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Thermofluids
Thermofluids
From Nature to Engineering

David S-K. Ting

Mechanical, Automotive & Materials Engineering
Turbulence & Energy Laboratory
University of Windsor
Windsor, Ontario, Canada
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier
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 Dedication

To all those who contemplate nature, savor its beauty,

and learn and live its simplicity.

“Nature is pleased with simplicity. And nature is no dummy.”

–Isaac Newton.
Contents

Textbook Cover Photo xiii

List of figures xv
List of tables xxix
Preface xxxi
Acknowledgments xxxv

Part 1
Introduction
1. Thermofluids 3
1.1 What is Thermofluids? 4
1.1.1 Thermodynamics 4
1.1.2 Fluid mechanics 6
1.1.3 Heat transfer 8
1.2 Thermodynamics, fluid mechanics, and heat transfer 9
1.3 Dimensions and units 10
1.4 Organization of the book 14
Problems 15
References 16

2. Energy and thermodynamics 19

2.1 The study of energy 19
2.2 The conservation of energy 22
2.3 The quality of energy 24
2.4 Thermodynamic systems 27
2.5 Thermodynamic state, equilibrium, and properties 28
Problems 29
References 30

3. Moving fluids 33
3.1 What is a fluid? 34
3.2 The continuum fluid 36
3.3 Nature thrives in moving fluids 37
3.4 What is viscosity? 37
3.5 Newtonian fluids 40
3.6 A classification of fluid motions 43
3.6.1 Fluid viscosity 43

vii
viii Contents

3.6.2 Fluid compressibility 44

3.6.3 Flow space 44
3.6.4 Steady versus unsteady flow 44
3.6.5 Laminar versus turbulent flow 45
3.7 Fluid mechanics textbooks 45
Problems 46
References 47

4. The transfer of thermal energy 51

4.1 What is thermal energy? 51
4.2 Specific heats 54
4.3 Heat transfer versus thermodynamics 57
4.4 The three heat transfer mechanisms 58
4.4.1 Conduction 59
4.4.2 Convection 60
4.4.3 Radiation 61
Problems 63
References 64

Part 2
An Ecological View on Engineering
Thermodynamics
5. The four laws of ecology 69
5.1 What is ecology? 69
5.2 The four laws of ecology 72
5.3 Animal thermoregulation 75
5.4 Learning from intelligent designs 78
5.4.1 Natural-convection-enabled air transport 78
5.4.2 Wearing polar bear hair 79
5.4.3 Ecological buildings 79
5.4.4 Intelligent designs are complex and integrated 80
Problems 80
References 81

6. The first law of thermodynamics 85

6.1 Energy 86
6.2 Thermodynamic systems 90
6.3 Heat and work transfer 92
6.4 Conservation of energy 93
6.5 Moving boundary work 99
6.6 Enthalpy 101
6.7 Thermodynamic cycle 103
Problems 105
References 106
 Contents ix

7. The second law of thermodynamics 109

7.1 Introduction 110
7.2 One-way energy flow 112
7.3 Entropy 114
7.4 Heat source and sink 117
7.5 Heat engine 118
7.6 Reverse heat engines 127
Problems 130
References 132

Part 3
Environmental and Engineering Fluid Mechanics
8. Fluid statics 135
8.1 What is pressure? 136
8.2 Fluid statics 137
8.3 Hydrostatic pressure 140
8.4 Measuring pressure 144
8.5 Hydrostatic force on a surface 147
8.5.1 Curved two-dimensional surfaces 152
8.6 Buoyancy 153
8.6.1 Immersed bodies 155
8.6.2 Floating bodies 156
Problems 157
References 158

9. Bernoulli flow 161

9.1 Streamline, streakline, and pathline 162
9.1.1 Streamline 162
9.1.2 Streakline 162
9.1.3 Pathline 163
9.2 Streamline, streamtube, and Bernoulli’s Wig 164
9.3 The Bernoulli equation 166
9.4 Bernoulli’s pressures 168
9.5 Flow rate measurements 172
9.6 Energy line and hydraulic grade line 174
Problems 177
References 179

10. Dimensional analysis 181

10.1 Dimensional homogeneity 182
10.2 Scaling and dimensional analysis 183
10.3 Buckingham Pi theorem 186
10.4 Prevailing nondimensional parameters in fluid mechanics 188
10.5 Some remarks on dimensional analysis 194
x Contents

Problems 194
References 196

11. Internal flow 199

11.1 Flow in a channel 200
11.2 The Reynolds number and the type of pipe flow 200
11.3 Developing pipe flow 203
11.3.1 Laminar pipe flow entrance length 204
11.3.2 Turbulent pipe flow entrance length 205
11.3.3 Pressure and shear stress 206
11.4 Fully developed horizontal pipe flow 208
11.4.1 Pressure drop 208
11.4.2 Velocity profile 210
11.4.3 Volumetric flow rate and average velocity 211
11.5 Fully developed inclined pipe flow 212
11.6 Energy conservation and head loss in pipe flow 214
11.6.1 Head loss 215
11.7 Major and minor losses in pipe flow 216
11.7.1 The Moody chart (diagram) 219
Problems 223
References 225

12. External flow 227

12.1 Everyday external flow 228
12.2 Lift and drag 229
12.3 Boundary layer 231
12.3.1 Disturbance boundary layer 232
12.4 Flat plate boundary layer development 233
12.4.1 Laminar boundary layer 235
12.4.2 Transitional boundary layer 237
12.4.3 Turbulent boundary layer 237
12.5 Bluff body aerodynamics 239
12.5.1 Steady flow across a smooth circular cylinder 240
12.5.2 Vortex shedding 243
12.5.3 Streamlining 247
Problems 248
References 249

Part 4
Ecophysiology-flavored Engineering Heat Transfer
13. Steady conduction of thermal energy 255
13.1 Fourier’s law of heat conduction 256
13.2 From electric resistance to thermal resistance 260
13.3 One-dimensional heat conduction in cylindrical coordinates 261
 Contents xi

13.4 Heat conduction radially through a sphere 263

13.5 Steady conduction through multilayered walls 264
13.5.1 Thermal contact resistance 265
13.6 Multilayered inhomogeneous walls 267
13.6.1 Parallel-path method 269
13.6.2 Isothermal-plane method 270
Problems 271
References 273

14. Transient conduction of thermal energy 275

14.1 A lumped system with homogeneous temperature 276
14.2 Biot number 282
14.3 One-dimensional transient problems 284
14.4 Semi-infinite solid 290
Problems 293
References 294

15. Natural convection 295

15.1 Natural convection and thermals 296
15.2 Thermal expansion and buoyancy force 299
15.3 Nondimensional parameters in natural convection 301
15.4 The classical Rayleigh–Bernard convection 304
15.5 Continuous thermal plumes and buoyant jets 308
15.6 Free convection along a vertical plate 309
15.7 Other free convection cases 313
Problems 316
References 317

16. Forced convection 319

16.1 What is the force behind forced convection? 320
16.2 The convection heat transfer coefficient 323
16.3 Forcing heat to convect from a flat surface 324
16.4 Primary parameters in forced convection 330
16.5 Nusselt number, Reynolds number, and Prandtl number 333
16.5.1 Nusselt–Reynolds encounter 333
16.5.2 Nusselt number 333
16.5.3 Prandtl number 334
16.6 Nu–Re–Pr relationships 336
16.6.1 Constant temperature flat plate 336
16.6.2 Uniform heat flux flat plate 338
16.7 Relating heat convection with flow shear at the wall 340
16.8 Forced convection around a circular cylinder 343
16.9 Other nondimensional parameters of forced convection 345
16.10 Internal forced convection 347
16.10.1 Pipe flow regimes 348
16.10.2 Hydrodynamic and thermal entrance lengths 348
xii Contents

16.10.3 Uniform-heat-flux pipe 349

16.10.4 Constant-surface-temperature pipe 350
16.10.5 Nusselt number and pumping cost for laminar
and turbulent forced convection in a pipe 350
Problems 353
References 355

17. Thermal radiation 357

17.1 The radiating Sun 357
17.2 All bodies above absolute zero radiate heat 361
17.3 Absorptivity, transmissivity, and reflectivity 362
17.4 View or shape factors 365
17.5 Further reading on thermal radiation 369
Problems 369
References 371

18. Heat exchangers 373

18.1 Nature thrives by exploiting effective heat exchangers 374
18.1.1 Indirect (noncontact) heat exchanger 376
18.1.2 Direct contact heat exchanger 377
18.2 Counter-flow, parallel-flow, and crossflow heat exchangers 378
18.3 Moving along a constant-temperature passage 380
18.4 Heat exchange between a hot stream and a cold stream 382
18.4.1 Heat capacity rate 383
18.5 Log mean temperature difference 384
18.5.1 Parallel-flow heat exchanger 386
18.5.2 Counter-flow heat exchanger 387
18.5.3 Correction factor 388
18.6 Heat exchanger effectiveness and number of transfer units 389
Problems 392
References 393

Index 395
 Textbook Cover Photo

Christmas tree worms

Christmas tree worms have an array of photoreptors on eponymous feeding

appendages. They absorb light maximally at 464 nm in wavelength, probably
functioning as a silhouette-detecting intruder alarm [Bok et al., 2017]. This alert
system apparently can be breached in turbulent waters, where Caribbean sharp-
nose puffers prey Christmas tree worms with their long snout and large fused
front teeth [Hoeksema & ten Hove, 2017]. As such, this natural phenomenon
illustrates the spectacular workings of engineering thermofluids; radiation, fluid
turbulence, and others.
M. J. Bok, M. L. Porter, H. A. ten Hove, R. Smith, D-E. Nilsson, “Radiolar eyes
of Serpuid Worms (Annelida, Serpulidae): structures, function and phototrans-
duction,” Biology Bulletin, 233: 39-57, 2017.
B. W. Hoeksema, H. A. ten Hove, “Attack on a Christmas tree worm by a
Caribbean sharpnose pufferfish at St. Eustatius, Dutch Caribbean,” Bulletin of
Marine Science, 93(4): 1023-1024, 2017.
Caribbean sharpnose puffers have a long snout and large fused front teeth,
well-suited to prey. Christmas tree worms possibly failed to dictate and retract
in turbulent waters.

xiii
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
posted at the abutment, ordering “Route step!” “Route step!” as the
troops strike the bridge, and sentries, at intervals, repeat the caution
further along. By keeping the cadence in crossing, the troops would
subject the bridge to a much greater strain, and settle it deeper in
the water. It was shown over and over again that nothing so tried
the bridge as a column of infantry. The current idea is that the
artillery and the trains must have given it the severest test, which
was not the case.
In taking up a bridge, the order adopted was the reverse of that
followed in laying it, beginning with the end next the enemy, and
carrying the chess and balks back to the other shore by hand. The
work was sometimes accelerated by weighing all anchors, and
detaching the bridge from the further abutment, allow it to swing
bodily around to the hither shore to be dismantled. One instance is
remembered when this manœuvre was executed with exceeding
despatch. It was after the army had recrossed the Rappahannock,
following the battle of Chancellorsville. So nervous were the
engineers lest the enemy should come upon them at their labors
they did not even wait to pull up anchors, but cut every cable and
cast loose, glad enough to see their flotilla on the retreat after the
army, and more delighted still not to be attacked by the enemy
during the operation,—so says one of their number.
One writer on the war speaks of the engineers as grasping “not
the musket but the hammer,” a misleading remark, for not a nail is
driven into the bridge at any point.
 A PONTOON BRIDGE AT BELLE PLAIN, VA. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.

When the Army of the Potomac retreated from before Richmond in

1862 it crossed the lower Chickahominy on a bridge of boats and
rafts 1980 feet long. This was constructed by three separate working
parties, employed at the same time, one engaged at each end and
one in the centre. It was the longest bridge built in the war, of which
I have any knowledge, save one, and that the bridge built across the
James, below Wilcox’s Landing, in 1864. This latter was a
remarkable achievement in ponton engineering. It was over two
thousand feet long, and the channel boats were firmly anchored in
thirteen fathoms of water. The engineers began it during the
forenoon of June 14, and completed the task at midnight. It was
built under the direction of General Benham for the passage of the
wagon-trains and a part of the troops, while the rest crossed in
steamers and ferry-boats.
 But ponton bridges were not always laid without opposition or
interference from the enemy. Perhaps they made the most stubborn
contest to prevent the laying of the bridges across the
Rappahannock before Fredericksburg in December, 1862.
The pontoniers had partially laid one bridge before daylight; but
when dawn appeared the enemy’s sharpshooters, who had been
posted in buildings on the opposite bank, opened so destructive a
fire upon them that they were compelled to desist, and two
subsequent attempts to continue the work, though desperately
made, were likewise brought to naught by the deadly fire of
Mississippi rifles. At last three regiments, the Seventh Michigan, and
the Nineteenth and Twentieth Massachusetts, volunteered to cross
the river, and drive the enemy out of cover, which they did most
gallantly, though not without considerable loss. They crossed the
river in ponton boats, charged up the steep bank opposite, drove
out, or captured the Rebels holding the buildings, and in a short time
the first ponton bridge was completed. Others were laid near by
soon after. I think the engineers lost more men here—I mean now in
actual combat—than in all their previous and subsequent service
combined.
 POPLAR GROVE CHURCH.

Ponton bridges were a source of great satisfaction to the soldiers.

They were perfect marvels of stability and steadiness. No swaying
motion was visible. To one passing across with a column of troops or
wagons no motion was discernible. It seemed as safe and secure as
mother earth, and the army walked them with the same serene
confidence as if they were. I remember one night while my company
was crossing the Appomattox on the bridge laid at Point of Rocks
that D. Webster Atkinson, a cannoneer, who stood about six feet and
a quarter in boots—dear fellow, he was afterwards mortally
wounded at Hatcher’s Run,—being well-nigh asleep from the fatigue
of the all-night march we were undergoing, walked off the bridge.
Fortunately for him, he stepped—not into four or five fathoms of
water, but—a ponton. As can readily be imagined, an unexpected
step down of two feet and a half was quite an “eye-opener” to him,
but, barring a little lameness, he suffered no harm.
The engineers, as a whole, led an enjoyable life of it in the
service. Their labors were quite fatiguing while they lasted, it is true,
but they were a privileged class when compared with the infantry.
But they did well all that was required of them, and there was no
finer body of men in the service.
The winter-quarters of the engineers were, perhaps, the most
unique of any in the army. In erecting them they gave their
mechanical skill full play. Some of their officers’ quarters were
marvels of rustic design. The houses of one regiment in the winter
of ’63-4 were fashioned out of the straight cedar, which, being
undressed, gave the settlement a quaint but attractive and
comfortable appearance.
Their streets were corduroyed, and they even boasted sidewalks
of similar construction. Poplar Grove Church, erected by the Fiftieth
New York Engineers, a few miles below Petersburg, in 1864, still
stands, a monument to their skill in rustic design.
 CHAPTER XXI.
TALKING FLAGS AND TORCHES.

“Ho! my comrades, see the signal

Waving through the sky;
Re-enforcements now appearing,
Victory is nigh.”

Yes, there were flags in the army which talked for the soldiers,
and I cannot furnish a more entertaining chapter than one which will
describe how they did it, when they did it, and what they did it for.
True, all of the flags used in the service told stories of their own.
What more eloquent than “Old Glory,” with its thirteen stripes,
reminding us of our small beginning as a nation, its blue field,
originally occupied by the cross of the English flag when Washington
first gave it to the breeze in Cambridge, but replaced later by a
cluster of stars, which keep a tally of the number of States in the
Union! What wealth of history its subsequent career as the national
emblem suggests, making it almost vocal with speech! The corps,
division, and brigade flags, too, told a little story of their own, in a
manner already described. But there were other flags, whose sole
business it was to talk to one another, and the stories they told were
immediately written down for the benefit of the soldiers or sailors.
These flags were Signal flags, and the men who used them and
made them talk were known in the service as the Signal Corps.
What was this corps for? Well, to answer that question at length
would make quite a story, but, in brief, I may say that it was for the
purpose of rapid and frequent communication between different
portions of the land or naval forces. The army might be engaged
with the enemy, on the march, or in camp, yet these signal men,
with their flags, were serviceable in either situation, and in the
former often especially so; but I will begin at the beginning, and
present a brief sketch of the origin of the Signal Corps.
The system of signals used in both armies during the Rebellion
originated with one man—Albert J. Myer, who was born in Newburg,
N. Y. He entered the army as assistant surgeon in 1854, and, while
on duty in New Mexico and vicinity, the desirability of some better
method of rapid communication than that of a messenger impressed
itself upon him. This conviction, strengthened by his previous lines
of thought in the same direction, he finally wrought out in a system
of motion telegraphy.[2]

[2] These facts are taken from a small pamphlet written by

Lieutenant J. Willard Brown of West Medford, Mass., and issued
by the Signal Corps Association. Other facts pertaining to
signalling have been derived from “A Manual of Signals,” written
by General Myer (Old Probabilities) himself, since the war.

Recognizing to some extent the value of his system, Congress

created the position of Chief Signal Officer of the army, and Surgeon
Myer was appointed by President Buchanan to fill it. Up to some
time in 1863 Myer was not the Chief Signal Officer alone, but the
only signal officer commissioned as such, all others then in the corps
—and there were quite a number—being simply acting signal officers
on detached service from various regiments.
 One of the officers in the regular army, whom Surgeon Myer had
instructed in signalling while in New Mexico, went over to the enemy
when the war broke out and organized a corps for them.
From this small beginning of one man grew up the Signal Corps.
As soon as the value of the idea had fairly penetrated the brains of
those whose appreciation was needed to make it of practical value,
details of men were made from the various regiments around
Washington, and placed in camps of instruction to learn the use of
the “Signal Kit,” so called. The chief article in this kit was a series of
seven flags, varying from two feet to six feet square. Three of these
flags, one six feet, one four feet, and one two feet square, were
white, and had each a block of red in the centre one-third the
dimensions of the flag; that is, a flag six feet square had a centre
two feet square; two flags were black with white centres, and two
were red with white centres. When the flags were in use, they were
tied to a staff, whose length varied with the size of the flag to be
used. If the distance to signal was great, or obstructions intervened,
a long staff and a large flag were necessary; but the four-foot flag
was the one in most common use.
It will be readily inferred that the language of these flags was to
be addressed to the eye and not the ear. To make that language
plain, then, they must be distinctly seen by the persons whom they
addressed. This will explain why they were of different colors. In
making signals, the color of flag to be used depended upon the color
of background against which it was to appear. For example, a white
flag, even with its red centre, could not be easily seen against the
sky as a background. In such a situation a black flag was necessary.
With green or dark-colored backgrounds the white flag was used,
and in fact this was the flag of the signal service, having been used,
in all probability, nine times out of every ten that signals were made.
Before the deaf and dumb could be taught to talk, certain motions
were agreed upon to represent particular ideas, letters, and figures.
In like manner, a key, or code, was constructed which interpreted
the motions of the signal flag,—for it talked by motions,—and in
accord with which the motions were made. Let me illustrate these
motions by the accompanying cuts.
Plate 1 represents a member of the Signal Corps in position,
holding the flag directly above his head, the staff vertical, and
grasped by both hands. This is the position from which all the
motions were made.

PLATE 1.

Plate 2 represents the flagman making the numeral “2” or the

letter “i.” This was done by waving the flag to the right and instantly
returning it to a vertical position. To make “1” the flag was waved to
the left, and instantly returned as before. See plate 3. This the code
translated as the letter “t” and the word “the.” “5” was made by
waving the flag directly to the front, and returning at once to the
vertical.
PLATE 2.
 PLATE 3.
The signal code most commonly used included but two symbols,
which made it simple to use. With these, not only could all the
letters of the alphabet and the numerals be communicated, but an
endless variety of syllables, words, phrases, and statements besides.
As a matter of fact, however, it contained several thousand
combinations of numerals with the significance of each combination
attached to it. Let me illustrate still further by using the symbols “2”
and “1.”
Let us suppose the flagman to make the signal for “1,” and follow
it immediately with the motion for “2.” This would naturally be read
as 12, which the code showed to mean O. Similarly, two consecutive
waves to the right, or 22, represented the letter N. Three waves to
the right and one to the left, or 2221, stood for the syllable tion. So
by repeating the symbols and changing the combinations we might
have, for example, 2122, meaning the enemy are advancing; or
1122, the cavalry have halted; or 12211, three guns in position; or
1112, two miles to the left,—all of which would appear in the code.
Let us join a signal party for the sake of observing the method of
communicating a message. Such a party, if complete, was composed
of three persons, viz., the signal officer (commissioned) in charge,
with a telescope and field-glass; the flagman, with his kit, and an
orderly to take charge of the horses, if the station was only
temporary. The point selected from which to signal must be a
commanding position, whether a mountain, a hill, a tree-top, or a
house-top. The station having been attained, the flagman takes
position, and the officer sweeps the horizon and intermediate
territory with his telescope to discover another signal station, where
a second officer and flagman are posted.
Having discovered such a station, the officer directs his man to
“call” that station. This he does by signalling the number of the
station (for each station had a number), repeating the same until his
signal is seen and answered. It was the custom at stations to keep a
man on the lookout, with the telescope, for signals, constantly.
Having got the attention of the opposite station, the officer sends his
message. The flagman was not supposed to know the import of the
message which he waved out with his flag. The officer called the
numerals, and the flagman responded with the required motions
almost automatically, when well practised.
At the end of each word motion “5” was made once; at the end of
a sentence “55”; and of a message “555.” There were a few words
and syllables which were conveyed by a single motion of the flag;
but, as a rule, the words had to be spelled out letter by letter, at
least by beginners. Skilled signalists, however, used many
abbreviations, and rarely found it necessary to spell out a word in
full.
So much for the manner of sending a message. Now let us join
the party at the station where the message is being received. There
we simply find the officer sitting at his telescope reading the
message being sent to him. Should he fail to understand any word,
his own flagman signals an interruption, and asks a repetition of the
message from the last word understood. Such occurrences were not
frequent, however.
The services of the Signal Corps were just as needful and valuable
by night as in daylight; but, as the flags could not then talk
understandingly, Talking Torches were substituted for them. As a
“point of reference” was needful, by which to interpret the torch
signals made, the flagman lighted a “foot torch,” at which he stood
firmly while he signalled with the “flying torch.” This latter was
attached to a staff of the same length as the flagstaff, in fact, usually
the flagstaff itself. These torches were of copper, and filled with
turpentine. At the end of a message the flying torch was
extinguished.
The rapidity with which messages were sent by experienced
operators was something wonderful to the uneducated looker-on. An
ordinary message of a few lines can be sent in ten minutes, and the
rate of speed is much increased where officers have worked long
together, and understand each other’s methods and abbreviations.
 Signal messages have been sent twenty-eight miles: but that is
exceptional. The conditions of the atmosphere and the location of
stations were seldom favorable to such long-distance signalling.
Ordinarily, messages were not sent more than six or seven miles, but
there were exceptions. Here is a familiar but noted one:—
In the latter part of September, 1864, the Rebel army under Hood
set out to destroy the railroad communications of Sherman, who was
then at Atlanta. The latter soon learned that Allatoona was the
objective point of the enemy. As it was only held by a small brigade,
whereas the enemy was seen advancing upon it in much superior
numbers, Sherman signalled a despatch from Vining’s Station to
Kenesaw, and from Kenesaw to Allatoona, whence it was again
signalled to Rome. It requested General Corse, who was at the latter
place, to hurry back to the assistance of Allatoona. Meanwhile,
Sherman was propelling the main body of his army in the same
direction. On reaching Kenesaw, “the signal officer reported,” says
Sherman, in his Memoirs, “that since daylight he had failed to obtain
any answer to his call for Allatoona; but while I was with him he
caught a faint glimpse of the tell-tale flag through an embrasure,
and after much time he made out these letters
‘C’ ‘R’ ‘S’ ‘E’ ‘H’ ‘E’ ‘R’
and translated the message ‘Corse is here.’ It was a source of great
relief, for it gave me the first assurance that General Corse had
received his orders, and that the place was adequately garrisoned.”
General Corse has informed me that the distance between the two
signal stations was about sixteen miles in an air line. Several other
messages passed later between these stations, among them this
one, which has been often referred to:—

Allatoona, Georgia, Oct. 6, 1864—2 p.m.

Captain L. M. Dayton, Aide-de-Camp:—
I am short a cheek-bone and an ear, but am able to whip
all h—l yet. My losses are heavy. A force moving from
 Stilesboro to Kingston gives me some anxiety. Tell me where
Sherman is.
John M. Corse, Brigadier-General.

The occasions which called the Signal Corps into activity were
various, but they were most frequently employed in reporting the
movements of troops, sometimes of the Union, sometimes of the
enemy. They took post on elevated stations, whether a hill, a tall
tree, or the top of a building. Any position from which they could
command a broad view of the surrounding country was occupied for
their purpose. If nature did not always provide a suitable place for
lookout, art came to the rescue, and signal towers of considerable
height were built for this class of workers, who, like the cavalry,
were the “eyes” of the army if not the ears. I remember several of
these towers which stood before Petersburg in 1864. They were of
especial use there in observing the movements of troops within the
enemy’s lines, as they stood, I should judge, from one hundred to
one hundred and fifty feet high. Although these towers were erected
somewhat to the rear of the Union main lines, and were a very open
trestling, they were yet a conspicuous target for the enemy’s long-
range guns and mortar-shells.
Sometimes the nerve of the flagman was put to a very severe
test, as he stood on the summit of one of these frail structures
waving his flag, his situation too like that of Mahomet’s coffin, while
the Whitworth bolts whistled sociably by him, saying, “Where is he?
Where is he?” or, by another interpretation, “Which one? Which
one?” Had one of these bolts hit a corner post of the lookout, the
chances for the flagman and his lieutenant to reach the earth by a
new route would have been favorable, although the engineers who
built them claimed that with three posts cut away the tower would
still stand. But, as a matter of fact, I believe no shot ever seriously
injured one of the towers, though tons weight of iron must have
been hurled at them. The roof of the Avery House, before
Petersburg, was used for a signal station, and the shells of the
enemy’s guns often tore
through below much to the
alarm of the signal men above.
Signalling was carried on
during an engagement
between different parts of the
army. By calling for needed re-
enforcements, or giving news
of their approach, or
requesting ammunition, or
reporting movements of the
enemy, or noting the effects of
shelling,—in these and a
hundred kindred ways the
corps made their services
invaluable to the troops.
Sometimes signal officers on
shore communicated with
others on shipboard, and, in
one instance, Lieutenant
Brown told me that through
the information he imparted to
SIGNAL TREE-TOP.
a gunboat off Suffolk, in 1863,
regarding the effects of the
shot which were thrown from
it, General Longstreet had since written him that the fire was so
accurate he was compelled to withdraw his troops. The signals were
made from the tower of the Masonic Hall in Suffolk, whence they
were taken up by another signal party on the river bluff, and thence
communicated to the gunboat.
Not long since, General Sherman, in conversation, alluded to a
correspondent of the New York “Herald” whom he had threatened to
hang, declaring that had he done so his “death would have saved
ten thousand lives.” The relation of this anecdote brings out another
interesting phase of signal-corps operations. It seems that one of
 our signal officers had
succeeded in reading
the signal code of the
enemy, and had
communicated the
same to his fellow-
officers. With this code
in their possession, the
corps was enabled to
furnish valuable
information directly
from Rebel
headquarters, by
reading the Rebel
signals, continuing to do
so during the
Chattanooga and much
of the Atlanta
campaign, when the
enemy’s signal flags
were often plainly
visible. Suddenly this
A SIGNAL TOWER BEFORE PETERSBURG, VA. source of information
was completely cut off
by the ambition of the
correspondent to publish all the news, and the natural result was the
enemy changed the code. This took place just before Sherman’s
attack on Kenesaw Mountain (June, 1864), and it is to the hundreds
slaughtered there that he probably refers. General Thomas was
ordered to arrest the reporter, and have him hanged as a spy; but
old “Pap” Thomas’ kind heart banished him to the north of the Ohio
for the remainder of the war, instead.
When Sherman’s headquarters were at Big Shanty, there was a
signal station located in his rear, on the roof of an old gin-house, and
this signal officer, having the “key” to the enemy’s signals, reported
to Sherman that he had translated this signal from Pine Mountain to
Marietta,—“Send an ambulance for General Polk’s body,”—which was
the first tidings received by our army that the fighting bishop had
been slain. He was hit by a shell from a volley of artillery fired by
order of General Sherman.
To the men in the other arms of the service, who saw this
mysterious and almost continuous waving of flags, it seemed as if
every motion was fraught with momentous import. “What could it all
be about?” they would ask one another. A signal station was located,
in ’61-2, on the top of what was known as the Town Hall (since
burned) in Poolesville, Md., within a few rods of my company’s camp,
and, to the best of my recollection, not an hour of daylight passed
without more or less flag-waving from that point. This particular
squad of men did not seem at all fraternal, but kept aloof, as if (so
we thought) they feared they might, in an unguarded moment,
impart some of the important secret information which had been
received by them from the station at Sugar Loaf Mountain or
Seneca. Since the war, I have learned that their apparently excited
and energetic performances were, for the most part, only practice
between stations for the purpose of acquiring familiarity with the
code, and facility in using it.
It may be thought that the duties of the Signal Corps were always
performed in positions where their personal safety was never
imperilled. But such was far from the fact. At the battle of Atlanta,
July 22, 1864, a signal officer had climbed a tall pine-tree, for the
purpose of directing the fire of a section of Union artillery, which was
stationed at its foot, the country being so wooded and broken that
the artillerists could not certainly see the position of the enemy. The
officer had nailed a succession of cleats up the trunk, and was on
the platform which he had made in the top of the tree, acting as
signal officer, when the Rebels made a charge, capturing the two
guns, and shot the officer dead at his post.
During the battle of Gettysburg, or, at least, while Sickles was
contending at the Peach Orchard against odds, the signal men had
their flags flying from Little Round Top; but when the day was lost,
and Hood with his Texans pressed towards that important point, the
signal officers folded their flags, and prepared to visit other and less
dangerous scenes. At that moment, however, General Warren of the
Fifth Corps appeared, and ordered them to keep their signals waving
as if a host were immediately behind them, which they did.
From the important nature of the duties which they performed,
the enemy could not look upon them with very tender regard, and
this fact they made apparent on every opportunity. Here is an
incident which, I think, has never been published:—
When General Nelson’s division arrived at Shiloh, Lieutenant
Joseph Hinson, commanding the Signal Corps attached to it, crossed
the Tennessee and reported to General Buell, after which he
established a station on that side of the river, from which messages
were sent having reference to the disposition of Nelson’s troops. The
crowd of stragglers (presumably from Grant’s army) was so great as
to continually obstruct his view, and in consequence he pressed into
service a guard from among the stragglers themselves to keep his
view clear, and placed his associate, Lieutenant Hart, in charge.
Presently General Grant himself came riding up the bank, and, as
luck would have it, came into Lieutenant Hinson’s line of vision.
Catching sight of a cavalry boot, without stopping to see who was in
it, in his impatience, Lieutenant Hart sang out: “Git out of the way
there! Ain’t you got no sense?” Whereupon Grant very quietly
apologized for his carelessness, and rode over to the side of General
Buell. When the lieutenant found he had been addressing or
“dressing” a major-general, his confusion can be imagined. (See
frontispiece).
One more incident illustrating the utility of signalling will close the
chapter:—
After arriving before Fort McAllister, General Sherman sent General
Hazen down the right bank of the Ogeechee to take the fort by
assault, and himself rode down the left bank to a rice plantation,
where General Howard had established a signal station to overlook
the river and watch for vessels. The station was built on the top of a
rice-mill. From this point the fort was visible, three miles away. In
due time a commotion in the fort indicated the approach of Hazen’s
troops, and the signal officer discovered a signal flag about three
miles above the fort, which he found was Hazen’s, the latter
inquiring if Sherman was there. He was answered affirmatively, and
informed that Sherman expected the fort to be carried before night.
Finally Hazen signalled that he was ready, and was told to go ahead.
Meanwhile, a small United States steamer had been descried coming
up the river, and, noticing the party at the rice-mill, the following
dialogue between signal flags ensued:—
“Who are you?”
“General Sherman.”
“Is Fort McAllister taken?”
“Not yet; but it will be in a minute.”
And in a few minutes it was taken, and the fact signalled to the
naval officers on the boat, who were not in sight of the fort.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HARDTACK AND
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