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Rastafari - Wikipedia

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Rastafari

Rastafari, sometimes called Rastafarianism, is an


Abrahamic religion that developed in Jamaica during the
1930s. It is classified as both a new religious movement
and a social movement by scholars of religion. There is no
central authority in control of the movement and much
diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as
Rastafari, Rastafarians, or Rastas.
:
Rastafari often claim the flag
of the Ethiopian Royal
Standard as was used during
Haile Selassie's reign. It
combines the conquering lion
of Judah, symbol of the
Ethiopian monarchy, with red,
gold, and green.

Rastafari beliefs are based on a specific interpretation of


the Bible. Central to the religion is a monotheistic belief in a
single God, referred to as Jah, who is deemed to partially
reside within each individual. Rastas accord key
importance to Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia between
1930 and 1974; many regard him as the Second Coming of
Jesus and Jah incarnate, while others see him as a human
prophet who fully recognised Jah's presence in every
individual. Rastafari is Afrocentric and focuses attention on
the African diaspora, which it believes is oppressed within
Western society, or "Babylon". Many Rastas call for this
diaspora's resettlement in Africa, a continent they consider
the Promised Land, or "Zion". Some practitioners extend
these views into black supremacism. Rastas refer to their
practices as "livity". Communal meetings are known as
"groundations", and are typified by music, chanting,
discussions, and the smoking of cannabis, the latter
:
regarded as a sacrament with beneficial properties. Rastas
emphasise what they regard as living "naturally", adhering
to ital dietary requirements, wearing their hair in
dreadlocks, and following patriarchal gender roles.

Rastafari originated among impoverished and socially


disenfranchised Afro-Jamaican communities in 1930s
Jamaica. Its Afrocentric ideology was largely a reaction
against Jamaica's then-dominant British colonial culture. It
was influenced by both Ethiopianism and the Back-to-
Africa movement promoted by black nationalist figures
such as Marcus Garvey. The religion developed after
several Protestant Christian clergymen, most notably
Leonard Howell, proclaimed that Haile Selassie's crowning
as Emperor of Ethiopia in 1930 fulfilled a Biblical prophecy.
By the 1950s, Rastafari's countercultural stance had
brought the movement into conflict with wider Jamaican
society, including violent clashes with law enforcement. In
the 1960s and 1970s, it gained increased respectability
within Jamaica and greater visibility abroad through the
popularity of Rastafari-inspired reggae musicians, most
notably Bob Marley. Enthusiasm for Rastafari declined in
the 1980s, following the deaths of Haile Selassie and
Marley, but the movement survived and has a presence in
many parts of the world.

The Rastafari movement is decentralised and organised on


a largely sectarian basis. There are several denominations,
or "Mansions of Rastafari", the most prominent of which
are the Nyahbinghi, Bobo Ashanti, and the Twelve Tribes of
:
Israel, each offering a different interpretation of Rastafari
belief. There are an estimated 700,000 to one million
Rastafari across the world. The largest population is in
Jamaica, although small communities can be found in most
of the world's major population centres. Most Rastafari are
of black African descent, and some groups accept only
black members.

Definition

Two Rastafari street vendors


in Zeerust, South Africa; they
are wearing and selling items
that display their
commitment to the religion

Rastafari has been described as a religion,[1] meeting many


of the proposed definitions for what constitutes a religion,
[2] and is legally recognised as such in various countries.[3]
Multiple scholars of religion have labelled it an Abrahamic
religion.[4] Others have categorised Rastafari as a new
religious movement,[5] while some scholars have also
classified it as a sect,[6] a cult,[7] and a revitalisation
:
movement.[8] Having arisen in Jamaica, it has been
described as an Afro-Jamaican religion,[9] and more
broadly an Afro-Caribbean religion.[10]

Although Rastafari focuses on Africa as a source of


identity, it is a product of creolisation processes in the
Americas,[11] described by the Hispanic studies scholars
Margarite Fernández Olmos and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert
as "a Creole religion, rooted in African, European, and
Indian practices and beliefs".[12] The scholar Ennis B.
Edmonds also suggested that Rastafari was "emerging" as
a world religion, not because of the number of its
adherents, but because of its global spread.[13] Many
Rastas nevertheless reject descriptions of Rastafari as a
religion, instead referring to it as a "way of life",[14] a
"philosophy",[15] or a "spirituality".[16]

Emphasising its political stance, particularly in support of


African nationalism and pan-Africanism, some academics
have characterised Rastafari as a political movement,[17] a
"politico-religious" movement,[18] or a protest movement.
[19] It has alternatively been labelled a social movement,[20]
or more specifically as a new social movement,[8] and a
cultural movement.[21] Many Rastas or Rastafarians—as
practitioners are known—nevertheless dislike the labelling
of Rastafari as a "movement".[22] In 1989, a British
Industrial Tribunal concluded that, for the purposes of the
Race Relations Act 1976, Rastafarians could be considered
an ethnic group because they have a long, shared heritage
which distinguished them from other groups, their own
:
cultural traditions, a common language, and a common
religion.[23]

Rastafari has continuously changed and developed,[24]


with significant doctrinal variation existing among
practitioners depending on the group to which they belong.
[25] It is not a unified movement,[26] and there has never
been a single leader followed by all Rastafari.[27] It is thus
difficult to make broad generalisations about the
movement without obscuring the complexities within it.[28]
The scholar of religion Darren J. N. Middleton suggested
that it was appropriate to speak of "a plethora of Rasta
spiritualities" rather than a single phenomenon.[29]

The term "Rastafari" derives from "Ras Tafari Makonnen",


the pre-regnal title of Haile Selassie, the former Ethiopian
emperor who occupies a central role in Rasta belief. The
term "Ras" means a duke or prince in the Ethiopian Semitic
languages; "Tafari Makonnen" was Selassie's personal
name.[30] It is unknown why the early Rastas adopted this
form of Haile Selassie's name as the basis of the term for
their religion.[31] As well as being the religion's name,
"Rastafari" is also used for the religion's practitioners
themselves.[32] Many commentators—including some
academic sources[33] and some practitioners[34]—refer to
the movement as "Rastafarianism".[35] However, the term
is disparaged by many Rastafari, who believe that the use
of -ism implies religious doctrine and institutional
organisation, things they wish to avoid.[36]
:
Beliefs

The Liberty Bell


Temple in Los Angeles

Rastas refer to the totality of their religion's ideas and


beliefs as "Rastalogy".[37] Edmonds described Rastafari as
having "a fairly cohesive worldview";[37] however, the
scholar Ernest Cashmore thought that its beliefs were
"fluid and open to interpretation".[38] Within the
movement, attempts to summarise Rastafari belief have
never been accorded the status of a catechism or creed.
[39] Rastas place great emphasis on the idea that personal
experience and intuitive understanding should be used to
determine the truth or validity of a particular belief or
practice.[40] No Rasta, therefore, has the authority to
declare which beliefs and practices are orthodox and which
are heterodox.[39] The conviction that Rastafari has no
dogma "is so strong that it has itself become something of
a dogma", according to the sociologist of religion Peter B.
:
Clarke.[41]

Rastafari is deeply influenced by Judeo-Christian religion,


[42] and shares many commonalities with Christianity.[43]
The scholar Michael Barnett observed that its theology is
"essentially Judeo-Christian", representing "an
Afrocentralized blend of Christianity and Judaism".[44]
Some followers openly describe themselves as Christians.
[45] Rastafari accords the Bible a central place in its belief
system, regarding it as a holy book,[46] and adopts a
literalist interpretation of its contents.[47] According to the
anthropologist Stephen D. Glazier, Rasta approaches to the
Bible result in the religion adopting an outlook very similar
to that of some forms of Protestantism.[48] Rastas regard
the Bible as an authentic account of early black African
history and of their place as God's favoured people.[41]
They believe the Bible to be key to understanding both the
past and the present and for predicting the future,[41] while
also regarding it as a source book from which they can
form and justify their beliefs and practices.[49] Rastas
commonly perceive the final book of the Bible, the Book of
Revelation, as the most important part, because they see
its contents as having particular significance for the
world's present situation.[50]

Contrary to scholarly understandings of how the Bible was


compiled, Rastas commonly believe it was originally
written on stone in the Ethiopian language of Amharic.[51]
They also believe that the Bible's true meaning has been
warped, both through mistranslation into other languages
:
and by deliberate manipulation by those seeking to deny
black Africans their history.[52] They also regard it as
cryptographic, meaning that it has many hidden meanings.
[53] They believe that its true teachings can be revealed
through intuition and meditation on the "book within"
which allows them to commune with God.[41] Because of
what they regard as the corruption of the Bible, Rastas also
turn to other sources that they believe shed light on black
African history.[54] Common texts used for this purpose
include Leonard Howell's 1935 work The Promised Key,
Robert Athlyi Rogers' 1924 book Holy Piby, and Fitz
Balintine Pettersburg's 1920s work, the Royal Parchment
Scroll of Black Supremacy.[54] Many Rastas also treat the
Kebra Nagast, a 14th-century Ethiopian text, as a source
through which to interpret the Bible.[55]

Jah and Jesus of


Nazareth
Rastas are monotheists, worshipping a singular God whom
they call Jah. The term "Jah" is a shortened version of
"Jehovah", the name of God in English translations of the
Old Testament.[56] Rastafari holds strongly to the
immanence of this divinity;[57] as well as regarding Jah as a
deity, Rastas believe that Jah is inherent within each
:
individual.[58] This belief is reflected in the aphorism, often
cited by Rastas, that "God is man and man is God",[59] and
Rastas speak of "knowing" Jah, rather than simply
"believing" in him.[60] In seeking to narrow the distance
between humanity and divinity, Rastafari embraces
mysticism.[8]

Jesus is an important figure in Rastafari.[61] However,


practitioners reject the traditional Christian view of Jesus,
particularly the depiction of him as a white European,
believing that this is a perversion of the truth.[62] They
believe that Jesus was a black African, and that the white
Jesus was a false god.[63] Many Rastas regard Christianity
as the creation of the white man;[64] they treat it with
suspicion out of the view that the oppressors (white
Europeans) and the oppressed (black Africans) cannot
share the same God.[65] Many Rastas take the view that
the God worshipped by most white Christians is actually
the Devil,[66] and a recurring claim among Rastas is that
the Pope is Satan or the Antichrist.[67] Rastas therefore
often view Christian preachers as deceivers[66] and regard
Christianity as being guilty of furthering the oppression of
the African diaspora,[68] frequently referring to it as having
perpetrated "mental enslavement".[69]

Haile Selassie
:
Haile Selassie, the Emperor of
Ethiopia between 1930 and
1974. He is of central
importance to Rastas, many
of whom regard him as the
Second Coming of Jesus and
thus God incarnate in human
form.

From its origins, Rastafari was intrinsically linked with Haile


Selassie, the Emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974.[70] He
remains the central figure in Rastafari ideology,[71] and
although all Rastas hold him in esteem, precise
interpretations of his identity differ.[72] Understandings of
how Haile Selassie relates to Jesus vary among Rastas.[73]
Many, although not all, believe that the Ethiopian monarch
was the Second Coming of Jesus,[74] legitimising this by
reference to their interpretation of the nineteenth chapter
of the Book of Revelation.[61] By viewing Haile Selassie as
Jesus, these Rastas also regard him as the messiah
prophesied in the Old Testament,[75] the manifestation of
:
God in human form,[72] and "the living God".[76] Some
perceive him as part of a Trinity, alongside God as Creator
and the Holy Spirit, the latter referred to as "the Breath
within the temple".[77] Rastas who view Haile Selassie as
Jesus argue that both were descendants from the royal line
of the Biblical king David,[61] while Rastas also emphasise
the fact that the Makonnen dynasty, of which Haile
Selassie was a member, claimed descent from the Biblical
figures Solomon and the Queen of Sheba.[78]

Other Rastas see Selassie as embodying Jesus' teachings


and essence but reject the idea that he was the literal
reincarnation of Jesus.[79] Members of the Twelve Tribes of
Israel denomination, for instance, reject the idea that
Selassie was the Second Coming, arguing that this event
has yet to occur.[59] From this perspective, Selassie is
perceived as a messenger or emissary of God rather than a
manifestation of God himself.[80] Rastas holding to this
view sometimes regard the deification of Haile Selassie as
naïve or ignorant,[81] in some cases thinking it as
dangerous to worship a human being as God.[82] There are
various Rastas who went from believing that Haile Selassie
was both God incarnate and the Second Coming of Jesus
to seeing him as something distinct.[83]

On being crowned, Haile Selassie was given the title of


"King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the
Tribe of Judah".[84] Rastas use this title for Haile Selassie
alongside others, such as "Almighty God", "Judge and
Avenger", "King Alpha and Queen Omega", "Returned
:
Messiah", "Elect of God", and "Elect of Himself".[85] Rastas
also view Haile Selassie as a symbol of their positive
affirmation of Africa as a source of spiritual and cultural
heritage.[86]

While he was emperor, many Jamaican Rastas professed


the belief that Haile Selassie would never die.[87] The 1974
overthrow of Haile Selassie by the military Derg and his
subsequent death in 1975 resulted in a crisis of faith for
many practitioners.[88] Some left the movement altogether.
[89] Others remained, and developed new strategies for
dealing with the news. Some Rastas believed that Selassie
did not really die and that claims to the contrary were
Western misinformation.[90] To bolster their argument,
they pointed to the fact that no corpse had been produced;
in reality, Haile Selassie's body had been buried beneath
his palace, remaining undiscovered there until 1992.[91]
Another perspective within Rastafari acknowledged that
Haile Selassie's body had perished, but claimed that his
inner essence survived as a spiritual force.[92] A third
response within the Rastafari community was that
Selassie's death was inconsequential as he had only been
a "personification" of Jah rather than Jah himself.[93]

During his life, Selassie described himself as a devout


Christian.[94] In a 1967 interview, Selassie was asked about
the Rasta belief that he was the Second Coming of Jesus,
to which he responded: "I have heard of this idea. I also
met certain Rastafarians. I told them clearly that I am a
man, that I am mortal, and that I will be replaced by the
:
oncoming generation, and that they should never make a
mistake in assuming or pretending that a human being is
emanated from a deity."[95] His grandson Ermias Sahle
Selassie has said that there is "no doubt that Haile Selassie
did not encourage the Rastafari movement".[96] Critics of
Rastafari have used this as evidence that Rasta theological
beliefs are incorrect,[97] although some Rastas take
Selassie's denials as evidence that he was indeed the
incarnation of God, based on their reading of the Gospel of
Luke.[a][98]

Afrocentrism and views


on race

The eastern African nation of


Ethiopia is given great
prominence in Rasta doctrine.

According to Clarke, Rastafari is "concerned above all else


:
with black consciousness, with rediscovering the identity,
personal and racial, of black people".[99] The Rastafari
movement began among Afro-Jamaicans who wanted to
reject the British colonial culture that dominated Jamaica
and replace it with a new identity based on a reclamation of
their African heritage.[86] Its emphasis is on the purging of
any belief in the inferiority of black people, and the
superiority of white people, from the minds of its followers.
[100] Rastafari is therefore Afrocentric,[101] equating
blackness with the African continent,[65] and endorsing a
form of Pan-Africanism.[102]

Practitioners of Rastafari identify themselves with the


ancient Israelites—God's chosen people in the Old
Testament—and believe that black Africans broadly or
Rastas more specifically are either the descendants or the
reincarnations of this ancient people.[103] This is similar to
beliefs in Judaism,[104] although many Rastas believe that
contemporary Jews' status as the descendants of the
ancient Israelites is a false claim.[105] Rastas typically
believe that black Africans are God's chosen people,
meaning that they made a covenant with him and thus have
a special responsibility.[106] Rastafari espouses the view
that this, the true identity of black Africans, has been lost
and needs to be reclaimed.[107]

There is no uniform Rasta view on race.[104] Black


supremacy was a theme early in the movement, with the
belief in the existence of a distinctly black African race that
is superior to other racial groups. While some still hold this
:
belief, non-black Rastas are now widely accepted in the
movement.[108] Rastafari's history has opened the religion
to accusations of racism.[109] Cashmore noted that there
was an "implicit potential" for racism in Rasta beliefs but
he also noted that racism was not "intrinsic" to the religion.
[110] Some Rastas have acknowledged that there is racism
in the movement, primarily against Europeans and Asians.
[104] Some Rasta sects reject the notion that a white
European can ever be a legitimate Rasta.[104] Other Rasta
sects believe that an "African" identity is not inherently
linked to black skin but rather is about whether an
individual displays an African "attitude" or "spirit".[111]

Babylon and Zion


Rastafari teaches that the black African diaspora are exiles
living in "Babylon", a term which it applies to Western
society.[112] For Rastas, European colonialism and global
capitalism are regarded as manifestations of Babylon,[113]
while police and soldiers are viewed as its agents.[114] The
term "Babylon" is adopted because of its Biblical
associations. In the Old Testament, Babylon is the
Mesopotamian city where the Israelites were held captive,
exiled from their homeland, between 597 and 586 BCE;[115]
Rastas compare the exile of the Israelites in Mesopotamia
to the exile of the African diaspora outside Africa.[116] In
the New Testament, "Babylon" is used as a euphemism for
the Roman Empire, which was regarded as acting in a
:
destructive manner that was akin to the way in which the
ancient Babylonians acted.[115] Rastas perceive the exile of
the black African diaspora in Babylon as an experience of
great suffering,[117] with the term "suffering" having a
significant place in Rasta discourse.[118]

A map of Ethiopia, the "Zion"


of the Rastas

Rastas view Babylon as being responsible for both the


Atlantic slave trade which removed enslaved Africans from
their continent and the ongoing poverty which plagues the
African diaspora.[119] Rastas turn to Biblical scripture to
explain the Atlantic slave trade,[120] believing that the
enslavement, exile, and exploitation of black Africans was
punishment for failing to live up to their status as Jah's
chosen people.[121] Many Rastas, adopting a Pan-Africanist
ethos, have criticised the division of Africa into nation-
states, regarding this as a Babylonian development,[122]
and are often hostile to capitalist resource extraction from
the continent.[123] Rastas seek to delegitimise and destroy
Babylon, something often conveyed in the Rasta aphorism
:
"Chant down Babylon".[119] Rastas often expect the white-
dominated society to dismiss their beliefs as false, and
when this happens they see it as confirmation of the
correctness of their faith.[124]

Rastas view "Zion" as an ideal to which they aspire.[119] As


with "Babylon", this term comes from the Bible, where it
refers to an idealised Jerusalem.[119] Rastas use "Zion"
either for Ethiopia specifically or for Africa more broadly,
the latter having an almost mythological identity in Rasta
discourse.[125] Many Rastas use the term "Ethiopia" as a
synonym for "Africa";[126] thus, Rastas in Ghana for
instance described themselves as already living within
"Ethiopia".[127] Other Rastas apply the term "Zion" to
Jamaica or they use it to describe a state of mind.[116]

In portraying Africa as their "Promised Land", Rastas


reflect their desire to escape what they perceive as the
domination and degradation that they experience in
Babylon.[128] During the first three decades of the Rastafari
movement, it placed strong emphasis on the need for the
African diaspora to be repatriated to Africa.[128] To this
end, various Rastas lobbied the Jamaican government and
United Nations to oversee this resettlement process.[128]
Other Rastas organised their own transportation to the
African continent.[128] Critics of the movement have
argued that the migration of the entire African diaspora to
Africa is implausible, particularly as no African country
would welcome this.[97]
:
By the movement's fourth decade, the desire for physical
repatriation to Africa had declined among Rastas,[129] a
change influenced by observation of the 1983–1985
famine in Ethiopia.[130] Rather, many Rastas saw the idea of
returning to Africa in a metaphorical sense, entailing the
restoration of their pride and self-confidence as people of
black African descent.[131] The term "liberation before
repatriation" began to be used within the movement.[132]
Some Rastas seek to transform Western society so that
they may more comfortably live within it rather than
seeking to move to Africa.[133] There are nevertheless
many Rastas who continue to emphasise the need for
physical resettlement of the African diaspora in Africa.[129]

Salvation and paradise


Rastafari is a millenarian movement,[134] espousing the
idea that the present age will come to an apocalyptic end.
[135] Many practitioners believe that on this Day of
Judgment, Babylon will be overthrown,[136] with Rastas
being the chosen few who survive the upheaval.[137] With
Babylon destroyed, Rastas believe that humanity will be
ushered into a "new age".[138] This is conceived as being a
millennium of peace, justice, and happiness in which the
righteous shall live in Africa, now a paradise.[139] In the
1980s, many Rastas believed that the Day of Judgment
would happen around the year 2000.[140] A view then
common in the Rasta community was that the world's
:
white people would wipe themselves out through nuclear
war,[141] with black Africans then ruling the world,
something that they argued was prophesied in the Book of
Daniel.[b][141]

Rastas do not believe that there is a specific afterlife to


which individuals go following bodily death.[142] They
believe in the possibility of eternal life,[66] and that only
those who shun righteousness will actually die.[143] The
scholar of religion Leonard E. Barrett observed some
Jamaican Rastas who believed that those practitioners
who did die had not been faithful to Jah.[144] He suggested
that this attitude stemmed from the large numbers of
young people that were then members of the movement,
and who had thus seen only few Rastas die.[145] Another
Rasta view is that those who are righteous will undergo
reincarnation,[146] with an individual's identity remaining
throughout each of their incarnations.[147] In keeping with
their views on death, Rastas eschew celebrating physical
death and often avoid funerals,[148] also repudiating the
practice of ancestor veneration that is common among
traditional African religions.[149]

Morality, ethics, and


gender roles
:
A Rasta in Barbados, wearing
a rastacap decorated in the
Rastafari colours: green,
gold, red and black

Most Rastas share a pair of fundamental moral principles


known as the "two great commandments": love of God and
love of neighbour.[150] Many Rastas believe that to
determine whether they should undertake a certain act or
not, they should consult the presence of Jah within
themselves.[151]

Rastafari promotes the idea of "living naturally",[152] in


accordance with what Rastas regard as nature's laws.[153]
It endorses the idea that Africa is the "natural" abode of
black Africans, a continent where they can live according
to African culture and tradition and be themselves on a
physical, emotional, and intellectual level.[111] Practitioners
believe that Westerners and Babylon have detached
themselves from nature through technological
development and thus have become debilitated, slothful,
and decadent.[154] Some Rastas express the view that they
should adhere to what they regard as African laws rather
than the laws of Babylon, thus defending their involvement
:
in certain acts which may be illegal in the countries that
they are living in.[155] In emphasising this Afrocentric
approach, Rastafari expresses overtones of black
nationalism.[156]

The scholar Maureen Warner-Lewis observed that


Rastafari combined a "radical, even revolutionary" stance
on socio-political issues, particularly regarding race, with a
"profoundly traditional" approach to "philosophical
conservatism" on other religious issues.[157] Rastas
typically look critically upon modern capitalism with its
consumerism and materialism.[151] They favour small-
scale, pre-industrial and agricultural societies.[158] Some
Rastas have promoted activism as a means of achieving
socio-political reform, while others believe in awaiting
change that will be brought about through divine
intervention in human affairs.[159] In Jamaica, Rastas
typically do not vote,[160] derogatorily dismissing politics
as "politricks",[161] and rarely involve themselves in
political parties or unions.[162] The Rasta tendency to
believe that socio-political change is inevitable opens the
religion up to the criticism from the political left that it
encourages adherents to do little or nothing to alter the
status quo.[163] Other Rastas do engage in political
activism; the Ghanaian Rasta singer-songwriter Rocky
Dawuni for instance was involved in campaigns promoting
democratic elections,[164] while in Grenada, many Rastas
joined the People's Revolutionary Government formed in
1979.[165]
:
Gender roles and sexuality
Rastafari promotes what it regards as the restoration of
black manhood, believing that men in the African diaspora
have been emasculated by Babylon.[166] It espouses
patriarchal principles,[167] including the idea that women
should submit to male leadership.[168] External observers—
including scholars such as Cashmore and Edmonds[169]—
have claimed that Rastafari accords women an inferior
position to men.[133] Rastafari women usually accept this
subordinate position and regard it as their duty to obey
their men;[170] the academic Maureen Rowe suggested that
women were willing to join the religion despite its
restrictions because they valued the life of structure and
discipline it provided.[171] Rasta discourse often presents
women as morally weak and susceptible to deception by
evil,[172] and claims that they are impure while
menstruating.[173] Rastas legitimise these gender roles by
citing Biblical passages, particularly those in the Book of
Leviticus and in the writings of Paul the Apostle.[174]
:
The Rasta Shop, a store
selling items associated with
Rastafari in the U.S. state of
Oregon

Rasta women usually wear clothing that covers their head


and hides their body contours.[175] Trousers are usually
avoided,[176] with long skirts preferred.[177] Women are
expected to cover their head while praying,[178] and in
some Rasta groups this is expected of them whenever in
public.[179] Rasta discourse insists this female dress code
is necessary to prevent women from attracting men and
presents it as an antidote to the sexual objectification of
women in Babylon.[180] Rasta men are permitted to wear
whatever they choose.[181] Although men and women took
part alongside each other in early Rasta rituals, from the
late 1940s and 1950s the Rasta community increasingly
encouraged gender segregation for ceremonies.[182] This
was legitimised with the explanation that women were
impure through menstruation and that their presence at
the ceremonies would distract male participants.[182]

As it existed in Jamaica, Rastafari did not promote


monogamy.[183] Though it is not especially common, Rasta
men are permitted to engage in polygamy, [184] while
:
women are expected to reserve their sexual activity for one
male partner.[185] Marriage is not usually formalised
through legal ceremonies but is a common-law affair,[186]
although many Rastas are legally married.[187] Rasta men
refer to their female partners as "queens",[188] or
"empresses",[189] while the males in these relationships
are known as "kingmen".[190] Rastafari places great
importance on family life and the raising of children,[191]
with reproduction being encouraged.[192] The religion
emphasises the place of men in child-rearing, associating
this with the recovery of African manhood.[193] Women
often work, sometimes while the man raises the children at
home.[194] Rastafari typically rejects feminism,[195]
although since the 1970s growing numbers of Rasta
women have called for greater gender equity in the
movement.[196] The scholar Terisa E. Turner for instance
encountered Kenyan feminists who were appropriating
Rastafari content to suit their political agenda.[197] Some
Rasta women have challenged gender norms by wearing
their hair uncovered in public and donning trousers.[189]

Rastafari regards procreation as the purpose of sex, and


thus oral and anal sex are usually forbidden.[198] Both
contraception and abortion are usually censured,[199] and a
common claim in Rasta discourse is that these were
inventions of Babylon to decrease the black African birth-
rate.[200] Rastas typically express hostile attitudes to
homosexuality, regarding homosexuals as evil and
unnatural;[201] this attitude derives from references to
:
same-sex sexual activity in the Bible.[47] Homosexual
Rastas probably conceal their sexual orientation because
of these attitudes.[202] Rastas typically see the growing
acceptance of birth control and homosexuality in Western
society as evidence of the degeneration of Babylon as it
approaches its apocalyptic end.[203]

Practices
Rastas refer to their cultural and religious practices as
"livity".[204] Rastafari does not place emphasis on
hierarchical structures.[151] It has no professional
priesthood,[37] with Rastas believing that there is no need
for a priest to act as mediator between the worshipper and
Jah.[205] It nevertheless has "elders", an honorific title
bestowed upon those with a good reputation among the
community.[206] Although respected figures, they do not
necessarily have administrative functions or
responsibilities.[206] When they do oversee ritual meetings,
they are often responsible for helping to interpret current
events in terms of Biblical scripture.[207] Elders often
communicate with each other through a network to plan
movement events and form strategies.[206]
:
Grounding

A group of Rastas in Liberia


celebrating Marcus Garvey's
birthday

The term "grounding" is used among Rastas to refer to the


establishment of relationships between like-minded
practitioners.[208] Groundings often take place in a
commune or yard, and are presided over by an elder.[194]
The elder is charged with keeping discipline and can ban
individuals from attending.[206] The number of participants
can range from a handful to several hundred.[194] Activities
that take place at groundings include the playing of drums,
chanting, the singing of hymns, and the recitation of
poetry.[209] Cannabis, known as ganja, is often smoked.
[209] Most groundings contain only men, although some
Rasta women have established their own all-female
grounding circles.[210]

One of the central activities at groundings is "reasoning".


[211] This is a discussion among assembled Rastas about
the religion's principles and their relevance to current
:
events.[212] These discussions are supposed to be non-
combative, although attendees can point out the fallacies
in any arguments presented.[213] Those assembled inform
each other about the revelations that they have received
through meditation and dream.[194] Each contributor is
supposed to push the boundaries of understanding until
the entire group has gained greater insight into the topic
under discussion.[214] In meeting together with like-
minded individuals, reasoning helps Rastas to reassure one
another of the correctness of their beliefs.[97] Rastafari
meetings are opened and closed with prayers. These
involve supplication of Jah, the supplication for the hungry,
sick, and infants, and calls for the destruction of the
Rastas' enemies, and then close with statements of
adoration.[215]

Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall stretch


forth her hand unto God. Oh thou God of Ethiopia, thou
God of divine majesty, thy spirit come within our hearts
to dwell in the parts of righteousness. That the hungry
be fed, the sick nourished, the aged protected, and the
infant cared for. Teach us love and loyalty as it is in Zion.

— Opening passage of a common Rasta prayer[215]

The largest groundings were known as "groundations" or


"grounations" in the 1950s, although they were
subsequently re-termed "Nyabinghi Issemblies".[216] The
term "Nyabinghi" is adopted from the name of a mythical
:
African queen.[217] Nyabinghi Issemblies are often held on
dates associated with Ethiopia and Haile Selassie.[218]
These include Ethiopian Christmas (7 January), the day on
which Haile Selassie visited Jamaica (21 April), Selassie's
birthday (23 July), Ethiopian New Year (11 September), and
Selassie's coronation day (2 November).[218] Some Rastas
also organise Nyabinghi Issemblies to mark Jamaica's
Emancipation Day (1 August) and Marcus Garvey's
birthday (17 August).[218]

Nyabinghi Issemblies typically take place in rural areas,


being situated in the open air or in temporary structures—
known as "temples" or "tabernacles"—specifically
constructed for the purpose.[219] Any elder seeking to
sponsor a Nyabinghi Issembly must have approval from
other elders and requires the adequate resources to
organise such an event.[220] The assembly usually lasts
between three and seven days.[219] During the daytime,
attendees engage in food preparation, ganja smoking, and
reasoning, while at night they focus on drumming and
dancing around bonfires.[219] Nyabinghi Issemblies often
attract Rastas from a wide area, including from different
countries.[219] They establish and maintain a sense of
solidarity among the Rasta community and cultivate a
feeling of collective belonging.[219] Unlike in many other
religions, rites of passage play no role in Rastafari;[221] on
death, various Rastas have been given Christian funerals
by their relatives, as there are no established Rasta funeral
rites.[222]
:
Use of cannabis

The principal ritual of Rastafari is the smoking of ganja,


also known as marijuana or cannabis.[223] Among the
names that Rastas give to the plant are callie, Iley, "the
herb", "the holy herb", "the grass", and "the weed".[224]
Cannabis is usually smoked during groundings,[194]
although some practitioners also smoke it informally in
other contexts.[225] Some Rastas smoke it almost all of the
time, something other practitioners regard as excessive,
[226] and many practitioners also ingest cannabis in a tea,
as a spice in cooking, and as an ingredient in medicine.[227]
However, not all Rastas use ganja;[228] abstainers explain
that they have already achieved a higher level of
consciousness and thus do not require it.[229]
:
A flowering cannabis
plant; the smoking of
which is considered a
Biblically sanctioned
sacrament by Rastas

In Rastafari, cannabis is considered a sacrament.[230]


Rastas argue that the use of ganja is promoted in the Bible,
specifically in Genesis,[c] Psalms,[d] and Revelation.[e][231]
They regard it as having healing properties,[232] eulogise it
for inducing feelings of "peace and love",[233] and claim
that it cultivates a form of personal introspection that
allows the smokers to discover their inner divinity.[234]
Some Rastas believe that cannabis smoke serves as an
incense that counteracts immoral practices in society.[202]

Rastas typically smoke cannabis in the form of a large,


hand-rolled cigarette known as a spliff.[235] This is often
rolled together while a prayer is offered to Jah; the spliff is
lit and smoked only when the prayer is completed.[236] At
other times, cannabis is smoked in a water pipe referred to
as a chalice: styles include kutchies, chillums, and
:
steamers.[236] The pipe is passed in a counter-clockwise
direction around the assembled circle of Rastas.[236]

There are various options that might explain how cannabis


smoking came to be part of Rastafari. By the 8th century,
Arab traders had introduced cannabis to Central and
Southern Africa.[237] In the 19th century, enslaved Bakongo
people arrived in Jamaica, where they established the
religion of Kumina. In Kumina, cannabis was smoked during
religious ceremonies in the belief that it facilitated
possession by ancestral spirits.[208] The religion was
largely practiced in south-east Jamaica's Saint Thomas
Parish, where a prominent early Rasta, Leonard Howell,
lived while he was developing many of Rastafari's beliefs
and practices; it may have been through Kumina that
cannabis became part of Rastafari.[208] A second possible
source was the use of cannabis in Hindu rituals.[238] Hindu
migrants arrived in Jamaica as indentured servants from
British India between 1834 and 1917, and brought cannabis
with them.[208] A Jamaican Hindu priest, Laloo, was one of
Howell's spiritual advisors, and may have influenced his
adoption of ganja.[208] The adoption of cannabis may also
have been influenced by the widespread medicinal and
recreational use of cannabis among Afro-Jamaicans in the
early 20th century.[208] Early Rastafarians may have taken
an element of Jamaican culture which they associated with
their peasant past and the rejection of capitalism and
sanctified it by according it Biblical correlates.[239]

In many countries—including Jamaica[240]—cannabis is


:
illegal and by using it, Rastas protest the rules and
regulations of Babylon.[241] In the United States, for
example, thousands of practitioners have been arrested
because of their possession of the drug.[242] Rastas have
also advocated for the legalisation of cannabis in those
jurisdictions where it is illegal;[243] in 2015, Jamaica
decriminalized personal possession of marijuana up to two
ounces and legalized it for medicinal and scientific
purposes.[244] In 2019, Barbados legalised Rastafari use of
cannabis within religious settings and pledged 60 acres
(24 ha) of land for Rastafari to grow it.[245][246]

Music

A Rasta playing a batá drum


:
Rastafari music developed at reasoning sessions,[247]
where drumming, chanting, and dancing are all present.
[248] Rasta music is performed to praise and commune with
Jah,[249] and to reaffirm the rejection of Babylon.[249]
Rastas believe that their music has healing properties, with
the ability to cure colds, fevers, and headaches.[249] Many
of these songs are sung to the tune of older Christian
hymns,[250] but others are original Rasta creations.[249]

The bass-line of Rasta music is provided by the akete, a


three-drum set, which is accompanied by percussion
instruments like rattles and tambourines.[248] A
syncopated rhythm is then provided by the fundeh drum.
[248] In addition, a batá drum improvises over the rhythm.
[248] The different components of the music are regarded
as displaying different symbolism; the bassline symbolises
blows against Babylon, while the lighter beats denote hope
for the future.[248]

As Rastafari developed, popular music became its chief


communicative medium.[251] During the 1960s, ska was a
popular musical style in Jamaica, and although its protests
against social and political conditions were mild, it gave
early expression to Rasta socio-political ideology.[252]
Particularly prominent in the connection between Rastafari
and ska were the musicians Count Ossie and Don
Drummond.[253] Ossie was a drummer who believed that
black people needed to develop their own style of music;
[254] he was heavily influenced by Burru, an Afro-Jamaican
drumming style.[255] Ossie subsequently popularised this
:
new Rastafari ritual music by playing at various groundings
and groundations around Jamaica,[255] with songs like
"Another Moses" and "Babylon Gone" reflecting Rasta
influence.[256] Rasta themes also appeared in Drummond's
work, with songs such as "Reincarnation" and "Tribute to
Marcus Garvey".[256]

1968 saw the development of reggae in Jamaica, a musical


style typified by slower, heavier rhythms than ska and the
increased use of Jamaican Patois.[257] Like calypso, reggae
was a medium for social commentary,[258] although it
demonstrated a wider use of radical political and Rasta
themes than were previously present in Jamaican popular
music.[257] Reggae artists incorporated Rasta ritual
rhythms, and also adopted Rasta chants, language, motifs,
and social critiques.[259] Songs like The Wailers' "African
Herbsman" and Peter Tosh's "Legalize It" referenced
cannabis use,[260] while tracks like The Melodians' "Rivers
of Babylon" and Junior Byles' "Beat Down Babylon"
referenced Rasta beliefs in Babylon.[261] Reggae gained
widespread international popularity during the mid-1970s,
[262] coming to be viewed by black people in many different
countries as music of the oppressed.[263] Many Rastas
grew critical of reggae, believing that it had
commercialised their religion.[264] Although reggae
contains much Rastafari symbolism,[6] and the two are
widely associated,[265] the connection is often
exaggerated by non-Rastas.[266] Most Rastas do not listen
to reggae music,[266] and reggae has also been utilised by
:
other religious groups, such as Protestant Evangelicals.
[267] Out of reggae came dub music; dub artists often
employ Rastafari terminology, even when not Rastas
themselves.[268]

Language and symbolism


Rastas typically regard words as having an intrinsic power,
[269] seeking to avoid language that contributes to servility,
self-degradation, and the objectification of the person.[270]
Practitioners therefore often use their own form of
language, known commonly as "dread talk",[271] "Iyaric",
[272] and "Rasta talk".[273] Developed in Jamaica during the
1940s,[274] this use of language fosters group identity and
cultivates particular values.[275] Adherents believe that by
formulating their own language they are launching an
ideological attack on the integrity of the English language,
which they view as a tool of Babylon.[276] The use of this
language helps Rastas distinguish and separate
themselves from non-Rastas,[277] for whom—according to
Barrett—Rasta rhetoric can be "meaningless babbling".
[278] However, Rasta terms have also filtered into wider
Jamaican speech patterns.[279]
:
Rastas regularly use the three
colours of the Ethiopian flag
for their movement, although
they often add black to this
tricolour, symbolising the
black skin of the African
people

Rastas make wide use of the pronoun "I".[280] This denotes


the Rasta view that the self is divine,[281] and reminds each
Rasta that they are not a slave and have value, worth, and
dignity as a human being.[282] For instance, Rastas use "I"
in place of "me", "I and I" in place of "we", "I-ceive" in
place of "receive", "I-sire" in place of "desire", "I-rate" in
place of "create", and "I-men" in place of "Amen".[275]
Rastas refer to this process as "InI Consciousness" or
"Isciousness".[91] Rastas typically refer to Haile Selassie as
"Haile Selassie I", thus indicating their belief in his divinity.
[282] Rastas also typically believe that the phonetics of a
word should be linked to its meaning.[269] For instance,
Rastas often use the word "downpression" in place of
"oppression" because oppression bears down on people
rather than lifting them up, with "up" being phonetically
akin to "opp-".[283] Similarly, they often favour "livicate"
over "dedicate" because "ded-" is phonetically akin to the
word "dead".[284] In the early decades of the religion's
:
development, Rastas often said "Peace and Love" as a
greeting, although the use of this declined as Rastafari
matured.[285]

Rastas often make use of the colours red, black, green, and
gold.[286] Red, gold, and green were used in the Ethiopian
flag, while, prior to the development of Rastafari, the
Jamaican black nationalist activist Marcus Garvey had
used red, green, and black as the colours for the Pan-
African flag representing his United Negro Improvement
Association.[287] According to Garvey, the red symbolised
the blood of martyrs, the black symbolised the skin of
Africans, and the green represented the vegetation of the
land, an interpretation endorsed by some Rastas.[288] The
colour gold is often included alongside Garvey's three
colours; it has been adopted from the Jamaican flag,[289]
and is often interpreted as symbolising the minerals and
raw materials which constitute Africa's wealth.[290] Rastas
often paint these colours onto their buildings, vehicles,
kiosks, and other items,[286] or display them on their
clothing, helping to distinguish Rastas from non-Rastas
and allowing adherents to recognise their co-religionists.
[291] As well as being used by Rastas, the colour set has
also been adopted by Pan-Africanists more broadly, who
use it to display their identification with Afrocentricity;[290]
for this reason it was adopted on the flags of many post-
independence African states.[286] Rastas often accompany
the use of these three or four colours with the image of the
Lion of Judah, also adopted from the Ethiopian flag and
:
symbolizing Haile Selassie.[286]

Diet

An ital breakfast; ackee,


plantain, boiled food,
breadfruit, and mango-
pineapple juice

Rastas seek to produce food "naturally",[153] eating what


they call ital, or "natural" food.[292] This is often grown
organically,[293] and locally.[269] Most Rastas adhere to the
dietary laws outlined in the Book of Leviticus, and thus
avoid eating pork or crustaceans.[294] Other Rastas remain
vegetarian,[295] or vegan,[296] a practice stemming from
their interpretation of Leviticus.[f][297] Many also avoid the
addition of additives, including sugar and salt, to their
food.[298] Rasta dietary practices have been ridiculed by
non-Rastas; in Ghana for example, where food traditionally
includes a high meat content, the Rastas' emphasis on
vegetable produce has led to the joke that they "eat like
sheep and goats".[299] In Jamaica, Rasta practitioners have
:
commercialised ital food, for instance by selling fruit juices
prepared according to Rasta custom.[300]

Rastafarians typically avoid food produced by non-Rastas


or from unknown sources.[301] Rasta men refuse to eat
food prepared by a woman while she is menstruating,[302]
and some will avoid food prepared by a woman at any time.
[303] Rastas also generally avoid alcohol,[304] cigarettes,
[305] and hard drugs such as heroin and cocaine,[233]
presenting these substances as unnatural and dirty and
contrasting them with cannabis.[242] Rastas also often
avoid mainstream scientific medicine and will reject
surgery, injections, or blood transfusions.[306] Instead they
utilise herbal medicine for healing, especially teas and
poultices, with cannabis often used as an ingredient.[307]

Appearance

A man with dreadlocks in São


Paulo, Brazil

Rastas use their physical appearance as a means of


:
visually demarcating themselves from non-Rastas.[107]
Male practitioners will often grow long beards,[308] and
many Rastas prefer to wear African styles of clothing, such
as dashikis, rather than styles that originated in Western
countries.[309] However, it is the formation of hair into
dreadlocks that is one of the most recognisable Rasta
symbols.[310] Rastas believe that dreadlocks are promoted
in the Bible, specifically in the Book of Numbers,[g][311] and
regard them as a symbol of strength linked to the hair of
the Biblical figure of Samson.[312] They argue that their
dreadlocks mark a covenant that they have made with Jah,
[313] and reflect their commitment to the idea of
'naturalness'.[314] They also perceive the wearing of dreads
as a symbolic rejection of Babylon and a refusal to conform
to its norms regarding grooming aesthetics.[315] Rastas are
often critical of black people who straighten their hair,
believing that it is an attempt to imitate white European
hair and thus reflects alienation from a person's African
identity.[314] Sometimes this dreadlocked hair is then
shaped and styled, often inspired by a lion's mane
symbolising Haile Selassie, who is regarded as "the
Conquering Lion of Judah".[316]

Rastas differ on whether they regard dreadlocks as


compulsory for practicing the religion.[25] Some Rastas do
not wear their hair in dreadlocks; within the religion they
are often termed "cleanface" Rastas,[317] with those
wearing dreadlocked hair often called "locksmen".[318]
Some Rastas have also joined the Ethiopian Orthodox
:
Tewahedo Church, the Christian organisation to which
Haile Selassie belonged, and these individuals are
forbidden from putting their hair in dreadlocks by the
Church.[319] In reference to Rasta hairstyles, Rastas often
refer to non-Rastas as "baldheads",[320] or "combsome",
[321] while those who are new to Rastafari and who have
only just started to grow their hair into dreads are termed
"nubbies".[317] Members of the Bobo Ashanti sect of
Rastas conceal their dreadlocks within turbans,[322] while
some Rastas tuck their dreads under a rastacap or tam
headdress, usually coloured green, red, black, and yellow.
[323] Dreadlocks and Rastafari-inspired clothing have also
been worn for aesthetic reasons by non-Rastas.[324] For
instance, many reggae musicians who do not adhere to the
Rastafari religion wear their hair in dreads.[266]

A Rasta man wearing a


rastacap in Jamaica

From the beginning of the Rastafari movement in the


1930s, adherents typically grew beards and tall hair,
perhaps in imitation of Haile Selassie.[129] The wearing of
hair as dreadlocks then emerged as a Rasta practice in the
1940s;[129] there were debates within the movement as to
:
whether dreadlocks should be worn or not, with
proponents of the style becoming dominant.[325] There are
various claims as to how this practice was adopted.[129]
One claim is that it was adopted in imitation of certain
African nations, such as the Maasai, Somalis, or Oromo, or
that it was inspired by the hairstyles worn by some of those
involved in the anti-colonialist Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya.
[129] An alternative explanation is that it was inspired by the
hairstyles of the Hindu sadhus.[326]

The wearing of dreadlocks has contributed to negative


views of Rastafari among non-Rastas, many of whom
regard it as wild and unattractive.[327] Dreadlocks remain
socially stigmatised in many societies; in Ghana for
example, they are often associated with the homeless and
mentally ill, with such associations of marginality
extending onto Ghanaian Rastas.[328] In Jamaica during
the mid-20th century, teachers and police officers used to
forcibly cut off the dreads of Rastas.[329] In various
countries, Rastas have since won legal battles ensuring
their right to wear dreadlocks: in 2020, for instance, the
High Court of Malawi ruled that all public schools must
allow their students to wear dreadlocks.[330] The decision
to begin to be enforced before the 30th of June 2023 of
schools will be in breach of the country's constitution.[331]

History
:
Rastafari developed out of the legacy of the Atlantic slave
trade, in which over ten million enslaved Africans were
transported to the Americas between the 16th and 19th
centuries.[332] Under 700,000 of these slaves were settled
in the British colony of Jamaica.[332] The British
government abolished slavery in the Caribbean island in
1834,[333] although racial prejudice remained prevalent
across Jamaican society.[334]

Ethiopianism, Back to
Africa, and Marcus Garvey

Marcus Garvey, a
prominent black
nationalist theorist
who heavily influenced
Rastafari and is
regarded as a prophet
by many Rastas
:
Rastafari owed much to intellectual frameworks arising in
the 19th and early 20th centuries.[335] One key influence
on Rastafari was Christian Revivalism,[336] with the Great
Revival of 1860–61 drawing many Afro-Jamaicans to join
churches.[337] Increasing numbers of Pentecostal
missionaries from the United States arrived in Jamaica
during the early 20th century, climaxing in the 1920s.[338]

Further contributing significantly to Rastafari's


development were Ethiopianism and the Back to Africa
ethos, both traditions with 18th-century roots.[339] In the
19th century, there were growing calls for the African
diaspora located in Western Europe and the Americas to be
resettled in Africa,[339] with some of this diaspora
establishing colonies in Sierra Leone and Liberia.[339]
Based in Liberia, the black Christian preacher Edward
Wilmot Blyden began promoting African pride and the
preservation of African tradition, customs, and institutions.
[340] Also spreading throughout Africa was Ethiopianism, a
movement that accorded special status to the east African
nation of Ethiopia because it was mentioned in various
Biblical passages.[341] For adherents of Ethiopianism,
"Ethiopia" was regarded as a synonym of Africa as a whole.
[342]

Of significant influence on Rastafari was the Jamaican


activist Marcus Garvey, who spent much of his adult life in
the US and Britain. Garvey supported the idea of global
racial separatism and called for part of the African diaspora
to relocate to Africa.[343] His ideas faced opposition from
:
civil rights activists like W. E. B. Du Bois who supported
racial integration,[344] and as a mass movement,
Garveyism declined in the Great Depression of the 1930s.
[344] A rumour later spread that in 1916, Garvey had called
on his supporters to "look to Africa" for the crowning of a
black king; this quote was never verified.[345] However, in
August 1930, Garvey's play, Coronation of an African King,
was performed in Kingston. Its plot revolved around the
crowning of the fictional Prince Cudjoe of Sudan, although
it anticipated the crowning of Haile Selassie later that year.
[346] Rastas hold Garvey in great esteem,[116] with many
regarding him as a prophet.[347] Garvey knew of Rastafari,
but took a largely negative view of the religion;[348] he also
became a critic of Haile Selassie,[349] calling him "a great
coward" who rules a "country where black men are
chained and flogged".[84]

Haile Selassie and the


early Rastas: 1930–1949
Haile Selassie was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia in 1930,
becoming the first sovereign monarch crowned in Sub-
Saharan Africa since 1891 and first Christian one since
1889. A number of Jamaica's Christian clergymen claimed
that Selassie's coronation was evidence that he was the
:
black messiah that they believed was prophesied in the
Book of Revelation,[h] the Book of Daniel,[i] and Psalms.[j]
[350] Over the following years, several street preachers—
most notably Leonard Howell, Archibald Dunkley, Robert
Hinds, and Joseph Hibbert—began claiming that Haile
Selassie was the returned Jesus.[351] They first did so in
Kingston, and soon the message spread throughout 1930s
Jamaica,[352] especially among poor communities who
were hit particularly hard by the Great Depression.[162]
Clarke stated that "to all intents and purposes this was the
beginning" of the Rastafari movement.[353]

Emperor Haile Selassie in


1942, a year after he re-took
control of Ethiopia

Howell has been described as the "leading figure" in the


early Rastafari movement.[31] He preached that black
Africans were superior to white Europeans and that Afro-
Jamaicans should owe their allegiance to Haile Selassie
rather than to King George V. The island's colonial
authorities arrested him and charged him with sedition in
1934, resulting in a two-year imprisonment.[354] Following
his release, Howell established the Ethiopian Salvation
:
Society and in 1939 established a Rasta community, known
as Pinnacle, in Saint Catherine Parish.[355] Police feared
that Howell was training his followers for an armed
rebellion and were angered that it was producing cannabis
for sale. They raided the community on several occasions
and Howell was imprisoned for a further two years.[356]
Upon his release he returned to Pinnacle, but the police
continued with their raids and shut down the community in
1954; Howell himself was committed to a mental hospital.
[357]

In 1936, Italy invaded and occupied Ethiopia, and Haile


Selassie went into exile. The invasion brought international
condemnation and led to growing sympathy for the
Ethiopian cause.[358] In 1937, Selassie created the
Ethiopian World Federation, which established a branch in
Jamaica later that decade.[359] In 1941, Allied forces drove
the Italians out of Ethiopia and Selassie returned to reclaim
his throne. Many Rastas interpreted this as the fulfilment of
a prophecy made in the Book of Revelation.[k][358]

Growing visibility: 1950–


1969
Rastafari's main appeal was among the lower classes of
Jamaican society.[358] For its first thirty years, Rastafari
:
was in a conflictual relationship with the Jamaican
authorities.[360] Jamaica's Rastas expressed contempt for
many aspects of the island's society, viewing the
government, police, bureaucracy, professional classes, and
established churches as instruments of Babylon.[159]
Relations between practitioners and the police were
strained, with Rastas often being arrested for cannabis
possession.[361] During the 1950s the movement grew
rapidly in Jamaica itself and also spread to other Caribbean
islands, the United States, and the United Kingdom.[358]

In the 1940s and 1950s, a more militant brand of Rastafari


emerged.[362] The vanguard of this was the House of Youth
Black Faith, a group whose members were largely based in
West Kingston.[363] Backlash against the Rastas grew after
a practitioner of the religion allegedly killed a woman in
1957.[159] In March 1958, the first Rastafarian Universal
Convention was held in the settlement of Back-o-Wall,
Kingston.[364] Following the event, militant Rastas
unsuccessfully tried to capture the city in the name of Haile
Selassie.[365] Later that year they tried again in Spanish
Town.[159] The increasing militancy of some Rastas
resulted in growing alarm about the religion in Jamaica.
[159] According to Cashmore, the Rastas became "folk
devils" in Jamaican society.[366] In 1959, the self-declared
prophet and founder of the African Reform Church,
Claudius Henry, sold thousands of tickets to Afro-
Jamaicans, including many Rastas, for passage on a ship
that he claimed would take them to Africa. The ship never
:
arrived and Henry was charged with fraud. In 1960 he was
sentenced to six years imprisonment for conspiring to
overthrow the government.[367] Henry's son was accused
of being part of a paramilitary cell and executed,
confirming public fears about Rasta violence.[368] One of
the most prominent clashes between Rastas and law
enforcement was the Coral Gardens incident of 1963, in
which an initial skirmish between police and Rastas
resulted in several deaths and led to a larger roundup of
practitioners.[369] Clamping down on the Rasta movement,
in 1964 the island's government implemented tougher laws
surrounding cannabis use.[370]

At the invitation of Jamaica's government, Haile Selassie


visited the island for the first time on 21 April 1966, with
thousands of Rastas assembled in the crowd waiting to
meet him at the airport.[371] The event was the high point
of their discipleship for many of the religion's members.
[372] Over the course of the 1960s, Jamaica's Rasta
community underwent a process of routinisation,[373] with
the late 1960s witnessing the launch of the first official
Rastafarian newspaper, the Rastafarian Movement
Association's Rasta Voice.[374] The decade also saw
Rastafari develop in increasingly complex ways,[372] as it
did when some Rastas began to reinterpret the idea that
salvation required a physical return to Africa, instead
interpreting salvation as coming through a process of
mental decolonisation that embraced African approaches
to life.[372]
:
Whereas its membership had previously derived
predominantly from poorer sectors of society, in the 1960s
Rastafari began attracting support from more privileged
groups like students and professional musicians.[375] The
foremost group emphasising this approach was the Twelve
Tribes of Israel, whose members came to be known as
"Uptown Rastas".[376] Among those attracted to Rastafari
in this decade were middle-class intellectuals like Leahcim
Semaj, who called for the religious community to place
greater emphasis on scholarly social theory as a method of
achieving change.[377] Although some Jamaican Rastas
were critical of him,[378] many came under the influence of
the Guyanese black nationalist academic Walter Rodney,
who lectured to their community in 1968 before publishing
his thoughts as the pamphlet Groundings.[379] Like
Rodney, many Jamaican Rastas were influenced by the
U.S.-based Black Power movement.[380] After Black Power
declined following the deaths of prominent exponents such
as Malcolm X, Michael X, and George Jackson, Rastafari
filled the vacuum it left for many black youth.[381]

International spread and


decline: 1970–present
In the mid-1970s, reggae's international popularity
:
exploded.[262] The most successful reggae artist was Bob
Marley, who—according to Cashmore—"more than any
other individual, was responsible for introducing
Rastafarian themes, concepts and demands to a truly
universal audience".[382] Reggae's popularity led to a
growth in "pseudo-Rastafarians", individuals who listened
to reggae and wore Rasta clothing but did not share its
belief system.[383] Many Rastas were angered by this,
believing it commercialised their religion.[264]

Reggae musician Bob Marley


did much to raise
international awareness of
the Rastafari movement in the
1970s.

Through reggae, Rasta musicians became increasingly


important in Jamaica's political life during the 1970s.[384]
To bolster his popularity with the electorate, Jamaican
Prime Minister Michael Manley employed Rasta imagery
and courted and obtained support from Marley and other
reggae musicians.[385] Manley described Rastas as a
"beautiful and remarkable people"[327] and carried a cane,
the "rod of correction", which he claimed was a gift from
:
Haile Selassie.[386] Following Manley's example, Jamaican
political parties increasingly employed Rasta language,
symbols, and reggae references in their campaigns,[387]
while Rasta symbols became increasingly mainstream in
Jamaican society.[388] This helped to confer greater
legitimacy on Rastafari,[389] with reggae and Rasta
imagery being increasingly presented as a core part of
Jamaica's cultural heritage for the growing tourist industry.
[390] In the 1980s, a Rasta, Barbara Makeda Blake Hannah,
became a senator in the Jamaican Parliament.[391]

Enthusiasm for Rastafari was likely dampened by the death


of Haile Selassie in 1975 and that of Marley in 1981.[392]
During the 1980s, the number of Rastas in Jamaica
declined,[393] with Pentecostal and other Charismatic
Christian groups proving more successful at attracting
young recruits.[394] Several publicly prominent Rastas
converted to Christianity,[394] and two of those who did so
—Judy Mowatt and Tommy Cowan—maintained that Marley
had converted from Rastafari to Christianity, in the form of
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, during his final days.[395]
The significance of Rastafari messages in reggae also
declined with the growing popularity of dancehall, a
Jamaican musical genre that typically foregrounded lyrical
themes of hyper-masculinity, violence, and sexual activity
rather than religious symbolism.[396]

The mid-1990s saw a revival of Rastafari-focused reggae


associated with musicians like Anthony B, Buju Banton,
Luciano, Sizzla, and Capleton.[396] From the 1990s,
:
Jamaica also witnessed the growth of organised political
activity within the Rasta community, seen for instance
through campaigns for the legalisation of cannabis and the
creation of political parties like the Jamaican Alliance
Movement and the Imperial Ethiopian World Federation
Incorporated Political Party, none of which attained more
than minimal electoral support.[397] In 1995, the Rastafari
Centralization Organization was established in Jamaica as
an attempt to organise the Rastafari community.[398]

Organisation
Rastafari is not a homogeneous movement and has no
single administrative structure,[399] nor any single leader.
[400] A majority of Rastas avoid centralised and hierarchical
structures because they do not want to replicate the
structures of Babylon and because their religion's ultra-
individualistic ethos places emphasis on inner divinity.[401]
The structure of most Rastafari groups is less like that of
Christian denominations and is instead akin to the cellular
structure of other African diasporic traditions like Haitian
Vodou, Cuban Santería, and Jamaica's Revival Zion.[399]
Since the 1970s, there have been attempts to unify all
Rastas, namely through the establishment of the Rastafari
Movement Association, which sought political mobilisation.
[402] In 1982, the first international assembly of Rastafari
groups took place in Toronto, Canada.[402] This and
:
subsequent international conferences, assemblies, and
workshops have helped to cement global networks and
cultivate an international community of Rastas.[403]

Mansions of Rastafari

A stylised Rastafari motif,


depicting the Lion of Judah

Sub-divisions of Rastafari are often referred to as "houses"


or "mansions", in keeping with a passage from the Gospel
of John (14:2): as translated in the King James Bible, Jesus
states "In my father's house are many mansions".[404] The
three most prominent branches are the House of
Nyabinghi, the Bobo Ashanti, and the Twelve Tribes of
Israel, although other important groups include the Church
of Haile Selassie I, Inc., and the Fulfilled Rastafari.[404] By
fragmenting into different houses without any single
leader, Rastafari became more resilient amid opposition
:
from Jamaica's government during the early decades of
the movement.[405]

Probably the largest Rastafari group, the House of


Nyabinghi is an aggregate of more traditional and militant
Rastas who seek to retain the movement close to the way
in which it existed during the 1940s.[404] They stress the
idea that Haile Selassie was Jah and the reincarnation of
Jesus.[404] The wearing of dreadlocks is regarded as
indispensable and patriarchal gender roles are strongly
emphasised,[404] while, according to Cashmore, they are
"vehemently anti-white".[406] Nyabinghi Rastas refuse to
compromise with Babylon and are often critical of reggae
musicians like Marley, whom they regard as having
collaborated with the commercial music industry.[407]

The Bobo Ashanti sect was founded in Jamaica by Emanuel


Charles Edwards through the establishment of his Ethiopia
Africa Black International Congress (EABIC) in 1958.[408]
The group established a commune in Bull Bay, where they
were led by Edwards until his death in 1994.[409] The group
hold to a highly rigid ethos.[410] Edwards advocated the
idea of a new trinity, with Haile Selassie as the living God,
himself as the Christ, and Garvey as the prophet.[411] Male
members are divided into two categories: the "priests"
who conduct religious services and the "prophets" who
take part in reasoning sessions.[410] It places greater
restrictions on women than most other forms of Rastafari;
[412] women are regarded as impure because of
menstruation and childbirth and so are not permitted to
:
cook for men.[410] The group teaches that black Africans
are God's chosen people and are superior to white
Europeans,[413] with members often refusing to associate
with white people.[414] Bobo Ashanti Rastas are
recognisable by their long, flowing robes and turbans.[415]

The headquarters of the


Twelve Tribes of Israel group
in Shashemene, Ethiopia

The Twelve Tribes of Israel group was founded in 1968 in


Kingston by Vernon Carrington.[416] He proclaimed himself
the reincarnation of the Old Testament prophet Gad and his
followers call him "Prophet Gad", "Brother Gad", or
"Gadman".[417] It is commonly regarded as the most liberal
form of Rastafari and the closest to Christianity.[59]
Practitioners are often dubbed "Christian Rastas" because
they believe Jesus is the only saviour; Haile Selassie is
accorded importance, but is not viewed as the second
coming of Jesus.[418] The group divides its members into
twelve groups according to which Hebrew calendar month
they were born in; each month is associated with a
particular colour, body part, and mental function.[419]
:
Maintaining dreadlocks and an ital diet are considered
commendable but not essential,[420] while adherents are
called upon to read a chapter of the Bible each day.[421]
Membership is open to individuals of any racial
background.[422]

The Twelve Tribes peaked in popularity during the 1970s,


when it attracted artists, musicians, and many middle-
class followers—Marley among them[423]—resulting in the
terms "middle-class Rastas" and "uptown Rastas" being
applied to members of the group.[424] Carrington died in
2005, since which time the Twelve Tribes of Israel have
been led by an executive council.[424] As of 2010, it was
recorded as being the largest of the centralised Rasta
groups.[73] It remains headquartered in Kingston, although
it has followers outside Jamaica;[425] the group was
responsible for establishing the Rasta community in
Shashamane, Ethiopia.[426]

The Church of Haile Selassie, Inc., was founded by Abuna


Foxe and operated much like a mainstream Christian
church, with a hierarchy of functionaries, weekly services,
and Sunday schools.[427] In adopting this broad approach,
the Church seeks to develop Rastafari's respectability in
wider society.[402] Fulfilled Rastafari is a multi-ethnic
movement that has spread in popularity during the 21st
century, in large part through the Internet.[402] The Fulfilled
Rastafari group accept Haile Selassie's statements that he
was a man and that he was a devout Christian, and so place
emphasis on worshipping Jesus through the example set
:
forth by Haile Selassie.[402] The wearing of dreadlocks and
the adherence to an ital diet are considered issues up to
the individual.[402]

Demographics

Born in the ghettos of Kingston, Jamaica, the


Rastafarian movement has captured the imagination of
thousands of black youth, and some white youth,
throughout Jamaica, the Caribbean, Britain, France, and
other countries in Western Europe and North America. It
is also to be found in smaller numbers in parts of Africa
—for example, in Ethiopia, Ghana, and Senegal—and in
Australia and New Zealand, particularly among the
Maori.

— Sociologist of religion Peter B. Clarke, 1986[99]

As of 2012, there were an estimated 700,000 to 1,000,000


Rastas worldwide.[428] They can be found in many different
regions, including most of the world's major population
centres.[428] Rastafari's influence on wider society has
been more substantial than its numerical size,[429]
particularly in fostering a racial, political, and cultural
consciousness among the African diaspora and Africans
themselves.[428] Men dominate Rastafari.[430] In its early
:
years, most of its followers were men, and the women who
did adhere to it tended to remain in the background.[430]
This picture of Rastafari's demographics has been
confirmed by ethnographic studies conducted in the late
20th and early 21st centuries.[431]

The Rasta message resonates with many people who feel


marginalised and alienated by the values and institutions of
their society.[432] Internationally, it has proved most
popular among the poor and among marginalised youth.
[433] In valorising Africa and blackness, Rastafari provides
a positive identity for youth in the African diaspora by
allowing them to psychologically reject their social
stigmatisation.[432] It then provides these disaffected
people with the discursive stance from which they can
challenge capitalism and consumerism, providing them
with symbols of resistance and defiance.[432] Cashmore
expressed the view that "whenever there are black people
who sense an injust disparity between their own material
conditions and those of the whites who surround them and
tend to control major social institutions, the Rasta
messages have relevance."[434]

Conversion and
deconversion
:
Rastafari is a non-missionary religion.[435] However, elders
from Jamaica often go "trodding" to instruct new converts
in the fundamentals of the religion.[436] On researching
English Rastas during the 1970s, Cashmore noted that they
had not converted instantaneously, but rather had
undergone "a process of drift" through which they
gradually adopted Rasta beliefs and practices, resulting in
their ultimate acceptance of Haile Selassie's central
importance.[437] Based on his research in West Africa, Neil
J. Savishinsky found that many of those who converted to
Rastafari came to the religion through their pre-existing
use of marijuana as a recreational drug.[438]

Rastas often claim that—rather than converting to the


religion—they were actually always a Rasta and that their
embrace of its beliefs was merely the realisation of this.
[439] There is no formal ritual carried out to mark an
individual's entry into the Rastafari movement,[440]
although once they do join an individual often changes
their name, with many including the prefix "Ras".[55]
Rastas regard themselves as an exclusive and elite
community, membership of which is restricted to those
who have the "insight" to recognise Haile Selassie's
importance.[441] Practitioners thus often regard
themselves as the "enlightened ones" who have "seen the
light".[442] Many of them see no point in establishing good
relations with non-Rastas, believing that the latter will
never accept Rastafari doctrine as truth.[443]

Some Rastas have left the religion. Clarke noted that


:
among British Rastas, some returned to Pentecostalism
and other forms of Christianity, while others embraced
Islam or no religion.[444] Some English ex-Rastas described
disillusionment when the societal transformation promised
by Rastafari failed to appear, while others felt that while
Rastafari would be appropriate for agrarian communities in
Africa and the Caribbean, it was not suited to industrialised
British society.[444] Others experienced disillusionment
after developing the view that Haile Selassie had been an
oppressive leader of the Ethiopian people.[444] Cashmore
found that some British Rastas who had more militant
views left the religion after finding its focus on reasoning
and music insufficient for the struggle against white
domination and racism.[445]

Regional spread
Although it remains most concentrated in the Caribbean,
[446] Rastafari has spread to many areas of the world and
adapted into many localised variants.[447] It has spread
primarily in Anglophone regions and countries, largely
because reggae music has primarily been produced in the
English language.[433] It is thus most commonly found in
the Anglophone Caribbean, United States, Canada, United
Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand, and Anglophone
parts of Africa.[448]
:
Jamaica and the Americas

A practitioner of
Rastafari in Jamaica

Barrett described Rastafari as "the largest, most


identifiable, indigenous movement in Jamaica."[6] In the
mid-1980s, there were approximately 70,000 members
and sympathisers of Rastafari in Jamaica.[449] The majority
were male, working-class, former Christians aged between
18 and 40.[449] In the 2011 Jamaican census, 29,026
individuals identified as Rastas.[450] Jamaica's Rastas were
initially entirely from the Afro-Jamaican majority,[451] and
although Afro-Jamaicans are still the majority, Rastafari
has also gained members from the island's Chinese,
Indian, Afro-Chinese, Afro-Jewish, mulatto, and white
minorities.[452] Until 1965, the vast majority were from the
lower classes, although it has since attracted many
middle-class members; by the 1980s, there were Jamaican
Rastas working as lawyers and university professors.[453]
Jamaica is often valorised by Rastas as the fountain-head
of their faith, and many Rastas living elsewhere travel to
:
the island on pilgrimage.[454]

Both through travel between the islands,[455] and through


reggae's popularity,[456] Rastafari spread across the
eastern Caribbean during the 1970s. Here, its ideas
complemented the anti-colonial and Afrocentric views
prevalent in countries like Trinidad, Grenada, Dominica,
and St Vincent.[457] In these countries, the early Rastas
often engaged in cultural and political movements to a
greater extent than their Jamaican counterparts had.[458]
Various Rastas were involved in Grenada's 1979 New Jewel
Movement and were given positions in the Grenadine
government until it was overthrown and replaced following
the U.S. invasion of 1983.[459] Although Fidel Castro's
Marxist–Leninist government generally discouraged
foreign influences, Rastafari was introduced to Cuba
alongside reggae in the 1970s.[460] Foreign Rastas
studying in Cuba during the 1990s connected with its
reggae scene and helped to further ground it in Rasta
beliefs.[461] In Cuba, most Rastas have been male and from
the Afro-Cuban population.[462]

Rastafari was introduced to the United States and Canada


with the migration of Jamaicans to continental North
America in the 1960s and 1970s.[463] American police were
often suspicious of Rastas and regarded Rastafari as a
criminal sub-culture.[464] Rastafari also attracted converts
from within several Native American communities[447] and
picked up some support from white members of the hippie
subculture, which was then in decline.[465] In Latin
:
America, small communities of Rastas have also
established in Brazil, Panama, and Nicaragua.[448]

Africa
Some Rastas in the African diaspora have followed through
with their beliefs about resettlement in Africa, with Ghana
and Nigeria being particularly favoured.[466] In West Africa,
Rastafari has spread largely through the popularity of
reggae,[467] gaining a larger presence in Anglophone areas
than their Francophone counterparts.[468] Caribbean
Rastas arrived in Ghana during the 1960s, encouraged by
its first post-independence president, Kwame Nkrumah,
while some native Ghanaians also converted to the religion.
[469] The largest congregation of Rastas has been in
southern parts of Ghana, around Accra, Tema, and the
Cape Coast,[123] although Rasta communities also exist in
the Muslim-majority area of northern Ghana.[470] The
Rasta migrants' wearing of dreadlocks was akin to that of
the native fetish priests, which may have assisted the
presentation of these Rastas as having authentic African
roots in Ghanaian society.[471] However, Ghanaian Rastas
have complained of social ostracism and prosecution for
cannabis possession, while non-Rastas in Ghana often
consider them to be "drop-outs", "too Western", and "not
African enough".[472]
:
A Rasta street vendor in
South Africa's Eastern Cape

A smaller number of Rastas are found in Muslim-majority


countries of West Africa, such as Gambia and Senegal.[473]
One West African group that wear dreadlocks are the Baye
Faal, a Mouride sect in Senegambia, some of whose
practitioners have started calling themselves "Rastas" in
reference to their visual similarity to Rastafari.[474] The
popularity of dreadlocks and marijuana among the Baye
Faal may have been spread in large part through access to
Rasta-influenced reggae in the 1970s.[475] A small
community of Rastas also appeared in Burkina Faso.[476]

In the 1960s, a Rasta settlement was established in


Shashamane, Ethiopia, on land made available by Haile
Selassie's Ethiopian World Federation.[477] The community
faced many problems; 500 acres were confiscated by the
Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam.[477] There
were also conflicts with local Ethiopians, who largely
regarded the incoming Rastas, and their Ethiopian-born
children, as foreigners.[477] The Shashamane community
peaked at a population of 2,000, although subsequently
declined to around 200.[477]
:
By the early 1990s, a Rasta community existed in Nairobi,
Kenya, whose approach to the religion was informed both
by reggae and by traditional Kikuyu religion.[478] Rastafari
groups have also appeared in Zimbabwe,[479] Malawi[480]
and in South Africa;[481] in 2008, there were at least 12,000
Rastas in the country.[482] At an African Union/Caribbean
Diaspora conference in South Africa in 2005, a statement
was released characterising Rastafari as a force for
integration of Africa and the African diaspora.[483]

Europe

The English Rasta Benjamin


Zephaniah was a well-known
poet.

During the 1950s and 1960s, Rastas were among the


thousands of Caribbean migrants who settled in the United
Kingdom,[484] leading to small groups appearing in areas
of London such as Brixton[485] and Notting Hill in the
1950s.[463] By the late 1960s, Rastafari had attracted
converts from the second generation of British Caribbean
people,[463] spreading beyond London to cities like
:
Birmingham, Leicester, Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol.
[486] Its spread was aided by the gang structures that had
been cultivated among black British youth by the rudeboy
subculture,[487] and gained increasing attention in the
1970s through reggae's popularity.[488] According to the
2001 United Kingdom Census there are about 5000
Rastafari living in England and Wales.[489] Clarke described
Rastafari as a small but "extremely influential" component
of black British life.[449]

Rastafari also established itself in various continental


European countries, among them the Netherlands,
Germany,[490] Portugal, and France, gaining a particular
foothold among black migrant populations but also
attracting white converts.[491] In France for instance it
established a presence in two cities with substantial black
populations, Paris and Bordeaux,[492] while in the
Netherlands, it attracted converts within the Surinamese
migrant community.[493]

Australasia and Asia


Rastafari attracted membership from within the Maori
population of New Zealand,[494] and the Aboriginal
population of Australia.[493] Rastafari has also established
a presence in Japan,[495] and in Israel, primarily among
those highlighting similarities between Judaism and
Rastafari.[496]
:
See also

List of Rastafarians
Abrahamic religions

References

Biblical citations

a. Luke 14:11
b. Daniel 2:31–32
c. Genesis 1:29
d. Psalms 18:8
e. Revelation 22:2
f. Leviticus 11:41–42
g. Numbers 6:5–6
:
g. Numbers 6:5–6
h. Revelation 5:2–3; Revelation
19:16
i. Daniel 7:3
j. Psalms 68:31
k. Revelation 19:11–19

Citations

1. Gjerset 1994, pp. 75, 76;


Loadenthal 2013, p. 3.
2. Chawane 2014, p. 216.
3. Mhango 2008, pp. 223, 225–
226.
4. Petray 2020, p. 659; Weidner
2021, p. 2.
5. Clarke 1986, p. 11; Edmonds
:
5. Clarke 1986, p. 11; Edmonds
2012, p. 92; Sibanda 2016,
p. 182.
6. Barrett 1997, p. viii.
7. Kitzinger 1969, p. 240;
Cashmore 1983, p. 6.
8. Edmonds 2012, p. 92.
9. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 183.
10. Hansing 2001, p. 733;
Hansing 2006, p. 62.
11. Soumahoro 2007, p. 43.
12. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 192.
13. Edmonds 2012, pp. 71–72.
:
13. Edmonds 2012, pp. 71–72.
14. Cashmore 1983, p. 188;
Bedasse 2010, p. 267;
Edmonds 2012, p. 92; Glazier
2012, p. 614; Chawane 2014,
p. 214.
15. Loadenthal 2013, p. 6.
16. Chawane 2014, p. 214.
17. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
p. 502; Loadenthal 2013, p. 4;
Chawane 2014, p. 218;
Williams 2017, p. 477.
18. Kitzinger 1969, p. 240;
Watson 1973, p. 189; Ifekwe
2008, p. 106; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
2011, p. 187.
:
2011, p. 187.
19. Watson 1974, p. 329; Salter
2005, p. 8.
20. Watson 1973, p. 189;
Campbell 1988, p. 78; Kebede
& Knottnerus 1998, p. 501;
King 2002, p. 136.
21. Chevannes 1990, p. 143.
22. Lake 1994, p. 253.
23. Banton 1989, p. 153;
Cashmore 1989, pp. 158–
160.
24. King 2002, p. 13.
25. Barnett 2005, p. 75.
26. Simpson 1985, p. 291.
27. Barnett 2006, p. 881;
:
27. Barnett 2006, p. 881;
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 194.
28. Clarke 1986, p. 49; Bedasse
2010, p. 961.
29. Middleton 2006, p. 158.
30. Barrett 1997, p. 82; Ifekwe
2008, p. 111; Edmonds 2012,
p. 32; Chawane 2014, p. 217.
31. Barrett 1997, p. 82.
32. Chawane 2014, p. 218.
33. Forsythe 1980, p. 64;
Simpson 1985, p. 291; Barrett
1997, pp. 2, 103; King 1998,
p. 51; Middleton 2006, p. 152;
Fernández Olmos &
:
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 183; Glazier 2012, p. 614;
Chawane 2014, p. 218.
34. Barrett 1997, p. 187.
35. Cashmore 1983, p. 8.
36. Cashmore 1983, p. 8;
Chawane 2014, p. 218.
37. Edmonds 2012, p. 32.
38. Cashmore 1983, p. v.
39. Clarke 1986, p. 63.
40. Clarke 1986, pp. 49–50, 63.
41. Clarke 1986, p. 64.
42. Warner-Lewis 1993, p. 108;
Savishinsky 1994b, p. 31;
Barrett 1997, p. 111; Sibanda
2016, p. 183.
:
2016, p. 183.
43. Chawane 2014, p. 231.
44. Barnett 2006, p. 882.
45. Bedasse 2013, p. 302.
46. Rowe 1980, p. 14; Cashmore
1983, p. 74; Barrett 1997,
p. 127; Sibanda 2016, p. 184;
Chawane 2014, p. 232.
47. Sibanda 2016, p. 184.
48. Glazier 2012, p. 614.
49. Barrett 1997, p. 127; Mhango
2008, p. 222.
50. Cashmore 1983, p. 73.
51. Clarke 1986, p. 64; Barrett
1997, p. 127.
52. Cashmore 1983, p. 74; Clarke
:
52. Cashmore 1983, p. 74; Clarke
1986, p. 64; Barrett 1997,
p. 127; Kebede & Knottnerus
1998, p. 502; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
2011, p. 195.
53. Cashmore 1983, p. 74.
54. Soumahoro 2007, p. 44.
55. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 193.
56. Cashmore 1983, p. 24;
Rubenstein & Suarez 1994,
p. 2; Barrett 1997, p. 83.
57. Chevannes 1990, p. 135.
58. Cashmore 1983, p. 6; Clarke
1986, p. 12; Barnett 2006,
:
1986, p. 12; Barnett 2006,
p. 876; Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 196.
59. Edmonds 2012, p. 36.
60. Clarke 1986, p. 65.
61. Clarke 1986, p. 67.
62. Clarke 1986, p. 67; Barrett
1997, p. 106.
63. Clarke 1986, p. 67; Warner-
Lewis 1993, p. 110.
64. Chawane 2014, p. 232.
65. Soumahoro 2007, p. 39.
66. Barrett 1997, p. 108.
67. Pereira 1998, p. 35; Benard
2007, p. 93.
:
68. Watson 1973, p. 191;
Soumahoro 2007, p. 46.
69. Cashmore 1981, p. 175.
70. Bedasse 2010, p. 960;
Edmonds 2012, p. 32.
71. Barnett 2005, p. 77; Benard
2007, p. 94.
72. Edmonds 2012, p. 34.
73. Bedasse 2010, p. 961.
74. Clarke 1986, p. 67; Bedasse
2010, pp. 961, 964.
75. Clarke 1986, pp. 15–16, 66;
Barnett 2006, p. 876;
Bedasse 2010, p. 966;
Edmonds 2012, pp. 32–33.
76. Watson 1973, p. 191; Clarke
:
76. Watson 1973, p. 191; Clarke
1986, p. 65; Kebede &
Knottnerus 1998, pp. 510,
511; Mhango 2008, p. 222;
Bedasse 2010, p. 264.
77. Kitzinger 1966, p. 36;
Kitzinger 1969, p. 246.
78. Soumahoro 2007, p. 44;
Bedasse 2010, p. 960.
79. Bedasse 2010, p. 964.
80. Middleton 2006, p. 159;
Edmonds 2012, p. 34.
81. Middleton 2006, p. 59.
82. Salter 2005, p. 16.
83. Bedasse 2010, p. 968.
84. Cashmore 1983, p. 22.
:
85. Clarke 1986, p. 66.
86. Edmonds 2012, p. 1.
87. Kitzinger 1966, p. 36.
88. Cashmore 1983, p. 59;
Edmonds 2012, pp. 36–37.
89. Cashmore 1983, p. 63.
90. Cashmore 1983, p. 60;
Edmonds 2012, p. 37;
Middleton 2006, p. 158.
91. Edmonds 2012, p. 37.
92. Cashmore 1983, p. 60;
Barrett 1997, p. 253;
Edmonds 2012, p. 37.
93. Cashmore 1983, p. 60.
94. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
p. 511; Edmonds 2012, p. 25.
:
p. 511; Edmonds 2012, p. 25.
95. MacLeod 2014, p. 70.
96. MacLeod 2014, p. 71.
97. Cashmore 1983, p. 127.
98. Barrett 1997, p. 108; Kebede
& Knottnerus 1998, p. 511.
99. Clarke 1986, p. 17.
100. Barnett 2006, p. 864.
101. Barnett 2006, p. 882;
Wittmann 2011, p. 152;
Ntombana & Maganga 2020,
p. 3.
102. Campbell 1988, p. 78;
Soumahoro 2007, p. 39;
Bedasse 2013, p. 311.
103. Simpson 1955, p. 168;
:
103. Simpson 1955, p. 168;
Cashmore 1983, p. 129;
Clarke 1986, p. 17; Barrett
1997, p. 111; Edmonds 2012,
p. 38.
104. Clarke 1986, p. 81.
105. Kitzinger 1969, p. 240.
106. Clarke 1986, p. 81; Barnett
2006, p. 885.
107. Clarke 1986, p. 13.
108. Simpson 1955, p. 169;
Watson 1973, p. 191; Barrett
1997, p. 113; Kebede &
Knottnerus 1998, p. 504.
109. Cashmore 1983, p. 149;
Clarke 1986, p. 81.
110. Cashmore 1983, p. 150.
:
110. Cashmore 1983, p. 150.
111. Clarke 1986, p. 82.
112. Eyre 1985, p. 145; Pereira
1998, p. 31; Edmonds 2012,
p. 40.
113. Edmonds 2012, pp. 38–40.
114. Cashmore 1983, pp. 175–176;
Edmonds 2012, p. 40.
115. Edmonds 2012, p. 38.
116. Barnett 2005, p. 77.
117. Clarke 1986, p. 69.
118. Cashmore 1983, p. 71.
119. Edmonds 2012, p. 40.
120. Clarke 1986, p. 19.
121. Clarke 1986, p. 69; Barrett
1997, p. 111.
:
1997, p. 111.
122. White 2010, p. 317.
123. White 2010, p. 314.
124. Clarke 1986, p. 77.
125. Barnett 2005, p. 77; Edmonds
2012, p. 41.
126. Kitzinger 1969, p. 240;
Middleton 2006, p. 163.
127. Middleton 2006, p. 163.
128. Edmonds 2012, p. 41.
129. Edmonds 2012, p. 42.
130. Clarke 1986, p. 99.
131. Clarke 1986, p. 100; Edmonds
2012, p. 42; Bedasse 2013,
p. 294.
132. Cashmore 1983, p. 33;
:
132. Cashmore 1983, p. 33;
Barrett 1997, p. 172; Kebede
& Knottnerus 1998, p. 511;
Edmonds 2012, p. 42.
133. Clarke 1986, p. 85.
134. Cashmore 1983, pp. 7–8;
Simpson 1985, p. 286; Eyre
1985, p. 147; Barrett 1997,
pp. 248–249; Barnett 2006,
p. 875; Semaj 2013, p. 103.
135. Clarke 1986, p. 11; Barnett
2006, p. 875.
136. Clarke 1986, p. 70.
137. Cashmore 1983, p. 134.
138. Cashmore 1983, p. 129.
139. Clarke 1986, pp. 11, 70.
140. Clarke 1986, pp. 11, 69.
:
140. Clarke 1986, pp. 11, 69.
141. Barrett 1997, p. 119.
142. Clarke 1986, p. 74.
143. Clarke 1986, p. 75; Barrett
1997, p. 112.
144. Barrett 1997, p. 112.
145. Barrett 1997, p. 113.
146. Clarke 1986, p. 74; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
2011, p. 186.
147. Clarke 1986, p. 76.
148. Kitzinger 1969, p. 247; Clarke
1986, p. 75; Chevannes 1990,
p. 141; Barnett 2005, p. 72.
149. Clarke 1986, p. 73.
150. Clarke 1986, p. 79.
:
150. Clarke 1986, p. 79.
151. Barnett 2002, p. 54.
152. Clarke 1986, p. 79; Barnett
2002, p. 57; Edmonds 2012,
p. 47.
153. Clarke 1986, p. 83.
154. Clarke 1986, p. 83; Barnett
2002, p. 57.
155. Cashmore 1981, p. 177.
156. Watson 1973, p. 192.
157. Warner-Lewis 1993, p. 122.
158. Barnett 2002, p. 57.
159. Clarke 1986, p. 50.
160. Kitzinger 1969, p. 247;
Chevannes 1994, p. 150;
Barrett 1997, p. 220.
:
Barrett 1997, p. 220.
161. Barrett 1997, p. 220.
162. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 187.
163. Cashmore 1981, pp. 175–176,
179; Barnett 2006, p. 891.
164. Middleton 2006, pp. 165–167.
165. Newland 2013, p. 205.
166. Cashmore 1981, p. 178;
Edmonds 2012, p. 96.
167. Rowe 1980, p. 13; Clarke
1986, p. 87; Chevannes 1990,
p. 142; Barrett 1997, p. 241;
Barnett 2006, p. 879;
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
:
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 199; Edmonds 2012, p. 95.
168. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 200; Edmonds 2012, p. 96.
169. Cashmore 1981, p. 178;
Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
p. 504; Edmonds 2012, p. 95.
170. Cashmore 1981, p. 178.
171. Rowe 1980, p. 16.
172. Edmonds 2012, p. 97.
173. Rowe 1980, p. 15; Lake 1994,
p. 244; Sabelli 2011, p. 141;
Edmonds 2012, p. 98.
174. Lake 1994, pp. 241–242;
Edmonds 2012, pp. 95, 97.
175. Clarke 1986, p. 88; Fernández
:
175. Clarke 1986, p. 88; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
2011, p. 200; Edmonds 2012,
p. 98.
176. Lake 1994, p. 247; Barnett
2006, p. 889; Edmonds 2012,
p. 98.
177. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 200; Edmonds 2012, p. 98.
178. Rowe 1980, p. 15.
179. Barnett 2006, p. 889.
180. Edmonds 2012, pp. 98, 99.
181. Barnett 2002, p. 55;
Edmonds 2012, p. 98.
182. Edmonds 2012, p. 95.
:
183. Kitzinger 1966, p. 38.
184. Lake 1994, p. 252; Edmonds
2012, p. 99.
185. Edmonds 2012, p. 99.
186. Kitzinger 1966, p. 38;
Kitzinger 1969, p. 253; Clarke
1986, p. 88; Semaj 2013,
p. 106.
187. Cashmore 1983, pp. 78–79.
188. Kitzinger 1969, p. 253;
Cashmore 1983, p. 79; Clarke
1986, p. 87; Edmonds 2012,
p. 109.
189. Edmonds 2012, p. 109.
190. Lake 1994, p. 245; Edmonds
2012, p. 99.
:
2012, p. 99.
191. Clarke 1986, pp. 87–88.
192. Kitzinger 1966, p. 37.
193. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
p. 504; Edmonds 2012,
pp. 103–104.
194. Clarke 1986, p. 88.
195. Cashmore 1981, pp. 178–179;
Clarke 1986, p. 87.
196. Clarke 1986, p. 87; Edmonds
2012, p. 107.
197. Turner 1991, p. 86.
198. Sabelli 2011, p. 141.
199. Kitzinger 1969, p. 253;
Cashmore 1983, p. 79; Clarke
1986, p. 88; Barrett 1997,
:
p. 209; Edmonds 2012, p. 99.
200. Kitzinger 1966, p. 37; Clarke
1986, p. 88; Edmonds 2012,
p. 100; Sibanda 2016, p. 192.
201. Kitzinger 1966, p. 35;
Kitzinger 1969, pp. 254–255;
Cashmore 1983, p. 79;
Barnett 2006, p. 879;
Sibanda 2016, pp. 180, 181,
191.
202. Sibanda 2016, p. 192.
203. Cashmore 1981, pp. 178–179.
204. Gjerset 1994, p. 71; Kebede &
Knottnerus 1998, p. 503;
Edmonds 2012, p. 32.
205. Barnett 2002, p. 54;
:
Edmonds 2012, p. 53.
206. Edmonds 2012, p. 57.
207. Kitzinger 1969, p. 262.
208. Edmonds 2012, p. 55.
209. Clarke 1986, p. 88; Edmonds
2012, p. 54.
210. Edmonds 2012, p. 100.
211. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
p. 505; Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 193; Edmonds 2012, p. 56;
Chawane 2014, p. 234.
212. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
pp. 505–506; Edmonds 2012,
p. 56; Chawane 2014, p. 234.
213. Edmonds 2012, pp. 56–57.
:
213. Edmonds 2012, pp. 56–57.
214. Clarke 1986, p. 57.
215. Barrett 1997, p. 125.
216. Edmonds 2012, pp. 58–59.
217. Edmonds 2012, p. 59.
218. Edmonds 2012, p. 60.
219. Edmonds 2012, p. 61.
220. Edmonds 2012, pp. 60–61.
221. Semaj 2013, p. 106.
222. Semaj 2013, p. 107.
223. Clarke 1986, p. 47; Chawane
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224. Barrett 1997, p. 129;
Chawane 2014, p. 225.
225. Gjerset 1994, p. 73.
226. Clarke 1986, p. 89.
:
226. Clarke 1986, p. 89.
227. Edmonds 2012, p. 48;
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228. Clarke 1986, p. 51; Salter
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229. Edmonds 2012, p. 53.
230. Barnett 2006, p. 883;
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231. Clarke 1986, p. 89; Edmonds
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232. Clarke 1986, p. 89; Gjerset
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pp. 48, 55.
:
233. Edmonds 2012, p. 48.
234. Edmonds 2012, pp. 49, 55.
235. Barrett 1997, p. 130;
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236. Edmonds 2012, p. 56.
237. Hamid 2002, p. xxxii.
238. Benard 2007, pp. 95, 96;
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239. Benard 2007, pp. 91–92.
240. Fernández Olmos &
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241. Barrett 1997, p. 129.
242. Loadenthal 2013, p. 5.
243. Barnett 2005, p. 76; Barnett
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:
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248. Edmonds 2012, p. 58.
249. Clarke 1986, p. 94.
250. Clarke 1986, p. 94; Barrett
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251. King 2002, p. 5.
252. King 2002, p. 4.
253. King 2002, p. 24; Edmonds
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254. Clarke 1986, p. 93; Barrett
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255. Edmonds 2012, p. 113.
256. King 2002, p. 24.
:
257. King 2002, p. 46.
258. Barrett 1997, p. vii.
259. Edmonds 2012, p. 117.
260. King 2002, p. 57.
261. King 2002, p. 56.
262. King 2002, p. 96.
263. King 2002, p. 100.
264. King 2002, p. 102.
265. King 2002, p. xiii; Fernández
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266. Barrett 1997, p. 245.
267. Rommen 2006, pp. 235–236.
268. Partridge 2004, p. 178.
269. Edmonds 2012, p. 47.
:
270. Clarke 1986, pp. 92–93.
271. Pollard 1980, p. 32;
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272. Fernández Olmos &
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273. Pollard 1980, p. 32.
274. Edmonds 2012, p. 45.
275. Clarke 1986, p. 92.
276. Edmonds 2012, pp. 46, 47.
277. Clarke 1986, p. 93; Kebede &
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278. Barrett 1997, p. 103.
279. Pollard 1982, p. 25.
:
279. Pollard 1982, p. 25.
280. Simpson 1985, p. 288; Clarke
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281. Edmonds 2012, pp. 2, 38.
282. Clarke 1986, p. 92; Edmonds
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283. Pollard 1980, p. 36; King
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284. Simpson 1985, p. 288;
Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
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285. Barrett 1997, p. 269; Semaj
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:
2013, p. 108.
286. White 2010, p. 308.
287. Cashmore 1983, p. 159;
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288. Cashmore 1983, p. 160;
Barrett 1997, p. 143;
Fernández Olmos &
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289. Barrett 1997, p. 143.
290. White 2010, p. 307.
291. Cashmore 1983, p. 160.
292. Clarke 1986, p. 83; Barrett
1997, p. 141; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
:
2011, p. 198; Edmonds 2012,
p. 47.
293. Clarke 1986, p. 83;
Loadenthal 2013, p. 4;
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198; Edmonds 2012, p. 47.
294. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198; Edmonds 2012, p. 49.
295. Clarke 1986, p. 83; Kebede &
Knottnerus 1998, p. 507;
Edmonds 2012, p. 49;
Sibanda 2016, p. 184.
296. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198.
:
p. 198.
297. Barnett 2005, p. 72.
298. Barrett 1997, p. 141;
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198; Edmonds 2012, p. 49;
Sibanda 2016, p. 184.
299. White 2010, p. 309.
300. Barrett 1997, p. 267.
301. Kitzinger 1966, p. 35; Clarke
1986, p. 85; Barrett 1997,
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302. Rowe 1980, p. 15; Chevannes
1994, pp. 157–158; Barrett
1997, p. 142; Kebede &
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303. Chevannes 1994, pp. 165–
:
303. Chevannes 1994, pp. 165–
166.
304. Kitzinger 1969, p. 247; Clarke
1986, p. 85; Barrett 1997,
p. 131; Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198.
305. Barrett 1997, p. 131;
Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
p. 198; Edmonds 2012, p. 48.
306. Fernández Olmos &
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p. 199.
307. Fernández Olmos &
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pp. 198–199.
:
pp. 198–199.
308. Kitzinger 1969, p. 242; Clarke
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309. Barnett 2002, p. 55.
310. Barrett 1997, p. ix; Kebede &
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311. Clarke 1986, p. 89; Barrett
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312. Clarke 1986, p. 90; Barrett
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313. Clarke 1986, p. 89; Wittmann
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313. Clarke 1986, p. 89; Wittmann
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314. Edmonds 2012, p. 44.
315. Cashmore 1983, p. 157;
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316. Clarke 1986, p. 90; Edmonds
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317. Barrett 1997, p. 140.
318. Kitzinger 1969, p. 242.
319. Cashmore 1983, pp. 62–63;
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320. Forsythe 1980, p. 64; Pollard
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:
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321. Kebede & Knottnerus 1998,
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322. Barrett 1997, pp. 257–258;
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323. Clarke 1986, p. 13; Gjerset
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324. Edmonds 2012, p. 90.
325. Chevannes 1994, pp. 157–
158.
326. Edmonds 2012, pp. 42–43.
327. Barrett 1997, p. ix.
328. White 2010, p. 310.
329. Barrett 1997, p. 139.
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332. Chevannes 1994, p. 2.
333. Clarke 1986, p. 24;
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334. Chevannes 1994, p. 3.
335. Francis 2013, p. 52.
336. Chevannes 1994, p. 120.
337. Clarke 1986, p. 25; Barrett
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338. Clarke 1986, p. 26; Barrett
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339. Clarke 1986, pp. 27–28.
340. Clarke 1986, pp. 29–34;
Barrett 1997, pp. 75–76;
Francis 2013, pp. 54–56.
341. Clarke 1986, p. 34; Chawane
:
341. Clarke 1986, p. 34; Chawane
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342. Clarke 1986, p. 34.
343. Clarke 1986, pp. 41–42.
344. Clarke 1986, p. 43.
345. Cashmore 1983, p. 22;
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346. Grant 2008, p. 426.
347. Clarke 1986, p. 35; Edmonds
2012, p. 7; Semaj 2013, p. 99;
Chawane 2014, p. 221.
348. Chevannes 1994, p. 109.
349. Cashmore 1983, p. 22; Grant
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350. Clarke 1986, p. 46; Lewis
1993, pp. 1–2; Loadenthal
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:
2013, p. 10.
351. Lewis 1993, p. 2; Barrett
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352. Clarke 1986, p. 46; Lewis
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353. Clarke 1986, p. 46.
354. Clarke 1986, p. 46; Barrett
1997, pp. 85–86; Fernández
Olmos & Paravisini-Gebert
2011, p. 188; Edmonds 2012,
pp. 11, 13.
355. Cashmore 1983, p. 25; Clarke
1986, p. 46; Barrett 1997,
p. 86; Edmonds 2012, pp. 13–
14.
356. Cashmore 1983, p. 26;
:
356. Cashmore 1983, p. 26;
Barrett 1997, p. 87; Edmonds
2012, pp. 14–15.
357. Barrett 1997, p. 87; Edmonds
2012, p. 15.
358. Clarke 1986, p. 47.
359. Cashmore 1983, p. 27; Clarke
1986, p. 47; Barrett 1997,
p. 89; Bonacci 2013, pp. 74,
78.
360. Edmonds 2012, p. 10.
361. Clarke 1986, p. 49; Barrett
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362. Edmonds 2012, p. 15.
363. Edmonds 2012, p. 16.
364. Clarke 1986, p. 50; Barrett
:
1997, p. 92.
365. Cashmore 1983, p. 28; Clarke
1986, p. 50; Barrett 1997,
p. 93.
366. Cashmore 1983, p. 28.
367. Cashmore 1983, pp. 28–29;
Clarke 1986, p. 50; Barrett
1997, pp. 95–98; Edmonds
2012, p. 19.
368. Cashmore 1983, pp. 29–30;
Barrett 1997, pp. 98–99;
Edmonds 2012, pp. 19–20.
369. Edmonds 2012, p. 22.
370. King 2002, p. 79.
371. Clarke 1986, p. 51; Barrett
1997, pp. 158–160; King
:
1997, pp. 158–160; King
2002, pp. 82–83; Edmonds
2012, p. 24.
372. Clarke 1986, p. 51.
373. Barrett 1997, p. 146.
374. King 2002, p. 52.
375. Clarke 1986, p. 51; Edmonds
2012, p. 25.
376. Edmonds 2012, p. 25.
377. King 2002, p. 103.
378. King 2002, p. 81.
379. Clarke 1986, p. 52; Bedasse
2013, pp. 297–298; Edmonds
2012, p. 26.
380. Clarke 1986, p. 54; Edmonds
2012, pp. 25–26.
:
381. Clarke 1986, p. 55.
382. Cashmore 1983, p. 108.
383. King 2002, pp. 100, 102.
384. Clarke 1986, p. 53.
385. Clarke 1986, p. 52; Lewis
1993, p. 12; Lewis 1994,
pp. 290–291; King 2002,
pp. 105, 108–111.
386. Barrett 1997, p. 220; King
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pp. 91–92; Edmonds 2012,
p. 27.
387. Lewis 1994, p. 12; Lewis
1994, p. 291; Edmonds 2012,
p. 27.
388. King 2002, p. 106.
:
388. King 2002, p. 106.
389. Edmonds 2012, p. 27.
390. King 2002, pp. 121–122.
391. Semaj 2013, p. 98.
392. Edmonds 2012, p. 28.
393. King 2002, p. 120.
394. Edmonds 2012, p. 29.
395. Edmonds 2012, pp. 29–30.
396. Edmonds 2012, p. 30.
397. Edmonds 2012, pp. 30–31.
398. Barnett 2002, p. 56.
399. Edmonds 2012, p. 52.
400. Barrett 1997, p. 91; King
2002, p. xvii.
401. Edmonds 2012, pp. 52–53.
402. Edmonds 2012, p. 69.
:
402. Edmonds 2012, p. 69.
403. Edmonds 2012, pp. 88–89.
404. Edmonds 2012, p. 62.
405. Fernández Olmos &
Paravisini-Gebert 2011,
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406. Cashmore 1983, p. 25.
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Further reading

Barnett, Michael (2017). The


Rastafari Movement: A North
American and Caribbean
:
American and Caribbean
Perspective. Abingdon:
Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-
68215-3.
Bonacci, Giulia (2015). Exodus!
Heirs and Pioneers, Rastafari
Return to Ethiopia. Mona:
University of West Indies
Press. ISBN 978-
9766405038.
Campbell, Horace (2007). Rasta
and Resistance: From Marcus
Garvey to Walter Rodney
(fourth ed.). Watton-at-Stone:
Hansib Publications.
ISBN 978-1-906190-00-2.
Edmonds, Ennis B. (2008).
:
Edmonds, Ennis B. (2008).
Rastafari: From Outcasts to
Cultural Bearers. Oxford and
New York: Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0-19-
534048-8.
Lake, Obiagele (1998). Rastafari
Women: Subordination in the
Midst of Liberation Theology
(https://archive.org/details/ra
stafariwomensu0000lake) .
Durham: Carolina Academic
Press. ISBN 978-0-89089-
836-9.
Lee, Hélène (2004). First Rasta:
Leonard Howell and the Rise
of Rastafarianism. Chicago:
Chicago Review Press.
:
Chicago Review Press.
ISBN 978-1-55652-558-2.
Pollard, Velma (2000). Dread
Talk: The Language of the
Rastafari (https://archive.org/
details/dreadtalklanguag00p
oll) (revised ed.). Montreal:
McGill-Queen's University
Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-
2030-1.
Price, Charles (2009). Becoming
Rasta: Origins of Rastafari
Identity in Jamaica. New York
City: New York University
Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-
6747-4.
:
External links

Rastafari
at Wikipedia's sister projects

Definitions
from
Wiktionary
Media from
Commons
Quotations
from
Wikiquote
Data from
Wikidata

Rastafari (https://curlie.org/So
ciety/Religion_and_Spiritualit
y/African/Diasporic/Rastafaria
:
nism/) at Curlie
Rastafarianism (https://wrldre
ls.org/2016/10/08/rastafarian
ism/) profile at the World
Religion and Spirituality
Project (WRSP)
Rastafari (https://web.archive.
org/web/20060829153306/
http://religiousmovements.lib.
virginia.edu/nrms/rast.html)
profile at the Religious
Movements Homepage
(University of Virginia)
:
Retrieved from
"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php
?title=Rastafari&oldid=1235553994"

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