Learning Environments Research (2023) 26:915–931

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10984-023-09460-2

ORIGINAL PAPER

Understanding parent aggression directed against teachers:

A school climate framework

Susan D. McMahon1 · Kailyn M. Bare1 · Cori L. Cafaro1 · Kayleigh E. Zinter1 ·

Yesenia Garcia‑Murillo1 · Gabrielle Lynch2 · Katie M. McMahon3 ·
Dorothy L. Espelage4 · Linda A. Reddy5 · Eric M. Anderman6 · Rena Subotnik7

Received: 23 July 2020 / Accepted: 21 February 2023 / Published online: 5 April 2023
© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature B.V. 2023

Abstract
Teachers experience verbal and physical aggression from a variety of aggressors in schools
worldwide. However, most school violence and aggression research is focused on students,
with few empirical studies examining teacher aggression from parent offenders. This study
investigated the school ecology associated with teachers’ experiences of aggression from
students’ parents. We applied and adapted a school climate framework to examine the
qualitative survey responses of 450 United States teachers who reported their most upset-
ting experiences involving parent aggression. Using a directed content analysis approach,
teacher victimization was examined through the four school climate domains of safety, aca-
demic, institutional environment, and community. Significant socioemotional and physi-
cal safety concerns regarding verbal and physical aggression from parents, often related to
school discipline practices, were identified. In the academic domain, parent aggression was
associated with parent–teacher disagreements regarding grades and services, challenges
with administrative leadership, and job stability concerns. The institutional environment
domain illustrated where incidents took place, school resources, and policies regarding
security and student placement as key factors in parent aggression. Results from the com-
munity domain highlighted issues of communication, mistrust, negative attitudes, account-
ability, diversity, and neighborhood and societal factors. Teacher experiences and exemplar
themes provide context and further elaborate upon the school climate framework. Implica-
tions for research, school practice, and policy are presented.

Keywords Aggressive behavior · Parent aggression · Physical aggression · School climate ·

Teacher-directed violence · Verbal aggression

* Kailyn M. Bare
kbare1@depaul.edu
Extended author information available on the last page of the article

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Introduction

Teacher-directed aggression is a prevalent problem in school settings across the globe.

Previous studies of aggression against teachers have revealed that teachers experience
a range of emotional, verbal, physical, and sexual aggression in their jobs (Ozmedir,
2012). Although extant literature has primarily focused on students as the sole offend-
ers of teacher aggression, there is evidence indicating parents also instigate aggression
against teachers. For example, May and colleagues (2010) found that 30% of Kentucky
public school teachers experienced at least one aggressive interaction (i.e., verbal abuse
or threats, use of profanity, harassment, physical assault, or property damage) with a
parent during their career. Fisher and Kettle (2003) found that 33% of United States
teachers reported being afraid of a student’s parent. Given these high prevalence rates
but limited research on the nature of parent aggression directed against teachers, the
current investigation was designed to inform research, school practices, and policies.
Parent aggression is detrimental to teachers’ well-being and overall job performance.
International research has identified negative outcomes associated with teacher expe-
riences of aggression, including physical illness, lower self-esteem, lack of teaching
enthusiasm (de Wet, 2010), anxiety, and depression (Woudstra et al., 2018). In contrast,
positive and cooperative parent–teacher relationships are associated with lower levels
of teacher depersonalization, an aspect of professional burnout (Skaalvik & Skaalvik,
2010). Teachers who have experienced aggression also report low levels of empower-
ment, which is associated with decisions to leave their role or profession (Peist et al.,
2020). High rates of teacher turnover subsequently diminish students’ perceptions of
discipline and order in their schools (Koth et al., 2008).
School climate frameworks can guide our assessment of bidirectional relations
between aggression, aspects of school climate, and the ecological context in which
aggression occurs. School climate describes “patterns of people’s experiences of school
life and reflects norms, goals, values, interpersonal relationships, teaching and learning
practices, and organizational structures” (Cohen et al., 2009, p. 182). Components of
positive school climate, such as clarity of rules, sense of fairness and ownership, collab-
orative relationships, orderly environments, and learning-focused classrooms are asso-
ciated with lower rates of school aggression (e.g., Lindstrom Johnson, 2009). School
climate provides a useful ecological framework for understanding the influences of
aggression directed against teachers. Further, specific aspects of school climate, such as
support of teachers and students, school structure (e.g., clarity of rules; Gregory et al.,
2012), disciplinary practices, and psychosocial climate (Gottfredson et al., 2005) are
associated with teacher victimization in schools.
Wang and Degol (2016) proposed a comprehensive school climate framework that
synthesizes six theories, including bio-ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), the
risk and resilience model (Rutter, 2006; Zimmerman & Arunkumar, 1994), attachment
theory (Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby, 1969), social control theory (Agnew, 1993; Hirschi
& Stark, 1969), social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986), and stage-environment fit the-
ory (Eccles & Midgley, 1986; Eccles et al., 1996). The Wang and Degol (2016) frame-
work consists of four overarching school climate domains: safety, academic, institu-
tional environment, and community, each of which is comprised of multiple dimensions,
described below. Wang and Degol’s (2016) school climate framework was selected for
its ecological focus, comprehensiveness, and integration of existing frameworks.

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The safety domain of school climate includes three dimensions: (1) social/emotional
safety, (2) physical safety, and (3) discipline and order. Verbal, relational, and physi-
cal aggression are prevalent concerns for students and teachers (Gregory et al., 2012;
McMahon et al., 2019, McMahon, Peist, Davis, Bare et al., 2020; Varjas et al., 2009).
Teachers report experiencing a range of aggressive student behaviors, including obscene
remarks and gestures, threats, intimidation, verbal aggression, property theft and dam-
age, and physical assaults (Longobardi et al., 2019). Notably, an authoritative school
climate is associated with teacher reports of feeling safer and less distressed (Berg &
Cornell, 2016), and students who perceive discipline policies as clear and consistent
display fewer antisocial behaviors (Aldridge et al., 2018).
The academic domain includes three dimensions: (1) teaching and learning, (2) lead-
ership, and (3) professional considerations. High-quality instruction is facilitated by
administrators who promote teacher self-reflection, make research-informed suggestions
for improvements, model effective teaching, support cooperation, and provide specific
and concrete praise (Blase & Blase, 2000). Effective school leadership also requires fos-
tering high expectations for students, communication among school members, and pro-
fessional development (Leithwood & Riehl, 2003). Teacher perception of administra-
tive support is associated with experiencing fewer threats and physical attacks at school
(Huang et al., 2017).
The institutional environment domain includes three dimensions: (1) environmental
conditions, (2) structural organization, and (3) availability of resources. The quality of a
school facility, including its size, maintenance, cleanliness, and appearance, contribute
to student achievement (Uline & Tschannen-Moran, 2008). Further, organization and
the provision of resources is critical for student and teacher success. A larger student
population, lack of teaching resources, and higher student–teacher ratios are associated
with increased aggression in schools, including against teachers (Gottfredson & Got-
tfredson, 1985).
The community domain includes four dimensions: (1) partnership, (2) quality of rela-
tionships, (3) diversity, and (4) neighborhood and societal conditions. Although inves-
tigations of parent aggression in schools in relation to community factors are sparse,
teaching in a more densely populated community is associated with an increased likeli-
hood of experiencing parental aggression (May et al., 2010). Community involvement
efforts, such as engaging youth in positive activities, addressing structural disadvan-
tages, parent training, and fostering partnerships between community organizations and
school members is recommended for improving school climate (Espelage et al., 2013).
Taken together, Wang and Degol’s (2016) framework is comprehensive, integrative and
valuable for guiding the current qualitative investigation.
The current study built upon quantitative results from our national study indicating
that 37% of teachers who experienced aggression in the current or previous year identi-
fied a parent as the aggressor of at least one incident (McMahon et al., 2014). In this
study, we adapted Wang and Degol’s (2016) framework to qualitatively understand the
ecology of parent aggression targeting U.S. teachers. Using a directed content analysis
approach, the current investigation involved analyzing teachers’ qualitative responses
from a national survey and identifying common themes and subthemes to explore two
primary research questions. First, what safety, academic, institutional environment, and
community factors do teachers describe in relation to their experiences of aggression
from parents? Second, what is the relative frequency of each of these factors as cited by
teachers in open-ended survey responses? This study serves as an important first step in
understanding the ecology and nuances of teacher experiences with parent aggression.

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Method

Participants

Pre-kindergarten to 12th grade teachers across 48 states in the United States responded
to an online national survey about their experiences of violence and aggression at school
(there were no responses from West Virginia or South Carolina). Participants in the over-
all study included 2,431 teachers who wrote about their most upsetting experiences with
aggression, and the present study examined responses from 450 teachers who identified a
parent or caregiver (447 parents and 3 grandparents) as the aggressor of the incident. Most
participants in this subset were female (88.2%). The average age was 45.2 years (SD = 11.1)
and the mean years of teaching experience was 16.9 (SD = 10.4). Nearly half of participants
(48.7%) had a master’s degree, followed by bachelor’s (42.9%), specialist (4.0%), doctorate
(2.4%), and associate’s (2.0%). The racial/ethnic composition of participants was White
(81.3%), Black/African American (5.6%), Hispanic (5.3%), and Other/Multiracial (5.6%),
with 2.2% of participants not indicating their ethnicity. Teachers taught in urban (45.1%),
suburban (35.6%), and rural (19.3%) areas and most worked in public schools (94.4%). The
composition of this sample in terms of gender, age, teaching experience, education level,
and race/ethnicity is similar to United States teacher demographics (NCES, 2022).

Measures

The American Psychological Association (APA) Violence Directed Against Teachers Task
Force developed a survey to examine teacher-directed aggression. This study examined the
qualitative responses to four open-ended prompts: (1) Please think about all of the times
when you were the target of verbal or physical aggression or intimidation in your school.
Can you describe what was the most-upsetting incident that happened to you in your role
as a teacher? (2) In your own words, please explain why you think this incident happened.
(3) How did this incident impact your view of your current teaching position? (4) Please
provide any other information that might be important to note in the incident described.

Procedures

Following IRB approval, surveys were electronically distributed to teachers across the
United States by the APA Center for Psychology in Schools and Education in collabora-
tion with the National Education Association, the American Federation of Teachers, and
individual state associations of education. Recruitment occurred over the course of five
months, including three follow-up prompts. Participating teachers received an online bro-
chure about addressing teacher-directed aggression. Teachers were informed that comple-
tion of the online, anonymous survey indicated consent to participate in the study.

Research team roles and positionality

All authors are university or non-profit-based researchers. The first author and authors
8–10 are university professors and were members of the original APA Task Force. These

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authors directed the study, including its conceptualization, data collection, cleaning, and
organizing. The 11th author worked on recruitment and distribution of the survey. The
coding process was conducted by authors two through seven (undergraduate and graduate
psychology students) and overseen by the first author. Authors 1–5 were predominantly
responsible for the adaptation and application of the Wang and Degol (2016) model, ana-
lyzing the current data, and writing the manuscript. All authors identify as cisgender. The
third author identifies as a multiracial woman, the fifth author as a Latina woman, and the
tenth author as a White male. The remaining authors identify as White women.

Framework adaptation and analyses

Framework adaptation, coding, and data analyses were guided by a directed content analy-
sis approach (Creswell, 2013; Hseih & Shannon, 2005). Directed content analysis is rec-
ommended when existing theoretical research can be improved by conceptual analysis of a
growing body of research (Hseih & Shannon, 2005). This analytic strategy was a good fit
based upon the strong theoretical background for school climate and the developing body
of literature on aggression against teachers. One approach to directed content analysis is to
code data by relying on predetermined variables from an existing theory first and following
up by analyzing uncoded data to determine if they represent new codes or subcodes. Newly
identified codes produced through inductive analysis can be used to extend and enhance
existing research. This approach can also involve comparison of the prevalence of codes
using frequencies (Hseih & Shannon, 2005).
For this study, two undergraduate (now graduate level) and four graduate level research-
ers were involved in the coding process. Based on each of the domains of school climate
proposed in this framework (safety, academic, institutional environment, community),
emergent themes were mapped onto the different dimensions. The data were iteratively
reviewed to develop a codebook with inclusion and exclusion criteria and themes for each
dimension. Dimensions were removed, added, or amended to the model based on critical
group discussions. All dimensions within the safety and institutional environment domains
were kept consistent with those proposed by Wang and Degol (2016). Within the academic
domain, the professional development dimension was modified to professional considera-
tions to encompass the job-related concerns reported by teachers. Within the community
domain, one dimension was added (neighborhood/societal context), one was removed (con-
nectedness), and one was modified (partnership became parent attitudes and practices).
The connectedness dimension, which includes student cohesion and sense of belonging,
is important but was not represented in the current study because of the focus on teacher
experiences. In summary, this process resulted in an adapted model that includes four
domains, three or four dimensions per domain, and themes within each dimension (see
Fig. 1).
Two graduate students independently coded the data for this sample in Excel (Micro-
soft Corporation, 2018). When discrepancies arose, a third graduate student researcher
reviewed the text, data, and notes. All disagreements were revisited and discussed on a
weekly basis by the research team until consensus was achieved. In directed content analy-
sis, auditing processes are recommended to minimize bias (Hseih & Shannon, 2005). In
this study, the first author, who has expertise with school climate, violence, and aggres-
sion, served as the auditor, reviewing coding decisions when there was uncertainty or
disagreement.

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Domains Dimensions Exemplar Themes

Verbal harassment, intimidation,

Socioemotional
threats, emotional distress

Actual or threatened physical

Safety Physical
violence

Discipline & Discipline enforcement, parental

Order views

Teaching & Quality of instruction, academic

Learning decisions and disagreements

Positive, negative, or lack of

Academic Leadership
support by administration

Professional Job security threats, motivation to

Considerations leave or to stay in profession

Environment Where and when incidents occur

Institutional Structural Class size, security policies,

placement of special education
Environment Organization
students

Visitor policies, protocols and

Availability of trainings for dealing with
Resources aggression

Parent Attitudes Parenting practices, accountability,

and Practices parent attitudes toward teachers

Quality of Limited relationships are strained

Relationships when student incidents occur
Community
Discrimination issues involving
Diversity
race, ethnicity, sex, class, or career

Neighborhood & Community violence, poverty,

Societal incarceration

Fig. 1  School climate framework for parent aggression against teachers

Next, the codes were counted to determine the frequency of qualitatively coded
instances within each dimension across the four school climate domains. Percentages were
calculated based upon the number of teachers from the overall sample who described each
particular theme. Frequencies were incorporated to orient the reader to the research find-
ings and to underscore the importance of the qualitative results (Maxwell, 2010). Codes

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that were reflected in fewer than 5% of the teacher responses were excluded to avoid adap-
tations of a model based on rarely-mentioned issues. However, we made an exception for
physical aggression, which we considered a theme because of the severity of its impact
on teachers and the typically lower prevalence in teacher-directed violence research (e.g.,
Longobardi et al., 2019). Teacher responses sometimes included multiple dimensions, and
when this occurred, responses were coded accordingly for more than one dimension.

Results

The results across each of the four domains (safety, academic, institutional environment,
and community), dimensions within each domain, and themes within each dimension were
synthesized and are described below.

Safety

The safety domain encompassed socioemotional safety, physical safety, and discipline and
order dimensions. These dimensions captured instances of verbal or physical aggression
and student and/or parent discipline.
The socioemotional safety dimension yielded themes across three categories: verbal
harassment, intimidation or threats of verbal aggression, and emotional distress and lack of
safety. More than half (54%; n = 241) of teachers experienced written, spoken, or Internet-
based verbal harassment by a parent. These incidents typically involved being the recipient
of yelling, profanity, or slander. As one teacher (African American/Black female, 33 years
old) recalled, “while correcting a student during misbehavior, [the] student became dis-
respectful […] [During conferences] …the parent took the student’s side and became
irate and began to yell and use profanity.” Intimidation and verbal threats occurred among
almost half (46%; n = 208) of teachers. Some teachers (21%; n = 95) reported emotional
distress, fear, or lack of safety because of these incidents. As a result, they often took pre-
cautions such as locking classroom doors and being aware of suspicious cars.
The physical safety dimension encompassed acts and threats of physical aggression
directed against teachers by parents. There were few reported instances of physical aggres-
sion from a parent (4%; n = 19); however, when physical aggression did occur, these inci-
dents were described as traumatizing, injurious, and sometimes life-threatening. The most
common types of physical aggression perpetrated by parents were shoving, grabbing, and
throwing objects. One teacher (White female, 37 years old) recounts her experience: “I
had a parent come into my room, grab me by the arm and start shaking me and yelling at
me.” One-quarter of our sample reported feeling physically threatened (25%; n = 113) by
a parent. Teachers reported threats of weapon use and assault, stalking, intimidating body
language, and death threats. One teacher (White female, 44 years old) described a situation
that occurred when the teacher was nine months pregnant: “the parent came to my room
and began to threaten me with body harm and told me that her child had the right to hit me
if I tried to get him to bring/open his textbook again.”
Discipline and order included student discipline, conflicts with parents, and decisions
to report aggression. About one-fifth (n = 86) of teachers reported instances for which
they received negative feedback from parents after disciplining their child. Teachers also
reported being accused by parents of targeting their student unfairly. One teacher (Hispanic
female, 53 years old) described her reaction after receiving an intimidating letter from a

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parent: “I felt my hands were tied because the parent threatened to go to my superiors…
I felt that I didn’t have the freedom to discipline her son who was bullying. I don’t feel
as comfortable disciplining my students.” Of those who discussed their decision to report
their experiences to administration or elsewhere, the majority (16%; n = 71) chose to file
their complaint, compared with those who opted not to report (2%; n = 9). About a quarter
of the sample (24%; n = 109) discussed their views related to discipline in schools. Most
commonly, teachers felt that school leadership enabled parents to target teachers or diso-
bey school rules. One teacher (White female, 51 years old), who experienced incidents of
threats and slander described her belief that “[t]he admin prefers to sweep all such inci-
dents ‘under the rug.’ Everyone is to pretend that nothing happened. Those who ‘rock the
boat’ get assigned to positions they wouldn’t choose.”

Academic

The academic domain focused on the connections between parent aggression and the aca-
demic environment, including teaching and learning, leadership, job security and teacher
retention. The teaching and learning dimension captured parent attacks against teachers’
job performance (10%; n = 44) and academic decisions (17%; n = 75). One teacher (White
male, 30 years old) reported verbal abuse from a parent after the teacher failed a student for
plagiarism:
It was upsetting because of their tone of voice… they specifically attacked my job
performance. I [had] spent a lot of time working one-on-one with the student outside
school time, and I felt like my work was not valued.
In addition to grades, parent aggression against teachers was also related to academic deci-
sions for students with disabilities. In one case, a teacher described an incident in which a
parent became verbally aggressive and threatened a lawsuit during an Individualized Edu-
cation Plan meeting because they disagreed with the use of standardized testing scores for
their child.
Within the leadership dimension, teachers (33%; n = 147) reported a range of admin-
istrative support following parent aggression. Some teachers described lack of support or
administrator intervention that made the situation worse (27%; n = 120). Teachers often felt
that the administration either could not or opted not to stand up to parents. One teacher
described being verbally and physically assaulted by a parent when he had to bring his
child’s glasses to school. The principal who witnessed the incident did not intervene and
instructed the teacher to refrain from pressing charges against the parent. In the worst
instances, administrators bullied or undermined teachers, exacerbating an already stress-
ful circumstance. Occasionally (6%; n = 27), teachers expressed receiving and appreciating
support from their principal, such as when administrators prevented or mitigated negative
parent encounters.
The three common themes related to parent aggression in the professional considera-
tions dimension were teachers who reported threats to job security (8%; n = 37), desire to
leave their positions (quit, retire early, or transfer to another position; 22%; n = 99), and
increased motivation to stay in their position (23%; n = 102). Regarding job security, par-
ticipants described situations in which a parent threatened the teacher’s job by approach-
ing the school board or the teacher’s supervisor or threatening a lawsuit. Teachers often
described powerlessness, loss of passion for their careers, or disillusionment with the teach-
ing profession. In contrast, teachers reported increased professional motivation because

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their experiences with aggression reinforced their passion for teaching or they viewed the
incidents as learning experiences. These teachers relied on support from others to regain
confidence in their position or viewed the incident as an anomaly.

Institutional environment

The institutional environment domain reflected the organizational and structural school
components that are related to parent aggression, including resources and environmen-
tal situations. The environment dimension illustrated where and when parent aggression
occurred. Nearly half of teachers (48%; n = 214) specified the location of the incident,
including classrooms, conferences, pick-up or drop-off locations, extracurricular events, or
via phone, email, or social media. Aggression sometimes occurred in front of others (e.g.,
students, administrators, and colleagues; 30%; n = 134). One teacher (White male, 52 years
old) described being slapped across the face by a parent during a school conference: “I
was shocked and concerned about the student who witnessed his father’s attack on me.”
At other times, aggression occurred in isolation (6%; n = 28), which caused teachers to feel
vulnerable.
Structural organization includes contextual information regarding levels of the school
ecosystem that can influence parent aggression. Teachers cited systemic concerns (10%;
n = 45), including untenable class sizes, policies related to security, and organizational
pressure regarding placement of special education students. After being threatened and
intimidated by a parent, one teacher (White female, 41 years old) explained that her admin-
istrator chose not to involve police because the “school would have been penalized for
police involvement on our annual report.” According to this teacher, inconsistent enforce-
ment of policies causes the system to “give exceptions to certain students to avoid publicity
or lawsuits. Our system is at the mercy of federal, state and local laws that protect the [per-
petrators] and do NOT protect the innocent students nor the teachers.”
Availability of resources refers to physical and organizational resources that relate to
aggression in schools. Teachers (12%; n = 53) reported inadequacy of resources, including
security personnel, visitor policies, locked doors, intercom systems, cameras, and protocols
for support following instances of aggression. After being verbally and physically threat-
ened by parents on separate occasions, one teacher (White female, 50 years old) explained:
“Teachers don’t always have the support personnel to call on and have to deal with situa-
tions on their own. At times, I feel no one would even know if something happened to one
of us in our building.” Other teachers (8%; n = 37) indicated there were some resources
available to handle aggressive parents, including documentation procedures, teacher
unions, and physical safety precautions.

Community

The community domain emphasized the quality of relationships between internal (e.g., school
leaders, teachers, students) and external (e.g., parents/caregivers) stakeholders in the school
system. When there is a breakdown in these connections, teachers reported negative out-
comes, such as aggression and mistrust. This domain also includes discrimination based upon
diversity characteristics and neighborhood/societal factors that could contribute to parent-per-
petrated aggression.

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The parent attitudes and practices dimension addressed elements of parenting that teachers
believed contributed to aggression. One-third of teachers surveyed (35%; n = 156) described
problems in the home and inconsistent disciplinary practices as contributors of parent aggres-
sion. Disagreements over accountability for student problem behavior (i.e., parent versus
teacher responsibility) were cited by over a quarter of teachers (28%; n = 124). As one teacher
(White female, 48 years old) explained, incidents of verbal abuse and threats from parents
occur because of “total disrespect by parents—they think that you are responsible for raising
their children now, and not them.” Many teachers (42%; n = 188) reported that parents have
negative attitudes toward teachers, the education profession, or the school institution, creating
a distrustful and dysfunctional relationship which serves as a catalyst for parent aggression
against teachers. Teachers (38%; n = 172) described a range of solutions to proactively build
strong parent–teacher relationships, such as more avenues of communication and meetings
that are scheduled and documented.
The quality of relationships dimension included incidents of parent aggression that
occurred in the aftermath of a situation between a teacher and a student (74%; n = 334). Often,
parents were upset that their child was punished or believed that their child had not done any-
thing wrong. For example, one teacher (White female, 30 years old) reported that, while being
cornered in a classroom and intimidated by a parent, the parent insisted that, despite witness
accounts, their child did not make gestures of pretending to shoot the teacher. In other sce-
narios, parents became aggressive after teachers attempted to protect students from dangerous
situations. One teacher (White female, 56 years old) described a death threat from a father
who was angry that the teacher called child protective services to report the abuse of a student.
The diversity dimension (14%; n = 64) included issues of discrimination involving race/eth-
nicity, class, and sex reported by participants in relation to parent aggression. For example,
one teacher (African American female, 39 years old) describes the racism that contributed
to repeated threats from a parent: “I have been faced with White parents who do not want me
(African American teacher) to teach their children.” Another teacher who experienced cyber
threats and verbal abuse (White female, 41 years old) stated that “there is a strong compo-
nent of sexism and lack of respect for female teachers…aggression toward teachers especially
female teachers is common at my old high school.” These experiences illustrate interpersonal
and systemic issues related to diversity in school settings.
Within the neighborhood/societal dimension, teachers (7%; n = 32) discussed social prob-
lems such as community violence, poverty, and incarceration that they believe contribute to
parent aggression. One teacher (White female, 51 years old) commented that “there are rising
amounts of verbal and physical aggression against public educators […] Without quality pub-
lic education and quality educators, I predict that our country will move toward great social
turmoil.” Similarly, others described patterns of aggression as a function of exposure to vio-
lence in the media, decreasing social stability at home, and changing value systems.

Discussion

This study is the first qualitative investigation of teacher-directed aggression from parents
using a comprehensive school climate framework. Findings offer insights into teachers’
experiences with parent aggressors that can inform research, school practice, and policy.
We addressed two overarching research questions using Wang and Degol’s (2016) school
climate framework. First, we examined the types of safety, academic, institutional, and
community factors that teachers reported to be associated with their experiences of parent

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aggression, providing depth and context to this understudied issue. Second, we examined
the frequency of these teacher reported factors, offering a glimpse of the scope and preva-
lence of teachers’ experiences across school climate domains. Our analyses of teachers’
qualitative responses from this national survey align with and elaborate upon the school
climate framework (Wang & Degol, 2016).

Safety

Most studies have focused on school safety from student perspectives, yet our data revealed
that teachers also express safety concerns because of physical and verbal aggression from
parents. In this study, student discipline emerged as a precipitator of parental aggression.
Teachers indicated that parents often became aggressive when they were dissatisfied with
disciplinary practices. Barge and Loges (2003) found that, according to teachers, parents
do not always support teachers’ authority and school discipline enforcement. Encouraging
dialogue and cooperation could help parents and teachers to focus on shared goals to sup-
port students. Increased opportunities for parent involvement in schools is related to fewer
instances of student aggression (Lesneskie & Block, 2017); these opportunities for parent
involvement can be associated with less parental aggression.

Academic

Within the academic domain, teachers described academic disagreements, lack of adminis-
trative support, and concerns with job security and retention. Teachers reported academic
disagreements as a common precursor to parental aggression. Lawson (2003) found that,
while parents and teachers agree that collaboration is essential to a child’s academic pro-
gress, contrasting values, purposes, and power dynamics can make this difficult. Parents
need to be clearly involved and informed about teacher and school expectations for student
engagement, learning, and performance (e.g., Peterson & Skiba, 2001). Additional training
is also needed for administrators, as teachers reported that they often did not receive the
level of support that they expected or needed from their administrators in the aftermath of
parent aggression, which can lead teachers to question staying at their school or in the pro-
fession (McMahon et al., 2017).

Institutional environment

Findings within the institutional environment domain revealed that environment, structural
organization, and resource-based issues contributed to teachers’ experiences. Teachers
were vulnerable to parent aggression in multiple school settings. Further, these events often
occurred in front of other people, which dismayed or embarrassed teachers. Parent mod-
eling of aggressive behavior can occur across multiple settings, and children who witness
aggressive behavior from parents are more likely to engage in aggression against teachers
(Beckmann et al., 2019). This cycle of aggression can be interrupted through effective use
of policies and training, yet teachers were often frustrated regarding organizational issues
(e.g., class size), security policies, and lack of safety protocols. Although youth aggression
prevention programs are generally effective at reducing aggression (Matjasko et al., 2012),
research and intervention programs need to take into consideration teacher perspectives,
experiences, and training needs that have been mostly absent in these studies.

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926 Learning Environments Research (2023) 26:915–931

Community

In the community domain, teachers reported inconsistent parenting practices, disagree-

ments over accountability for students, and lack of respect as causes for parent-perpetrated
aggression. Teachers suggested that parents deflected responsibilities, unfairly burdening
teachers. Our findings suggest that this struggle surpasses academic issues and contrib-
utes to parent aggression. Increased collaboration and communication between parents and
teachers can help to facilitate positive home–school partnerships, leading to healthy inter-
actions and safer school environments overall (Peterson & Skiba, 2001).
Teachers reported harassment because of race/ethnicity, gender, religion, and socioeco-
nomic status. Consistent with national teacher demographics (NCES, 2022), our sample
was comprised predominantly of White females. This highlights a well-documented dis-
parity in representation between the racial and gender makeup of teachers, students, and
the communities that they serve (e.g., Bireda & Chait, 2011). Innovative recruitment strate-
gies targeted toward highly-qualified diverse teachers and provision of consistent support
for teachers to prevent turnover can improve diversity in the teaching workforce (Bireda &
Chait, 2011). Teacher recommendations for strengthening community partnerships include
shared accountability for students, improved communication, school-based services for
parents, and increased collaboration between schools and communities (McMahon, Peist,
Davis, McConnell et al., 2020). Schools that report more collaboration with community-
based organizations such as law enforcement, religious groups, or mental health organi-
zations also report fewer violent events (Lesneskie & Block, 2017). These references to
external influences highlight a need for an ecological lens in addressing issues with school
climate and aggression.

Limitations

School climate themes that emerged from our theory-driven analyses of qualitative data
suggest that these are important components for understanding teacher experiences of par-
ent aggression. Yet, given the nature of the large-scale anonymous, cross-sectional survey,
we were unable to follow up with specific questions regarding school climate dimensions
related to parent aggressors or to assess patterns across time. Second, because our survey
asked about past experiences, responses might be influenced by self-report and retrospec-
tive biases. Further, teachers could have self-selected to participate in the survey, poten-
tially introducing a self-selection bias; however, the large number of responses nationally
allows a wide range of perspectives.

Implications for research, practice, and policy

Research

Findings from this qualitative study demonstrate the importance of school climate factors,
teacher experiences, and the roles of multiple stakeholders in addressing school aggres-
sion. Teacher perceptions of school climate dimensions are associated with student behav-
ioral and academic outcomes (Bear et al., 2014), yet most research focuses on student per-
ceptions. Future empirical investigations should consider multiple perspectives of school
climate, diversity, and the school ecology, including student, teacher, parent, staff, and

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Learning Environments Research (2023) 26:915–931 927

administrator experiences. Our adaptation, application, and results based upon a school
climate framework might offer insight to promote further international research on aggres-
sion across school stakeholders. Our study’s findings highlight the need to consider cul-
tural, political, economic, societal, and diversity-related influences on school safety (e.g.,
Graves et al., 2012). Mixed-method, longitudinal, and randomized control group designs
are needed and can build upon the current findings.

Practice

According to our data, parent aggression against teachers often resulted from differing
perspectives on discipline, accountability, and academics. Promoting positive collabora-
tion by fostering communication and partnership between the school and community can
create positive parent–teacher relationships and help to reduce conflict (Lawson, 2003).
One important strategy for improving family engagement is to measure parent perceptions
of school climate (Aldridge & McChesney, 2021), which can help schools to understand
and address the needs of diverse stakeholders. Workshops that facilitate mutual goals and
expectations, provision of resources for informed methods of discipline, and more parent
volunteering are rated by schools as being among the most-effective techniques for improv-
ing student behavior (Sheldon & Epstein, 2002). To reduce parental aggression, recom-
mended strategies include the following: not taking hostility personally, remaining calm,
being assertive, ensuring administrators are aware of all situations and daily activities,
keeping careful records of incidents, and calling the police at any sign of physical aggres-
sion (McEwan, 2005).

Policy

Teacher dissatisfaction regarding safety, relationship challenges with parents, academic

and behavioral disagreements, discipline policies, structural organization, and insufficient
resources were prevalent themes in this study, indicating a need for substantial school pol-
icy reform. Policies should be implemented at the local, state, and federal levels to protect
teachers, and teachers should have viable channels for reporting and effectively resolving
incidents when their safety is at risk, regardless of the aggressor (Espelage et al., 2013).
Existing research tends to focus on promoting student academic achievement through
parental involvement (e.g., Pomerantz & Moorman, 2018), yet our findings suggest that
teachers could also benefit from better relationships with parents.

Conclusion

We applied and elaborated upon a school climate framework for understanding the ecol-
ogy of United States’ teachers’ experiences with parent/caregiver aggression in schools.
This research highlights the depth and context of teachers’ experiences with parent aggres-
sion across the domains of school climate: safety, academic, institutional environment,
and community. These findings can serve as a first step in stimulating future international
school-based theory, research, practice, and policy, as well as school safety assessment and
intervention for multiple stakeholders.

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928 Learning Environments Research (2023) 26:915–931

Funding DePaul University Psychology Department and University Research Council.

Declarations
Conflict of interest The authors have no competing interests to declare that are relevant to the content of this
article.

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Authors and Affiliations

Susan D. McMahon1 · Kailyn M. Bare1 · Cori L. Cafaro1 · Kayleigh E. Zinter1 ·

Yesenia Garcia‑Murillo1 · Gabrielle Lynch2 · Katie M. McMahon3 ·
Dorothy L. Espelage4 · Linda A. Reddy5 · Eric M. Anderman6 · Rena Subotnik7
1
Department of Psychology, DePaul University, Chicago, IL 60614, USA
2
Department of Psychology, University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA
3
Department of Psychology, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO, USA
4
School of Education, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA
5
Graduate School of Applied and Professional Psychology, Rutgers University, Piscataway, NJ,
USA

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Learning Environments Research (2023) 26:915–931 931

6
Department of Educational Studies, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA
7
American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C, USA

13