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The New French
Philosophy
lan James
Copyright © lan James 2012
The right of Ian James to b e identified a s A uthor of this W ork has been asserted
in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents A ct 1988.
Polity Press
65 Bridge Street
Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press
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M alden, M A 02148, U SA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose
of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
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mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, w ithout the prior perm ission
of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-0-7456-4805-7
ISBN-13: 97S-0-7456~4S06-4(pb)
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websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to
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Notes 189
Bibliography 200
Index 218
Acknowledgements
I would like to offer my warm thanks to all those who have helped
with the production of this work, in particular Sarah L am bert at
Polity Press. Special thanks are also due to John Thom pson, who
commissioned this project and to the three anonymous readers of the
m anuscript whose com m ents were of enorm ous help in the produc
tion of the final draft. For the various ways in which they have helped,
supported or inspired, I would like to thank M artin Crowley, Barry
Everitt, Gail Ferguson, Alison Finch, P eter Hallward, Leslie Hill,
Michael Holland, Christina Howells, Jonathan Miles, G erald M oore,
John Mullarkey, H annes Opelz, D an Smith, Chris Watkin, James
Williams and Em m a Wilson. In particular, I would like to extend
special thanks to A ndrew Benjamin, A driana Cavarero, Griselda
Pollock, Max Silverman and Sam uel W eber for helping me to form u
late some key issues at a decisive m om ent in the completion of this
work. I am also very grateful to the University of Cambridge and to
Downing College for the period of research leave which allowed me
to com plete this book. I would like to express my infinite gratitude
to R uth D eyerm ond, without whose support, both intellectual and
personal, it would not have been possible to research and com plete
this project. Lastly, I would like to dedicate this book to the mem ory
of A nn and A lan D eyerm ond, whose generosity, warm th and kind
ness are greatly missed.
Introduction: The Demands
of Thought
M arion’s concern to situate his thought within what one might broadly
term a post-Heideggerian and post-Nietzschean overcoming of m eta
physics can be traced back to his earliest publications of the 1970s,
most notably his first m ajor com m entary on Descartes, Sur l’ontologie
grise de Descartes [On Descartes's Grey Ontology] (M arion 1975),
and his first im portant work of theology, The Idol and Distance
(M arion 1977; 2001b).
H eidegger’s conception of metaphysics as a history of ontotheol-
ogy and Nietzsche’s framing of the philosophical tradition as a history
of Christian-Platonism are of decisive im portance for M arion in this
period. In each case, what is at stake is the tendency of the tradition
of metaphysics to think first and forem ost of being in general in
term s of the totality of beings, and then to view those beings in term s
of foundations, grounding, or causal principles (timeless essences or
identities, notions of foundational substance, of a grounding subject
of knowledge, a priori conditions of possibility, or, perhaps most
im portantly for M arion, the idea of G od as the Supreme Being who
would act as the first cause and creator of all beings).
In the earlier text, M arion uncovers, with considerable patience
and scholarly attention, D escartes’s debt to, and close engagem ent
with, the philosophy of A ristotle in the Regulations for the Direction
o f the Mind. W hat he discovers is that the seemingly epistemological
concerns of Cartesian thought conceal an ontology. Descartes appears
to reject the A ristotelian category of substance (thought as an o nto
logical ground, or as the being of beings) in favour of the ego that
knows things through the criteria of evidence and certainty. This
epistemological gesture in fact dissimulates an ontology, since the
being of beings now finds itself grounded in that ego, and, in a rather
equivocal gesture, the solidity and identity of that ego also finds itself
grounded, according to M arion’s reading of Descartes, in the exis
tence of God. D escartes’s ontology is therefore ‘grey’, because con
cealed, and ambivalent or equivocal because it relies on a twofold
metaphysical foundation of the ego and of the traditional notion of
G od as C reator and Suprem e Being (M arion 1971:186-90).
This concern with ontology and metaphysical grounding is deve
loped further in M arion’s slightly later theological text. The Idol and
Distance argues that when we think of God in term s of a fixed iden
tity or presence or as an entity or Suprem e Being, then we are caught
up within a metaphysical m ode of thinking par excellence, and firmly
inscribe ourselves within an ontotheological fram ew ork (as described
by Heidegger). Indeed, viewing God in this way, we only view an
all-too-human image; we create an idol of God, refuse the distance
and withdrawal of the divine, and fall into- idolatry or, indeed, blas
phemy .6 The work then stages an opposition betw een a metaphysical
notion of God as Being, substance or presence, and a notion of G od
as infinite distance, separation and withdrawal from, or excess over,
Being. The form er m om ent is fram ed in our gaze upon G od con
ceived as an idol, which fixes divine presence, the latter in our con
tem plation of what M arion term s the ‘icon’. The icon, for M arion, is
an image which internalizes within itself the separation, absolute
distance and non-being of the divine (M arion 1977:25; 2001b: 8 ). Not
surprisingly, The Idol and Distance contains a detailed engagem ent
with the tradition of negative theology (in the figure of Pseudo-
Dionysius the A reopagite whose works were w ritten in the late fifth
and early sixth century c e ). Perhaps m ore unexpectedly for a work
of theology, it also contains a sustained reading of the Nietzschean
m otif of the D eath of God. Here, M arion argues that Nietzsche
announces only the death of the God of metaphysics (the God of
being, substance, etc.), and that the N ietzschean twilight and demise
of idols leaves open a space of absence which, in its very absence
and withdrawal, can all the m ore properly be called divine. This
persistence of the divine in Nietzschean thought is m arked most
clearly, according to M arion, in the way in which it is haunted by
Christ and Christ-like figures: the A nti-Christ, Dionysus, Z arathustra
and so on.
Both these early works open up philosophical concerns and lines
of argum ent which will prove to be decisive for M arion’s later phe
nomenology of givenness. His critique of D escartes allows him to
delineate very clearly an understanding of metaphysics and ontothe-
ology as a logic of the foundation of beings and their grounding in
causal principles. His theology of distance allows him to pose the
question of a conception of the divine which would situate itself
beyond any horizon of being (M arion 1977: 294; 2001b: 233). In this
respect, his thinking at this point quite closely aligns itself with the
philosophical concerns of both Jacques D errida and E m m anuel
Lévinas (M arion 1977: 286, 226; 2001b: 298, 237). Perhaps most sig
nificantly, The Idol and Distance allows M arion, like D errida and
Lévinas, to pose the problem of exactly how thought might extricate
itself from, or think beyond, the horizon of being, to think in excess
of ontotheology, or otherwise than being. M arion suggests the follow
ing: T h e re rem ains therefore only one path: to travel through
ontotheology itself all along its limits, its marches. . . . To take onto-
theology tangentially, from the angle o f its lines o f defence, and thus
to expose oneself to what already no longer belongs to it’ (M arion
1977: 37-8; 2001b: 19). This way or path of thought arguably defines
the philosophical strategy that informs M arion’s reading of Husserl
and Heidegger in his later m ore strictly phenom enological work.
Saturated phenom ena in M arion are divided into four distinct m odal
ities: the event, the idol, flesh, and the icon. D espite this apparently
categorizing gesture, M arion argues that what characterizes each of
the moments phenomenologically speaking is an excess of appearing
or givenness over all intentional directedness and categorial determ i
nation. Each of the four modalities is schematically characterized in
the following terms:
Jean-Luc Nancy has published over sixty books and over four hundred
articles in a career which has spanned just over four decades. Although
he was initially best known in the anglophone academic world for his
work on community published in the 1980s, since the late 1990s there
has been a burgeoning interest in his philosophy as a whole and he
has emerged as the most prominent and influential French philosopher
working in the wake of D erridean deconstruction .1Yet, while Nancy’s
philosophy is certainly a deconstructive or post-deconstructive think
ing, it also, and from a very early stage, decisively diverges from
D errida. Nancy’s ‘singular-plural’ ontology, his thinking of finitude, of
shared finite existence, sense and world, uses philosophical term s and
figures which would be placed under erasure or arouse a high degree
of suspicion when seen from a deconstructive perspective: terms such
as ‘being’, ‘presence’, ‘experience’, ‘existence’, ‘tru th ’, ‘touch’ and
even, m ore recently, theological term s such as ‘incarnation’ and the
‘divine’.
Nancy has sometimes b e e n characterized as a thinker of finitude
whose philosophy is m ost indebted to Heideggerian thought .2 Yet
such a characterization does not do justice to the diversity and
breadth of his thinking. O n the one hand, it is m ore true to say that,
like D errida’s thought, Nancy’s philosophy grows out of phenom e
nology in general and could more properly be characterized as post-
phenomenological. On the other hand, reducing Nancy simply to a
thinker of ‘finitude’ in the H eideggerian mould does not take into
account the extent to which he is also, and at the same tim e, a thinker
of infinity, or what one m ight call the ‘infinitude’ of finitude. Taken in
this light, Nancy should be aligned far m ore with figures such as
M aurice Blanchot or even Em m anuel Levinas rather than solely or
straightforwardly with Heidegger. The diversity of his thought is
reflected in its successive periods of developm ent. In the 1970s, Nancy
(often with his friend and colleague the late Philippe Lacoue-
Labarthe) publishes what are principally philosophical com m entar
ies, on, for instance, Lacan, Hegel, K ant and Descartes. In the 1980s,
he begins to develop his im portant thinking around the question of
the political and of comm unity (again with Lacoue-L abarthe ).3 This
decade also begins to see the em ergence of a m ore ambitious philo
sophical thinking in m ajor works such as The Experience o f Freedom
(Nancy 1988a; 1993c). In the 1990s, Nancy publishes the principal
works upon which his status as an im portant philosopher of the late
tw entieth and early twenty-first century rests. 'These include a major
work of ontology, Being Singular Plural (Nancy 1996a; 2000c) and
also works which engage am bitiously with the question of thought
itself, and with questions of em bodim ent, world disclosure and sense
constitution (A Finite Thinking (Nancy 1990a; 2003c), Corpus (Nancy
1992a; 2008b), and The Sense o f the World (Nancy 1993a; 1997e)).
From th e middle of the 1990s through to the first decade of this
century, Nancy develops a sustained engagem ent with the question
of art and with aesthetics. Finally, from the late 1990s onwards, he has
also pursued what he calls a ‘deconstruction of C hristianity’, a project
which has continued right up to the time of writing this study with
the publication of the second of two volumes in early 2010 (Nancy
2005a; 2008c; 2010b). Throughout all these successive stages of his
career, Nancy has returned to and rew orked elem ents of his previous
work such that, taken as a whole, his philosophy emerges as a complex
and sustained engagem ent with a num ber of fundam ental concerns.
'These concerns could be characterized, albeit rather broadly and
schematically, as follows. Nancy’s philosophy aims to develop an
ontology, to think being as coexistence and as a singular plural ‘being-
w ith\ It engages in a sustained m anner with the interrelated ques
tions of comm unity and of the political It aims to pose the question
of the subject and of a post-deconstructive subjectivity and does so
in relation to the questions of em bodim ent, shared worldly existence,
sense perception and sense itself, understood broadly speaking as the
pre-symbolic meaningfulness of a shared bodily exposure to the
world. It engages with what one might call the Uechnicity’ of worldly
existence and sensory experience and on this basis develops a sus
tained m editation on the status of the arts. Finally, it aims to think
the spacing, sharing and coming to presence of the world in terms of
an exposure to/of an infinite excess of sense. There is something in
this exposure of worldly existence to, or as, infinite excess that Nancy
will come to call divine and to think in his deconstruction of
Christianity. W hat follows here will seek to explore these interrelated
concerns further and show that, despite the diversity of Nancy’s phil
osophical corpus, it nevertheless does form a corpus, albeit one which
insists on its own fragm entary status, on its status as philosophy which
is itself exposed to infinite excess.
Infinitude
IN the war some students were soloed with as little as four hours’
training. That meant they were considered competent to go up in
their planes alone after this amount of instruction. Obviously these
were exceptional students. In civilian flying, ten or twelve hours, I
imagine, would be about the minimum training. But these hours
usually mean simply routine instruction in straight flying, comparable
to the novice driving his automobile along the level uncrowded
country highway. For the automobilist beginner the problem comes
when he first meets traffic, and a big truck, say, suddenly cuts in
ahead of him. Can he handle the emergency, or will he crash? And
what will the beginner do when his car, or the other fellow’s, skids
on the wet pavement for the first time? The answer is that good
driving results from experience and the requisite of having met many
varied situations.
And so with planes. Straight flying is, of course, the necessary
basis; but it is the ability to meet crises, large and small, which
counts. And the only way to train for that is, as I have said, to have
actual instruction in stunting and in meeting emergencies. To gain
experience after the beginner has soloed, and while he is at home in
a plane he knows intimately and upon a field familiar to him, he
should play around in the air for four or five hours alone, practising
landings, take-offs, turns and all the rest of it where he is perfectly
safe and can come down easily any time.
Then he should have three or four more hours’ instruction in
emergency situations. This feature is too often overlooked. As I
visualize it, the beginner should go up with an instructor with dual
controls again and should get himself into—and out of—one scrape
after another, including forced landings. After he has done so
repeatedly, he will have confidence and a real feeling of what must
be done, and done instantly, under any given set of circumstances.
More of this sort of follow-through training and there would probably
be fewer of the accidents which too often are beginners’ bad luck.
I had rolled up the tremendous total of two and one-half hours’
instruction when I decided that life was incomplete unless I owned
my own plane. Those were the days of rather heavy, under-powered
ships which lifted themselves from the ground with a lumbering
effort. The small sport planes were just beginning to appear, most of
them in experimental stages. The field where I flew was owned by
W. G. Kinner of the Kinner Aeroplane and Motor Corporation, who
was then developing one of the first sport planes made.
I watched that plane at work in those days when I was cutting
my aviation eye teeth. Little by little I became able to distinguish the
different makes of planes, and the finer points of their performance.
I realized that the small plane took off more quickly, climbed more
steeply, was faster and easier to handle than its bigger brothers with
their greater horse power and wing spread.
After two and one-half hours I really felt myself a competent
judge of planes! A few hundred solo hours since then have modified
greatly that initial self-confidence! The fact that wise pilots with a
thousand hours or so warned me against this little fellow, influenced
me not. I wanted that sport plane that hopped off like a sandpiper
and actually seemed to like it. And I set about buying it. My pilot
friends came to me quietly. “Look out for the motor,” they said.
Power was the thing, they assured me, and the paltry 60 horse
power of the little Lawrence air-cooled motor simply didn’t measure
up to commonsense requirements. It is interesting to realize that the
plane in which Lady Heath made her famous solo flight from
Croydon to South Africa and back, the lovely little Avian which I
bought from her, actually has little more horse power than this first
love of mine.
MY CABBAGE PATCH LANDING, CALIFORNIA, 1921
“I WAS FOND OF AUTOMOBILES, HORSEBACK RIDING, AND ALMOST
ANYTHING ELSE THAT IS ACTIVE AND CARRIED ON IN THE OPEN”
The small air-cooled motor I speak of was the first in this country.
The man who had built it was not well known then. He was one of a
number of able experimenters who were working out their own
private ideas, often in the face of all sorts of sacrifices. The name of
the builder of this original air-cooled engine is Charles L. Lawrence,
famous today as the creator of the Wright Whirlwind which carried
Lindbergh, Byrd, Chamberlin, Maitland and others on their famous
flights, and with which our own Friendship was equipped.
The idea of an air-cooled engine appealed to me. The elimination
of the water cooling system meant simplification and a notable
decrease in weight. Thanks largely to the lightness of the engine and
resulting light plane, it was possible for me to pick it up by the tail
and move it around the field easily, whereas with the Canucks and
the others it took at least a man, or a dolly, and great effort. I was
won by the motor, despite some weaknesses, and I have never
regretted that first enthusiasm. So I said “no” to my pessimistic
pilots, and “yes” to Mr. Kinner.
The price was $2000. After talking it over with my father he
agreed that I needed the plane and that I should have it, and
promised to help out in paying for it. But I am afraid my
salesmanship was faulty for he did not stay “sold.” I signed the sales
contract and plunked down all my available capital to seal the
bargain before I knew of his indecision. Consequently, there wasn’t
any backing out even if I had wanted to—which I emphatically did
not.
To pay for that plane I got the first job I ever had, the telephone
company taking me on as unskilled labor. I was associated with the
office boys at the back of the office, an association which I was told
was one of the worst in the organization. We did things to the mail,
opened it, sorted it, distributed it. I also filed letters and then tried
to find them again. I liked the job and the boys, who were very
funny and not the criminals they were pictured.
Perhaps this move on my part doesn’t seem very convincing, for
obviously my salary as playmate of office boys would have to run on
for a long time before it would wipe out the balance of the $2000.
But it did help my credit immensely! I think it made my flying
companions believe I was in earnest.
It also affected mother to the extent that she finally wiped out my
indebtedness, on condition I resign and stay home a little. By the
way, she has remained sold, and it was her regret she wasn’t with
me on the trans-Atlantic flight, if I would go.
There was a partnership of interest, and of near poverty, between
many of us in those days. Aviation demanded much from its
devotees—and there was plenty of opportunity for sacrifice. Many of
the pioneers sank their teeth into aviation’s problems at the very
beginning—or was it the other way about?—and simply wouldn’t let
go.
So I owned my own plane. Immediately I found that my whole
feeling toward flying had changed. An added confidence and
satisfaction came. If I crashed, it was my own responsibility and it
was my own property that was being injured. It is the same sort of
feeling that obtains, I think, in driving. There is a freedom in
ownership which is not possible with a borrowed car.
Of course I had shouldered a new responsibility. I had an
expensive, inanimate object on my hands. I wanted it to look all
right on the outside and be all right on the inside. Few words are
more expressive than “care and upkeep.” Fortunately in their
obligations I was remarkably lucky. The plane was an experiment for
Kinner, a model for production. Obviously he wanted to have
demonstrated exactly what it could do. When I was around, I was
informally a sort of demonstrator—we agreed that he could use it for
demonstration in return for free hangar space, and I was given
much mechanical help, and other assistance in addition to hangar
space. It was this situation, I suppose, which really made it possible
for a “telephone girl” to carry on. At any rate, to me the important
fact is, that I secured many free hours in the air and much kindly
help.
Demonstrating has other advantages; it means an effort to sell
someone something. And selling involves debating the virtues of the
thing to be sold, the prospective purchaser usually being on the
silent end of the debate. So I found myself studying the virtues of
my plane, and in so doing, those of others.
The first thing most people want to do when they get a new car is
to take someone out driving in it; a desire which seems to apply
equally to a plane. Somehow I have always felt a little differently. It
isn’t that I am not proud of my possession, but that I always have a
suspicion that my pride may run away with my prudence. If it be car
or plane, my inclination is to be absolutely sure of myself before I
whisk anybody else’s body around in it. Consequently my air
passengers were few.
As a matter of fact, I have never asked any men to take a ride. I
think I have always feared that some sense of gallantry would make
them accept, even though they did not trust me. So my male
passengers have always had to do the asking.
There were plenty of potential joy riders around the fields in
those days. Many of them had drifted into aviation after the war—or
rather had not drifted out. They wanted to be near planes, and
accepted any opportunity to take a ride no matter who the pilot or
what the machine. From this gang have graduated many of the men
who are today the real working human backbone of the industry.
From them were recruited the gypsy flyers who barnstormed their
way around the country and whose activities actually figured largely
in the development of American aviation. It was they who kept alive
public interest. Mostly they flew wrecks, old war crates tied together
with baling wire. Anything that would get off the ground—most of
the time—was good enough for them. Many of them, of course, paid
a heavy price for their devotion.
I didn’t like public flying. It didn’t coincide with my ideas of what I
wished to do with my plane. It was hard enough to keep out of the
papers anyway in those days if one flew. The slightest mishap was
called a crash and disasters were played up lugubriously.
For me flying was a sport and not a circus—I used to sneak away
to a secluded field and practise, with no one to bother. I appeared in
public only on special occasions. For instance once I was invited to
take part in a meet held by the Aero Club of Southern California at
Pasadena. It was purely a public demonstration, a sort of circus, yet
it was for a purpose—to raise money for the Club and to arouse local
interest in flying.
I was asked to do a little stunting, the usual thing on occasions of
this kind. The little plane looked well in the air, so I accepted. The
minute I flew up to the field I began to feel like a clown, although
happily there were two of us female freaks to divide the honors and
the odium.
“LADIES’ DAY”
Sykes in the New York Evening Post
BRYNJULF STRANDENAES PAINTS A PORTRAIT
WHEN it was all over I read in the papers that I had been planning a
trans-Atlantic flight for a year. I read much else that was equally
imaginative. In fact, the press introduced me to an entirely new
person. It appeared that I was a demi-orphan; my father, I learned,
had been dead four years—I saved that clipping for him. One day I
read that I was wealthy, the next that the sole purpose of my flight
was to lift the mortgage from the old homestead—which there isn’t
any—I mean homestead.
The truth about the chance to fly was as amusing as the
journalistic scenarios. The opportunity came as casually as an
invitation to a matinee, and it came by telephone. As a matter of
fact, the three of us who made the Atlantic crossing together all
were similarly collected by telephone.
Commander Byrd telephoned Stultz, suggesting the possibility.
Stultz then communicated, by telephone again, with those
organizing the flight. Tentative arrangements were made as
regarded himself. They asked him to choose his flying mechanic. On
April 7, via long distance telephone, he reached Slim Gordon, then at
Monroe, La., with the “Voice of the Sky” Corporation. “Meet me at
the Cadillac Hotel in Detroit on the 9th, if you want to fly the
Atlantic.” “Sure,” said Gordon.
So next morning Slim serviced his ship; told the boys he wasn’t
taking off with them that day and left to keep his appointment.
It was settled in no time at all—certainly within the limits of the
conventional three minute telephone conversation.