Rig Vedic Period: Society, Economy and Polity

The Vedic period spans from 1500-600 BCE. The main sources of information for this
period are literary sources, the Vedic Samhitas. On the basis of the material culture inferred
from these texts the Vedic period has been divided into two: a) Early Vedic/ Rig Vedic
Period, 1500-1000 BCE, the main source of information is Rig Veda Samhita; b) Later Vedic
period, 1000- 600 BCE, the main sources of information are Sama, Yajur, and Atharva Veda
Samhitas, along with Brahamana, Upanishad, and Aranyaka Granthas. The Rig Veda Samhita
contains ten books or mandalas, of which books 2-7 are the oldest and are also known as the
family books (because their composition is attributed to the families of certain seer-poets–
Gritsamada , Vishvamitra, Vamadeva, Atri, Bharadvaja, and Vasishtha). Books 1,8,9, and 10
seem to be of later period. The Rig Veda refers to various tribes settled in the region between
the Indus, the rivers of Punjab and now extinct Sarasvati, an area described in the as the sapta
sindhavah. The major concentration of settlements from archaeological data points to the
lower doabs of the Punjab.

The composers of the Rig Veda described themselves as arya, which literally meant
kinsmen or companion. The Indo-Aryans were linguistic group, who were the speakers of a
sub-group of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family of languages. The original
homeland of the Indo-Europeans and Indo-Aryans is the subject of continuing debate among
philologists (scholars who study old languages), linguists, historians, archaeologists, and
others. The Rig Veda is pervaded with the aura of warring tribes. About 30 tribes and clans
are mentioned. Five tribes– the Yadu, Turvasha, Puru, Anu, and Druhyu– are collectively
known as the ‘five peoples’ (pancha-jana, pancha-kristhya, or pancha-manusha). The Purus
and Bharatas are the two dominant tribes. There are about 300 non-Indo-European words in
the Rig Veda. These ‘loan words’ show that the Rig Vedic people were interacting with
people speaking Dravidian and Munda languages. There are many tribes with non-Indo-
Aryan names in the Rig Veda, such as the Chumuri, Dhuni, Pipru, and Shambara.

By and large the tribal element was strong in early Vedic society. According to
anthropologists, in tribal societies those who collect or produce food are almost precisely the
people who consume it. The production unit is the consumption unit. R.S. Sharma says
sometimes such societies are called lineage-based or segmentary. Kinship being the main
unifying bond, the tribe is considered to be the largest unit of such kind. The Rig Vedic
society was tribal is evident from the frequent occurrence of various terms which stand for
kin-based units. These are jana, vish, gana, grama, griha, kula, vrata, shardha, etc. We hear of
Bharata jana and Yadu jana and also of Tritshunam vish. Zimmer suggested that the jana was
divided into vishes, the vish into gramas, and the grama into kulas.

War booty was a major source of wealth (pana, dhana, rayi, etc.). The Rig Vedic tribes,
being primarily herdsmen/pastoralists fought one another and outsiders for the sake of cattle.
R.S. Sharma has drawn attention to many derivations of the word gau (cow) in the Rig Veda.
Words used for war with the infix gau– such as gavishti, gaveshana, goshu, gavyat, and
gavyu –suggest many battles were in effect cattle raids. The importance of cattle could also
be established from other words containing gau infix, like the tribal chief was known as
janasya gopa, measure of time was samgavan and godhuli, and distance was gavyuti and
gocarman, kinship units were gotra. The buffalo was known as gauri or gavala. The daughter
was duhitri (she who milks cows). Gojit (winner of cows) was a word for a hero. A wealthy
person was known as gomat (owner of cattle).

Agriculture was either a subsidiary activity or one that was practiced by non-Indo-aryans.
R.N. Nandi (1989-90) has drawn attention to many references to agricultural activities in the
Rig Veda and argues that it was by no means marginal. The verbs vap (to sow) and krish (to
cultivate) occur, along with references to various agricultural implements. Phala, langala, and
sira are words for the plough, which must have been made of wood. Other implements
included the hoe (khanitra), sickle (datra, srini), and axe (parashu, kulisha). The word kshetra
has a range of meanings, including a cultivated field. Hymns refer to the levelling of fields
for cultivation, the desire for fertile fields (urvara), and furrows (sita) drenched by rain,
producing rich harvests. The only terms for cereals are yava (barley or a generic term for
cereals). Hymns also refer to warriors, priests, cattle-rearers, farmers, hunters, barbers, and
vintners. The crafts mentioned include chariot-making, cart-making, carpentry, metal-
working, tanning, the making of bows and bowstrings, sewing, weaving, and making mats
out of grass or reeds.

There are hardly any references to metallurgical activities in the Rig Veda, and very few
of these occur in the family books. The word ayas occurs in several contexts. There are
references to Indra’s thunderbolt of ayas; the chariot of Mitra and Varuna having columns of
ayas; and the home of Indra and Soma made of ayas. A hymn to Agni compares his splendour
to the edge of ayas. The few metal objects mentioned in the Rig Veda are a kshura (razor),
khadi (may be a bangle), and asi/svadhiti (axe). Some scholars have interpreted the references
to ayas, metal objects, and metallurgical activity in the Rig Veda as indicative of iron artifacts
and iron working. But there is no conclusive reference to iron in the family books. Ayas
could have meant copper, copper-bronze, or may have been a generic term for metals.

War booty was a major source of wealth (pana, dhana, rayi, etc.). The references to
wealthy people and those worthy of attending the assemblies suggest differences in wealth
and rank. The Rig Veda mentions assemblies such as the sabha and samiti. The distinctions
between their functions are not clear. The sabha seems to have been a smaller, more elite
gathering, whereas samiti appears to have been a larger assembly presided over by the rajan.
Such assemblies may have played an important role in the redistribution of resources. The
rajan and the assemblies must have had a say in the redistribution of war booty, and the rajan
and his immediate kinsmen must have got a larger share. Apart from cattle, other items
solicited in prayers and sacrifices include houses, horses, gold, fertile fields, friends, plentiful
food, wealth, jewels, chariots, fame, and children. The notion of individual private property
ownership did not exist. He clan as a whole enjoyed rights over major resources such as land
and herds.

Rig Veda uses several terms which reflect the widespread practice of distribution. The
use of dana for this purpose is well known. But certain other terms derived from the roots
bhaj, van, and san attest the practice of distribution. The term bhaj (to distribute) occurs 34
times in the Rig Veda. The term bhaga (share), in its different formations including bhajayuh
(sharing with others) and bhagadheya (share) occurs 58 times in the Rig Veda. The gradual
transition to agriculture made an impact on the Rig Vedic society. The vedic jana (tribe)
incur[porated number of vish (clans). These in origin may have been more egalitarian but by
the time of Rig Veda were bifurcated into the vish and rajanya, the latter constituting the
ruling families. Romila Thapar made an observation that the bifurcation of Rig Vedic times
suggests a division into the senior lineages of the rajanyas and the lesser, junior lineages of
the vish. Clan lands were held in common by both lineages but worked by the lesser lineage,
since permission of the vish was necessary before the raja could settle people on the land.
The clans were the original settlers which is the literal meaning of the word vish. The vishpati
is in some contexts the chief of the clan and in others the head of the household.

In the Rig Vedic times there was a distinction between the chariot-riding warriors who
were pre-eminently the guardians and protectors of the vish and the latter who were more
sedentary and were the producers of both pastoral and agricultural items. The vish as the
junior lineage provided prestations, informally extracted on special occasions, to the rajanyas
who redistributed these among a limited group with dana and dakshina given to brahmanas
and bards and oblations offered at the yajna rituals. The rajanya and vish were earlier
required to eat from the same vessel suggesting a closer link between them and of relatively
equal status. It is also said that the kshatra is created out of the vish. The rajanyas as the
senior lineages kept the larger share of the booty from raids but as long as the wealth came
from pastoralism in the main it had a relatively more equitable distribution. The vish brought
its prestations in the form of bali to the raja or the chief and the relationship is a subordinate
one since the raja is generally chosen by other rajas and the vish is essentially the provider of
tribute.

Within the broad framework of this dual division there is a further expansion of both
those who utilized this wealth and those who produced it. The redistribution expanded from
the rajanyas to include the priests who legitimized them through the performance of rituals.
Sociologist Marcel Mauss in his classic work on the gift pointed out that such exchanges may
appear on the surface to be voluntary and spontaneous, but are strictly obligatory and
governed by conventions that have to be observed. Such exchanges –known as prestations –
do not only involve material goods of economic value. They also involve the exchange of
other things such as courtesies, entertainments, military assistance, ritual, women, children,
dances, feasts, and hospitality. The offering, receiving, and reciprocating of gifts are acts that
establish and cement social relationships and social hierarchies. In the Rig Veda, the gifts in
the form of bali was received by the rajan from members of the clan. Priests received ritual
gifts in the form of dana and sacrificial fees as dakshina at the conclusion of sacrificial
rituals. If we examine the danastuti given in a late mandala it would appear that Rig Vedic
society represented in that stratum was not egalitarian, for there is clear evidence of the lion’s
share of spoils going to the tribal chiefs and their priests. But at the same time the absence of
surplus in a pastoral, tribal society did not create conditions for class differentiation. The
importance of tribesmen represented by the jana and vish and that of pastoral life represented
by cattle looms larger over the Family Books of the Rig Veda as well as over some of its later
portions.
References:
R.S.Sharma –Material Culture and Socila Formations in Ancient India
Romila Thapar –From Lineage to State
Upinder Singh –A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the
12th Century.