the main reasons that business enterprises in Majnu Ka Tila continue to survive and
thrive is that the vendors possess unique capabilities that foster rapid adaptation. In the context of
market adaptability as a survival tool, adaptability refers to a business's ability to adjust and
respond effectively to the changing dynamics of the market environment. This involves being
responsive to shifts in consumer preferences, emerging market trends, technological
advancements, regulatory changes, and other relevant factors that impact the market landscape.
The ability to adapt quickly and proactively to these changes is a key survival tool for businesses
as it enables them to remain relevant, competitive, and sustainable in the long run. For a business
to effectively adapt to changes in the market environment, it is essential to be attuned to the
signals of change from the external environment. This requires the ability to decipher these
signals swiftly and respond proactively by refining or even reinventing the existing business
model. The business owners in MKT demonstrate the aforementioned affinity to aid their
margins. They possess the ability to read, understand, and capitalise on signals from the external
environment. They are also willing to experiment with their products in order to sustain their
businesses. This pattern is clearly displayed in our vendor interviews. One of the cafe owners we
interviewed evidently adapted his cafe to fit and capitalise on current consumer trends. The
cafe’s unique selling point is its fresh and authentic Tibetan food. Yet, the owner admitted to
tweaking certain popular food items such as momos to suit the North Indian palate and also
introducing popular Western food items (such as milkshakes and other desserts) to drive up
sales. The owner noted a ‘cultural change’ and elaborated on the shift from ‘authentic Tibetan
restaurants’ to’ cafes’ owing to Western influence and the popularisation of ‘cafe culture’. His
cafe itself was playing popular English songs. Here, we witness how the owner has employed
adaptability as a survival tool in a robust and dynamic economic environment. From tweaking
existing food items to introducing new items, all of these are measures to adapt the business to
external changes observed by the owner.
Furthermore, the pattern discerned above can also be attributed to the 'commodification of
culture'. A commodity at its most basic is ‘anything intended for exchange,’ or any object of
economic value (For the quote, Arjun Appadurai, ‘Definitions: Commodity and
Commodification,’ in Martha Ertman, Joan C. Williams (eds.), Rethinking Commodification:
Cases and Readings in Law and Culture, New York University Press, 2005, p. 35.) whereas
culture is the essence of our daily lives. It includes our behaviours, actions, and routines that
make up our daily existence. It is the collection of our customary practices, attitudes, and social
norms that guide how we conduct ourselves in different contexts and situations. But when these
daily activities and cultural practices are presented as a commodity for sale to tourists, it
becomes commodification. It is no more a normal everyday life of the host, but a life that is
glorified, made to appear exotic, to show that it is unique, for which money should be paid. The
commodification of culture thus involves a construction of culture wherein the cultural items and
traits are being promoted as symbols of a particular culture (Faculty of Anthropology, School of
Social Sciences, IGNOU). This commodification of heritage refers to the prioritisation of
economic value over cultural value in the marketing and presentation of cultural expressions,
experiences, and objects. This trend is particularly evident in cultural tourism, which promotes
cultural experiences as a collection of products and services that can be marketed and sold for
profit. In this process, culture is presented as a commodity, with its unique cultural value being
overshadowed by its potential for economic gain. On the other hand, the commodification of
culture can be viewed as a means to generate capital through tourism activities that can be
directed towards the benefit of the local community residing in and around heritage sites. In this
way, heritage commodification can be utilised as a source of income that can be reinvested in the
local economy to support the development of the community.

In the same vein, vendors in Majnu Ka Tila have remarkably ‘commodified’ or ‘commercialised’
their culture in order to sustain their businesses and finally strengthen the community’s economic
position by attracting consumers to engage in the consumption of their cultural goods in a
consumer-driven economy. As discussed above, the cafe owner we interviewed sells authentic
Tibetan food, essentially commodifying his culture. Likewise, there are multiple business units
in the marketplace that sell Tibetan handicrafts and artefacts. These shops display a diverse
variety of sculptures and idols of Gautam Buddha, Buddhist prayer wheels, singing bowls,
thangkas etc. all of which are quintessential to Tibetan culture. Upon being interviewed, the
owner of one of such shops mentioned that her clientele majorly consisted of bulk orders from
monasteries as well as tourists interested in buying Tibetan souvenirs and handicrafts. Here, we
observe the visible commercialisation of symbolic cultural celebrations and items for the purpose
of economic gains. This strategy (commodifying culture to sustain business) works especially
well in a landscape where their culture has already been exoticised by
their consumers. Apart from organised business units using commodification of culture as a
business strategy, the local vendors also capitalised on tourists exoticising their culture, for
instance, the marketplace is bustling with local vendors who offer a traditional Tibetan dish,
‘laphing’. Additionally, drawing on our findings in ‘Exoticisation of Tibetan Culture’, a
derivation of the consequences of commodification and commercialisation is the relative
economic dominance of Korean cafes in Majnu ka Tila. As discussed earlier, due to the
abundance of Korean Shops in the marketplace, and perhaps as a result of amplified exoticism,
the most well-to-do and mainstream cafes and shops in MKT are shops that cater Korean food
and products. This has led the researchers to deduce that most tourists who thought of MKT as a
Korean space thought so because of the popularity of Korean cafes and shops there. However,
what is in question is whether the culture was commodified before and then exoticised by the
consumers or whether the commodification of culture occurred due to the pre-existing
exoticisation of culture. Thus, the exoticisation of culture and commodification of culture as a
market survivability tool are inextricably linked. Moreover, this is a paradox that requires further
study, suggested in the concluding remarks.
 Cultural Products for Sale

The commercialisation of culture also elevates conventionally ‘lesser-known’ cultures onto the
global stage, since these commercial products are more likely to reach an international audience.
Majnu Ka Tila has effectively utilised gastro-diplomacy as a means to promote and expand its
cultural influence and soft power. Gastro-diplomacy involves the use of food as a tool for
cultural diplomacy. The cuisine served in MKT not only reflects the unique culinary traditions of
the Tibetan community but also serves as a means of promoting their culture to the outside
world. Their distinct cuisine has gained popularity among Delhi locals and tourists alike, making
it a significant part of the area's identity. This gastro-diplomacy not only helps in promoting
cultural exchange but also contributes to the local economy by attracting food enthusiasts and
tourists. The success of the commodification of culture in Majnu Ka Tila is demonstrated by the
fact that during our interview process, we came across two Italian women who had learnt about
the area in the travel guide ‘Lonely Planet India’ and were eager to experience authentic Tibetan
cuisine. This instance represents the concept of cultural tourism and how it has contributed to
popularising Tibetan culture and bringing it to a global platform. By effectively promoting their
cultural goods and services, the business owners in MKT have leveraged cultural tourism to
increase their soft power and expand their reach beyond the local market.

Thus the marketplace in its entirety sells the idea of the authentic Tibetan experience through
means of food, cultural artefacts, festivities and entertainment; thus transforming Tibetan
heritage and culture into marketable commodities.
 CONCLUDING REMARKS AND SUGGESTIONS

One of our imperatives for writing this paper was to explore cultural economy of Majnu ka Tila
within narrow, contained variables and findings. However, we could only affirm the
multivalency of the banner of ‘cultural economy’. Culture is dynamic and so are its
manifestations in economy, this creates data sets which are empirically and theoretically
constantly evolving. The added layer of exploring the colony through an immigrant lens, only
added to this dynamism. Majnu ka Tila has emerged as a microcosm in the culture-economic
space of Delhi. It has created a unique space of itself by capitalising on its attempts at
‘belonging’ by transmission and commercialisation of its culture. One could also observe the
rejection of an existing social structure by giving new significance and meanings to icons which
weren’t deemed as contextually important, like the aforementioned ‘worship’ of Dalai Lama.
The paradigms of cultural symbols too thus, are ever-evolving, thus inevitably altering the means
to attain the sense of ‘belonging’.

In these times, historical authenticity, and the ability to observe and consume the indigenous has
deemed successful in a cosmopolitan like Delhi, which boasts of housing various cultures. The
Cultural Economy of MKT, therefore, has opened up possibilities for development, both social
and economic, by creating a dialogue and discourse with the demography of Delhi. Like
mentioned before, during the course of the research, the researchers stumbled upon questions
that require further studies. Those questions namely pertain to the paradox of commodification
and exoticisation, and their chronology. We need a fuller, better and more empirical
understanding of cultural economy in such narrow spaces to understand how it operates. The
transmission and settlement of Korean culture in a Tibetan colony demand tracing the same’s
roots, consequent history and exploring the contemporary.

With this, the paper has, to the best of its abilities, explored its aforementioned objectives by
diving into the cultural overtones of the economy of an immigrant colony: Majnu ka Tila.
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