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Embassy to Tamerlane 1403 1406 Broadway Travellers
Volume 24 Ruy Gonza?Lez De Clavijo Digital Instant
Download
Author(s): Ruy Gonza?lez de Clavijo
ISBN(s): 9780415344890, 0415344891
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Year: 2004
Language: english
EMBASSY TO TAMERLANE
THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS

THE BROADWAY TRAVELLERS
In 26 Volumes
I An Account of Tibet Desideri
II Akbar and the Jesuits du Jarric
III Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada de Andrada
IV The Diary of Henry Teonge Teonge
V The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico del Castillo
VI Don Juan of Persia Juan
VII Embassy to Tamerlane Clavijo
VIII The English-American Gage
IX The First Englishmen in India Locke
X Five Letters Cortés
XI Jahangir and the Jesuits Guerreiro
XII Jewish Travellers Adler
XIII Memoirs of an Eighteenth Century Footman Macdonald
XIV Memorable Description of the East Indian Voyage Bontekoe
XV Nova Francia Lescarbot
XVI Sir Anthony Sherley and His Persian Adventure Sherley
XVII Travels and Adventures Tafur
XVIII Travels in Asia and Africa Battúta
XIX Travels in India, Ceylon and Borneo Hall

XX Travels in Persia Herbert
XXI Travels in Tartary, Thibet and China Vol. I Huc and Gabet
XXII Travels in Tartary, Thibet and China Vol. II Huc and Gabet
XXIII Travels into Spain D’Aulnoy
XXIV The Travels of an Alchemist Li
XXV The Travels of Marco Polo Benedetto
XXVI The True History of His Captivity Staden

EMBASSY TO TAMERLANE
1403–1406
CLAVIJO
LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published in 1928
Reprinted in 2005 by RoutledgeCurzon No2 Park Square, Milton Park Abingdon, Oxon OX14
4RN
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Embassy to Tamerlane
ISBN 0-203-64333-X Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-69380-9 (OEB Format)

ISBN 0-415-34489-1 (Print Edition)
The Broadway Travellers
First published in 1928
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY BILLING AND SONS, LTD.,
GUILDFORD AND ESHER
PREFACE
THE Hakluyt Society in 1859 brought out a translation of Clavijo’s Embassy by Mr

Clements Markham F.G.S. (as he then was) which had merit considering the date of its
publication. Sixty-nine years ago Samarqand and Bukhara were still Central Asian
Khanates, no good maps were available of Persia or Asia Minor, and the Byzantine
topography of Constantinople was where Ducange had left it in the 17th century. Since
1859 that topography has been set right by Van Millingen, the route from Constantinople
to Samarqand has been travelled over and described abundantly, the history of the time of
Timur is fairly well known, and Sir Clements Markham whom I met a year before his
death agreed that his translation required to be brought up to date, only regretting that he
himself was too old to undertake it.
The Spanish text from which the present translation has been made is that edited in
1881 with a Russian version by I.Sreznevski and published at St Petersburg by the
Imperial Academy of Sciences. In my ignorance of Russian I have been unable to profit
by this translation; but the Russian preface prefixed by Sreznevski has, by the kindness of
my friend Dr. Ellis H.Minns, been read over to me in English. From this it appears that
the Russian editor was unaware of the existence in the Madrid National Library of an
early 15th century manuscript of Clavijo’s narrative, also secondly of a late 16th century
copy of some early MS. now lost from which the Editio Princeps of 1582 was printed.
From the former if carefully collated better readings would ensue for a number of the
proper names of persons and places mentioned by Clavijo.
Examining Clavijo’s narrative it will be found that in the printed text (as in the older
Madrid manuscript) the dates are always spelt out in full, e.g. “lunes el quince del mes de
mayo,” but the day of the week and the given day of the month in some cases do not
agree with the calendar: for instance here that Monday was the 20th. It seems likely that
the mistakes which so frequently occur are due to the fact that in the original draft
supplied by Clavijo to his copyist (who produced that MS.) the day of the month was by
him written for brevity in the Roman figures. In this case we may suppose he wrote XX,
which the copyist mistook and reading XV, wrote down as “quince,” the 15th day. Or
indeed Clavijo himself during his long journey may easily have fallen into error as to the
day of the month. In any case the day of the week is less likely to be wrong, since of
course in the Moslem as in the Christian calendar the week days are identical. The day of
the week therefore is retained in the translation and the day of the month when altered is
printed with the rectified figure in square brackets. When a sentence is given in brackets
this has been added to the translation in place of a foot-note.
Our chief problem however, is in the transliteration given by Clavijo of Turki and
Persian personal names. Many of these my learned friend the late Professor Khanikoff
had already elucidated and I have followed Sreznevski for the balance left over. The
place names with our excellent maps are generally easy to identify, but some names of
the villages along the high-road from Trebizond to Samarqand, also some harbours on the
Black Sea I have been unable to give otherwise than in the spelling of Clavijo. In some
cases I could myself correct Sreznevski from my own recollection, for between Tabriz
and Serrakhs in 1887 and 1888 I travelled along Clavijo’s route. In the translation I give
all personal and place names in the form commonly used in our English transliteration,
while the spelling peculiar to Clavijo is inserted in brackets in the Index.
In my ignorance of Armenian, for the identification of Surmari (Surmalu) I have to
thank Mr. A.G.Ellis for the references embodied in a note to Chapter VII on that
important mediaeval city, which Clavijo is, I believe, the only traveller to describe in the
age prior to its final destruction. Further I wish to record my indebtedness to Mr.
J.B.Trend who while in Madrid found and examined for me both the manuscripts of the
Biblioteca Nacional, collating some passages that I wished to have verified. It is
remarkable, as already said, that Sreznevski makes no mention of these manuscripts, and
it is evident from Mr. Trend’s careful examination that the copy made for the Editio
Princeps was not collated with the earlier 15th century manuscript. It is greatly to be
desired therefore that a new edition of the text should be undertaken by a competent
Spanish scholar, more especially as now, thanks to Sreznevski, nearly all the proper
names of places and persons have been identified, and could be added in brackets
properly transliterated and following the very erroneous form set down in ignorance by
Clavijo.
CONTENTS
PAGES
INTRODUCTION 1-10
CHAPTER ONE CADIZ TO RHODES 12-21
CHAPTER TWO RHODES TO PERA 22-31
CHAPTER THREE CONSTANTINOPLE 32-42
CHAPTER FOUR CONSTANTINOPLE 43-51
CHAPTER FIVE PERA TO TREBIZOND 52-60
CHAPTER SIX TREBIZOND TO ARZINJÁN 61-69
CHAPTER SEVEN ARZINJÁN TO KHOY 70-79
CHAPTER EIGHT KHOY TO SULTÁNÍYAH 80-87
CHAPTER NINE SULTÁNÍYAH TO NÍSHÁPÚR 88-97
CHAPTER TEN NÍSHÁPÚR TO THE OXUS 98-105
CHAPTER ELEVEN THE OXUS TO SAMARQAND 106-114
CHAPTER TWELVE SAMARQAND 115-124
CHAPTER THIRTEEN SAMARQAND 125-134
CHAPTER FOURTEEN SAMARQAND 135-145
CHAPTER FIFTEEN SAMARQAND 146-157
CHAPTER SIXTEEN SAMARQAND TO TABRIZ 158-167
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN TABRIZ TO SEVILLE 168-176
NOTES 177-195
INDEX 196-211
MAPS AND PLANS
Map of Europe and Western Asia, showing route taken by the xi

Embassy
Map I: Asia Minor 23
Sketch Plan of Constantinople 33
Plan of Church of St John of the Studion 38
Plan of Church of Santa Sophia 39
Map II: Persia 61
Map III: Transoxiana 88

MAP OF EUROPE AND WESTERN ASIA, SHOWING ROUTE
TAKEN BY THE EMBASSY.
The Embassy of Clavijo to Tamerlane
INTRODUCTION
“We take the Golden Road to Samarqand.”—
J.E.FLECKER.
To understand the scope and the passage of Clavijo’s famous embassy to Timur, some
details of contemporary events in Constantinople and Western Asia may best be
summarized in the following pages, which farther will relieve repetition in the notes to
the Translation,
In the year 1400 the princes of Europe sympathetically were much bestirred, fearing
the imminent fall of Constantinople and the extinction of the Eastern Empire. The
Ottoman Sultan Báyazíd (otherwise Bajazet) was already in possession of almost the
whole of what subsequently became Turkey in Europe. The Emperor Manuel still was
lord of Constantinople, but beyond the city walls possessed a mere strip of territory along
the north coast of the Sea of Marmora, and extending to the Black Sea, a strip some fifty
miles in length but under thirty in breadth. Four years before (September 1396) an
immense composite crusading army under the leadership of the Count of Nevers (a
cousin of king Charles VI of France) had marched against the Turks to the support of
king Sigismund of Hungary. But the Christians had been completely routed by Sultan
Báyazíd at Nicopolis on the lower Danube, an immense number of them had been killed,
a lesser number made prisoners (who later had to be ransomed at heavy cost), and Europe
in terror, the Emperor Manuel now shut up in Constantinople, all were waiting to learn
what the Sultan next would do.
From their capital established at Brusa the Turkish Sultans, past and present, had
fomented many conspiracies at the Imperial Court. The father of Manuel had been the
Emperor John Palæologus (1341–1391) and Manuel’s elder brother Andronicus had at an
early age been proclaimed Emperor elect.1 In the days of Báyazíd’s father Sultan Murád
(1360 to 1389) his eldest son Sávaji had made a conspiracy with Andronicus whereby
these two young princes had purposed to dethrone their respective fathers. The
conspiracy miscarried, Sávaji was put to death which brought his younger brother
Báyazíd later to be Sultan, and Andronicus (in company with his young son John) was
shut up in the Constantinople State prison, the celebrated Tower of the Anemas. As a
result Manuel his younger brother then became heir-apparent and co-Emperor. But in
Constantinople after two years the tables were turned by a palace plot. The Emperor John
Palæologus and Manuel found themselves in the Anemas Tower, while Andronicus (with
John the younger) assumed the purple. Kaleidoscopic changes again ensued; the old
Emperor and Manuel after two years’ detention managed to make their escape from
durance and regained power: Andronicus was outlawed and banished. Later, however,
with John the younger, he was established in the government of Selymbria, a city on the
Sea of Marmora, a few miles west of Constantinople, and the peace lasted some years.
Embassy to tamerlane 2
In 1391 the old Emperor John Palæologus died, and shortly afterwards his son
Andronicus, who had lately retired to a monastery, followed him to the tomb, but leaving
John the younger as a pretender to the throne, for his uncle Manuel had now succeeded
and been acknowledged Emperor in the room of John Palæologus. Prince John’s
pretensions were sup-ported by Sultan Báyazíd who since 1389 was reigning in
succession to his rather Murád; and after his victory at Nicopolis (1396) was
intermittently threatening Constantinople by blockade. The imminence of the peril finally
roused Europe. Marshal Boucicault in command of a Christian army took ship sailing for
the Ægean, where in 1399 he forced the Turkish grip on the Dardanelles. An army of
over 2000 French men-at-arms was successfully landed and relieved Constantinople,
Báyazíd’s galleys having to retire. After a year, however, the Turks returned to the
blockade, Boucicault in despair made his escape from Constantinople, taking the
Emperor Manuel with him, and sailed for Venice, whence the two came on to France,
where the Emperor pleaded the cause of Eastern Christendom. Before leaving
Constantinople Manuel had come to terms with his nephew Prince John (the Young
Emperor as Clavijo calls him) whom he left as his deputy in charge of the capital, during
his absence. From the year 1400 to 1402 the Emperor Manuel passed his days seeking in
vain for help, voyaging through Italy and France, also coming over to England where he
was entertained by Henry IV of Lancaster, but no aid was forthcoming. After these two
years spent in disappointment Manuel had finally to make his way back to the East,
landing first in Greece whence, impotently, he watched the events that were going
forward in his capital every day falling further into the power of Báyazíd camped at its
gates.
A change however was at hand, and the Turk, hitherto victorious, was soon to face the
Tartar hosts of Timur (known to Europe as Tamerlane) who was advancing across Asia
Minor against him, whereby the fate of Constantinople came to be delayed half a century
till 1453 and in the reign of Báyazíd’s great-grandson Sultan Muhammad the Conqueror.
Timur who was born about 1335 by conquest of all rivals had become lord of Samarqand
in 1369.2 In 1380 Persia was invaded and succumbed, in 1390 Qipchaq and Muscovy
were overrun, in 1398 north-western India was ravaged and plundered. Then in 1400 and
at the age of sixty-five Timur began to turn his attention to the affairs of Western Asia.
On setting out against the Ottoman Sultan in Asia Minor and against the Mamluk Sultan
of Egypt who was lord of Syria, Timur first overran the Christian kingdom of Georgia.
Thence turning south (while on his way through plundering many provinces of Anatolia)
he appeared suddenly in Syria, where the Tartars stormed Aleppo and then sacked
Damascus in January 1401. Turning next eastward by July Timur was at Baghdad which
suffered the fate of Damascus, and early in 1402 he was back in Asia Minor marching
with his countless hordes westward. He reached Angora early in July, and on the 20th of
that month the fateful battle was fought. At Angora the Ottoman Turks were totally
defeated by Timur’s Tartars, and Báyazíd a captive is said to have been carried with him
eastward by his conqueror in an iron cage. Báyazíd died miserably in March 1403, and
Constantinople for the next half century was thus spared to Christendom. Timur
departing, Manuel immediately returned to his capital: while the Young Emperor (John)
retired into exile and took up his quarters in the island of Mitylene where he married the
daughter of Gattilusio the Genoese lord of the same. Of John the Younger and his claims
Introduction 3
to the empire, and his subsequent adventures, Clavijo gives a long account, for the
Spaniards put in to Mitylene on their way to Constantinople and heard much gossip.
From the time when early in the year 1400 Timur had appeared in Georgia his
proceedings must have been watched with increasing interest by the princes of Europe,
for all eyes as already said had long been fixed on the affairs progressing in the Near
East. In Spain at that date Henry III was king of Castile and Leon. His wife was a
daughter of John of Gaunt; another of whose daughters was the queen of John the Great
of Portugal. Hence, to look forward, the nephew of the king of Castile was young Prince
Henry the future Navigator (so-called) at that time a boy of ten, but whose initiative
afterwards brought about the rounding of the Cape to India; while it was Henry III’s
grand-daughter Isabella who sent Columbus voyaging to America. As regards the
Spanish Peninsula at the beginning of the 15th Century the Moorish king of Granada was
still master of the sea-board from Gibraltar to a point somewhat west of Cartagena, and
his dominions stretched back north nearly to the bank of the upper Guadalquivir. Aragon
the north-western quarter of Spain was an independent kingdom governed by Martin I,
whose sister queen Eleanor was the mother of Henry III of Castile.
To return to the events of the year 1402, we learn from Clavijo that at Eastertide
Henry III, who was anxious for authentic news, had despatched two envoys into the
Levant to report on what was going forward, and so it came about that during the summer
they, having reached the Ægean and landing, presented themselves before Timur in his
camp outside Angora, where they were graciously received. After the great victory of the
20th July Timur set out to march in his leisurely fashion back to Samarqand, intending to
sojourn that winter season in the plains of Qarabágh that are in eastern Georgia. However
before leaving Angora Timur saw fit to despatch a return embassy to Spain with many
rich gifts for king Henry,3 his envoys being shown the way westward by the Spaniards
now on their homeward journey: and this led in due course to the famous embassy of
Clavijo and his fellow ambassadors. These profited by the companionship of the Tartar
envoy and followed Timur, hoping to come up with him in Georgia, but being delayed by
winter weather ultimately had to seek him in Samarqand. The Spanish ambassadors were
three in number, the king’s Chamberlain Clavijo, the friar Alfonso Paez and an officer of
the royal guard named Gómez de Salazar. They bore with them many royal gifts from
their king for Timur, among the rest a mew of gerfalcons for which Spain at that time was
celebrated. The embassy travelled with many attendants: some of whom as will be related
left their bones in Persia, where too Gómez de Salazar succumbed to the hardships of
travel dying at Níshapúr on the outward journey,
Clavijo set out to travel to Samarqand somewhat over a century after Marco Polo had
shown in his famous book how Central Asia could be come to. From Spain to Samarqand
the journey ran over seventy degrees of longitude going nearly due west, never far from
the fortieth parallel of latitude. Journeying diligently but in a leisurely fashion the
embassy reached Samarqand from Cadiz in a little under fifteen months, having many
delays and a stoppage of five months in Constantinople. The journey home proved to be
nearly as long, owing to a halt of six months in Tabriz. From Cadiz to Trebizond outward
and homeward, the journey was by sea, some 2,500 miles each way. Their ship was a
Carrack, as used then in the Mediterranean, a three masted vessel with a high poop,
square rigged forward, and with a huge lateen sail on the after mast. From Rhodes to
Constantinople a smaller ship had to serve, spoken of as a Fusta, or Barque, and for the
voyage across the Black Sea to Trebizond the ship they took was a Galliot, a vessel of a
single mast with a great lateen sail used when the wind was fair, and oars—many banks
of rowers—taken to when the wind was contrary.
Of the city of Constantinople Clavijo has left us a most important description. The
date was half a century before the destruction wrought by the Turkish conquest, and of
the seven great churches which he has carefully described, two only are still standing—
Santa Sophia and the former church of St John the Baptist in Studion now become the
Mosque of the Mír Akhor.4 The appreciation shown by the Spaniards for Holy Relics was
of course consonant with the taste of the age. In many of the churches a variety of sacred
bones was submitted to their respectful gaze, and Clavijo found no difficulty in crediting
the authenticity of the Lance of Longinus, still marked with the Blood, red and fresh as at
the time of the Crucifixion. Further he was shown the Sop given to Judas, the Rod of
Scourgings and the Seamless Vestment (the same is yet preserved at Treves as the Holy
Coat). Lastly the far famed portrait of Our Lady painted by the hand of St Luke; and
numerous pieces of the wood of the True Cross, of course, were not wanting duly
enshrined in gold. At Constantinople the ambassadors were lodged at Pera, but were
received in audience by the Emperor Manuel at the great palace of the Blachernae in
Stambul, as the capital of the Eastern Empire had already come to be called. Of this
palace no stone remains standing, the site alone being marked by foundations of walls
now covered by later Turkish constructions.
Leaving Constantinople in November the season proved to be too late, and the galliot
in which they sailed was wrecked in the Black Sea almost in sight of the mouth of the
Bosporus. Returning therefore the ambassadors passed the winter in Pera, and to this four
months’ delay in their journey is due Clavijo’s description of Samarqand. Had they
reached Trebizond as at first arranged in November, they would during December easily
have come to the Qarabágh Plains, bordering the lower reaches of the river Araxes, where
they would have found Timur in winter quarters. Since, however, they only managed to
start from Trebizond at the end of the following April, Timur had already set out on his
homeward march, and the embassy had to travel across the whole breadth of Persia to
Transoxiana, and thus we have the very notable and important description left by Clavijo
of Timur and his court at home in Samarqand. For the sea voyage from Constantinople to
Trebizond the ambassadors in their galliot coasted the southern shore of the Euxine,
putting in for the night wherever possible to some friendly harbour. The Genoese had
several ports in occupation, though most were in the hands of the Ottoman Turks, and in
some places Timur was represented by a feudatory governor or petty prince. Among
these last was to be counted the Christian Emperor of Trebizond. Independently of
Constantinople, Emperors had ruled in Trebizond since early in the 13th century when
Alexis Comnenus, to escape the tyranny of the Latin occupation of the capital, had
established his dynasty assuming the empire of this territory. Here the ambassadors now
came ashore, for at Trebizond began the long land journey of near to 3000 miles before
they could come up with Timur in Samarqand.5
From Trebizond the first stage went due south to Arzinján on the Western Euphrates,
the way passing over a succession of mountain ranges. Beside the rugged path the hill
tops were here and there crowned by the strongholds of robber-chiefs who exacted a toll
from all travellers. These men recognized allegiance to no over-lord, they fought one
with another or in combination against the Turk immigrants, and thrived on the booty that
Introduction 5
they could collect by force or fraud. From Arzinján onwards travelling changed very
much for the better, the government established by Timur was in force, and his
lieutenants obedient to the authorized demands of the returning Tartar ambassador
(travelling with the Spaniards), provided abundant hospitality and all help to further them
on the way. To any one who has travelled through Persia in recent years, it will be most
striking how little the circumstances of the road have altered in the last five centuries.
Change the names of persons, and Clavijo’s diary might almost pass for a book of travel
of the present century: the place names are mostly the same and the stages over the long
route are those that a traveller by mule or horse caravan would come to night after night.
At Khoy to the north of the Urúmíyah Lake, where the Spaniards entered Persia, they
came up with an ambassador from the Sultan of Egypt, sent to compliment Timur. He too
was bringing many gifts, among the rest several ostriches, also a giraffe an animal, of
course, new to Clavijo who describes the beast in detail The Egyptian Embassy travelled
onward with the Spaniards all the way from Khoy to Samarqand carrying along the
giraffe and the ostriches, and these we are happy to learn came in safe and sound to their
journey’s end to live peacefully doubtless in Samarqand.
To the S.E. of Khoy the great city of Tabriz was at this time the commercial capital of
Persia: it is situated where the trade route from Central Asia meets the caravan road from
the west coming through Asia Minor from the Black Sea ports. In early Mongol times it
had been also the political capital of Persia, but Timur latterly had transferred the seat of
government from Tabriz to Sultáníyah, where his deputy now resided. From Tabriz the
way led across the table land of the northern provinces of Persia and the ambassadors in
due course came on to Sultáníyah, where they paid their respects to Prince Mírán Sháh
the eldest of Timur’s surviving sons. He had till very recently been governor general of
Northern Persia, but had now been superseded in his command for reasons that Clavijo
refers to and explains later in his narrative. From Sultáníyah across fertile plains Tehrán
was reached, where the local governor made them a feast, and where for the first time
they tasted horse-meat, a delicacy they were destined to appreciate on many occasions.
By special orders received from Timur they next had to make their way up from the
plains round and about Tehrán, travelling into the foothills of the Elburz range, in order
to visit a Tartar grandee who was son-in-law to Timur, and whom they found encamped
in the Lár valley under the southern slope of Mount Demavend. From here crossing many
passes they went on, coming to the great fortress of Fírúzkúh—‘Turquoise Mountain’—
and descending from thence regained the upland plains once more at Dámghán, rejoining
the caravan high-road from Tehrán to Meshed.
At this latter city it is to be noted that they were allowed freely to visit the sanctuary
and tomb of the Imám Rezá. The present Shí‘ah intolerance of admitting Christians to
visit mosques and shrines throughout Persia was then unknown: for this strict
sequestration has only been made the rule since the Safavi kings came in a century after
the days of Timur, since which time Perisa has become thoroughly orthodox after the
pattern of the Shí‘ahs. During their long ride from Tabriz to Samarqand, through the
territories of Timur’s government, what greatly impressed the Castilians—for Clavijo
refers to the matter more than once—was the system of relays of post-horses kept up at
government expense. This was the Yam (Mongol) or Chapar (Persian) establishment of
post-riders and post-houses, by use of which (a sufficient stable of animals being kept in
readiness) the government messengers rode out night and day on their missions. If
needful the horses of all private individuals might be, and were to be, commandeered by
the Yamchís, or post-riders. We are told that even a prince, Timur’s own son, might have
to give up his horse at the demand of the messenger carrying despatches. The Spaniards,
as envoys to Timur, were always supplied with needful mounts at the successive stations
passed, where from one to three hundred horses might be found, kept ready to be saddled
at a moment’s notice. On a much reduced scale this is still the order and custom that
obtains at this present day on the post-roads traversing the great distances of the Persian
kingdom.
Further, as already remarked, from the moment of entering the territories ruled over by
Timur the Spanish ambassadors were accounted his guests, and copious rations of meat
and bread were at all points supplied gratis, with abundant wine. In this connexion
Clavijo takes occasion to notice how brutally the Tartars treated the Persian peasants. The
guides and the various officers from the Court, sent to meet and conduct the ambassadors,
everywhere enforced their demands with the whip and a shower of blows. As they
journeyed forward from time to time—in the towns especially—the Spaniards were
presented with robes of honour of gold brocade (kincob) and occasionally a horse would
be given them for their own, and these gifts (as Clavijo remarks) came in usefully later
on, when they in turn were expected to present their guides at parting with farewell
offerings.
On coming to Meshed the Spaniards were warned to make due preparations for the
next stage, namely over the waterless desert which has to be crossed before coming to the
Oxus. Leaving the Meshed valley they mounted the low pass in the mountain range to the
eastward coming down into the stony tract that stretches thence to Serrakhs (or its
neighbourhood), where they must have been ferried over the river Tejend. This flows
parallel with the Murgháb river to the eastward, where lies the settlement of Merv: and
Serrakhs is separated from Merv by about 110 miles of the waterless Qara Qum, the
desert of the Black Sands. This long tract they passed in much distress of thirst. From
Merv eastwards the road is fairly supplied with wells, and coming to the Oxus bank they
crossed the great river immediately to the north of ancient Balkh, and so entered
Transoxiana the homeland of Timur. Coming to this district Clavijo notes the fact of a
change of language. Persian, which he had heard spoken up to now, gave place to what
he names as Mongol, but which in fact was Eastern Turkish, the dialect at the present day
commonly called Chagatay Turkí, and spoken throughout Central Asia. Travelling north
from Tirmiz on the right bank of the Oxus, the Spaniards came to Kesh, the birth-place of
Timur, and the burial-place of his father the Khán Teragay. Here Clavijo expatiates on
the beauty of the newly built mosque and the palace adorned with tiles of the kind
familiar to him in Spain, made by the Moors, known as Azulejos (Blue Tiles), as still to
be admired on the walls of the Alhambra. In blue and gold with many other colours these
formed the patterned panellings of the walls in the Kesh palace, and the workmanship of
the Tartar artificers, as Clavijo notes, would indeed have done credit to the best workmen
of Paris, a curiously early tribute to French superiority in the handicrafts.
From Kesh, after some delay, the embassies from Egypt and Spain both finally came
on to Samarqand, where after a suitable pause, they were received in audience by Timur.
At the age of seventy he had just taken to himself his eighth wife, and he was so blind
that the envoys had to be led close up to his seat, in order to be clearly distinguished to
his failing sight. At Samarqand both embassies were entertained hospitably during the
Introduction 7
following three months, many festivals and feastings being in progress to celebrate the
nuptials of various princes and princesses the grand-children of his Highness. The
Spaniards were next shown the sights, and duly admired the many palaces and the
splendid gardens, but what most astonished them was the view of the great camping
grounds of the Horde outside the city limits. Here Clavijo estimates that 50,000 tents
were pitched, all in ordered lines of streets, where commodities of every kind were on
sale. The tents were of two kinds, one raised on poles with guy-ropes, the other kind not
braced with ropes but having thin poles interlacing thrust between the material of the tent
walls, as is the case with the Kirgiz kibitkas of the present day. But the glory of the camp
was the state Pavilion of Timur, a huge composite tent standing in its Enclosure, a wide
area surrounded by canvas walls that shut out intrusion. The whole arrangement is very
completely described by Clavijo in every detail, and it may be noted that a century before
his time Marco Polo has much to relate of similar quarters at the camp of Kubilai Khán.
Further there were many other Enclosures with their canvas walls, to guard from public
view the space within occupied by many tents or pavilions where each of Timur’s wives
had her separate establishment. The splendour of these royal tents amazed Clavijo, most
were of crimson brocade, some were lined with costly furs to keep out the heat of
summer and the cold of winter. One such had a lining entirely of priceless ermine skins.
In Samarkand city the ambassadors visited the Mosques and the so-named Cross
Palace where they were shown Timur’s bedroom. Although he was too feeble to sit his
horse and had to be carried abroad in his litter, Timur was perpetually out seeing to the
buildings in progress. He presided at all the feasts, ate enormous meals of roast horse, and
sat drinking wine from dawn to dark, often continuing all night at his potations, as on
more than one occasion mentioned. Justice was dispensed out of hand, and Clavijo
records that with the Tartars it was considered more honourable to be hanged than to be
beheaded, thus contrary, as he notes, to the usage of Spain. The fourteen great elephants
that Timur had brought back from his Indian campaign of the year 1399 performed tricks
at the festivals, and the appearance of an elephant, since none had presumably been seen
in Spain, is minutely described. In short the ambassadors were very nobly entertained and
Timur’s administration in peace and war is shrewdly set forth with commentary by the
observant envoy. The result of all this feasting was that in the late autumn Timur fell ill,
and his intimate attendants thought he was about to die. It proved a premature alarm for
he got better again, but not to involve the foreign ambassadors in the turmoils of a
disputed succession, the Spaniards with the Egyptians were urged to depart in peace, and
not to wait for any farewell audience of his Highness, who (the attendant lords said)
could or would not again see them. This was disappointing to their dignity, and Clavijo
for one vigorously protected at the supposed affront, complaining above all that no letter
in reply to that of his master the king of Castile was forthcoming from Timur. All
remonstrance, however, proved unavailing, they had to yield to pressure, and in company
with the Egyptian ambassador, and others from Turkey, Clavijo and his companion set
forth homeward bound from Samarqand in the last days of November 1404.
The return journey in the earlier part followed another route, the first stage was down
the rich valley of the Zarafshan river to Bukhara and beyond this city they re-crossed the
Oxus. The sandy tract come to here was narrower than that between Merv and Tirmiz
crossed three months before on the outward march, and they reached the limits of
Khurásán and cultivation at Báverd, at present known as Abiverd. This was at
Christmastide 1404 and the new year as then reckoned began next day. Following on the
caravan rejoined the outward route at Jájarm, and thence with short variations in the
stages reached Tabriz on the last day of February 1405. Here a delay of nearly six months
occurred. As has been set forth, when they were leaving Samarqand Timur was already
ill, supposed indeed to be dying, but he had partially recovered and after a rest of a month
early in January of the new year had insisted on starting the campaign that was to effect
the conquest of China. His illness however returned upon him, and after crossing the
Jaxartes he died at Otrar in the middle of February, The post-riders (already spoken of)
would have brought the news to Tabriz and all north-western Persia before February had
run out.
Timur’s grandson Prince Omar was at this period Governor General of Persia residing
at Tabriz, but at the moment he was still in his winter quarters encamped with his Horde
on the pastures of Qarabágh a couple of hundred miles north of Tabriz. Thither, to go to
him, the ambassadors had been summoned, on arrival, to pay him their respects: but the
news of Timur’s death threw all Western Asia into turmoil for many were the heirs
presumptive and pretenders to the vast inheritance. Clavijo gives a vivid account of the
civil war between the sons and grandsons and the nephew of Timur, Jahán Sháh, the
Commander-in-Chief of his armies, and of their struggle for power some details in
explanation will be added presently. To continue the account of the homeward journey
we find it was not till the 27th of August that the ambassadors managed to get away from
Tabriz, after much plundering of baggage and some ill-treatment at the hands of the
Tartar officials. On the 17th of Septem-ber they reached Trebizond and embarked for
Constantinople, which was safely reached in twenty-five days by sea passage. Thence in
a Genoese carrack they took ship for Genoa where they came to port on the 3rd of
January 1406. After four weeks’ delay here, spent in making a visit to the Spanish Anti-
pope at Savona, on the 1st of February they finally took passage from Genoa, and on the
1st of March landed at San Lúcar at the mouth of the Guadalquivir, whence they rode in
to Seville. The journey had lasted some three months short of three years, but of this long
period (as already explained) there had been an unavoidable delay in Constantinople, a
lengthy sojourn in Samarqand, and a second enforced delay at Tabriz: amounting in sum
to over fifty weeks, so that they had been actually on the road, travelling by sea and land,
for somewhat over a hundred weeks, going from Spain to Samarqand and back.
The account which Clavijo gives of Timur and his family, and of Court life at
Samarqand is curious: no other such account having come down to us. Timur was at the
time in his seventieth year and in bad health, worn out by the fatigues of his constant
campaigns. He prided himself on being a very orthodox Moslem, but at his many feasts
much forbidden wine was drunk; and Clavijo remarked that on these occasions his guests
came to be mostly the worse for liquor. Nothing surprised the Grand Khánum, Timur’s
chief wife, more than the fact that Clavijo himself would drink no wine. His colleague
Alfonso Paez, the Master in Theology, had no reserves, and at one banquet Timur with
his own hand, as we are told, handed him a cup of wine, which according to etiquette the
Master had to swallow at a draught. On this and other like occasions the ladies of the
court were always present, and Clavijo reports that he met eight of Timur’s wives. At this
date only two of his sons were yet alive Sháh Rukh and Mírán Sháh, the latter relegated
to exile in Western Persia, but several grandsons came and went during the period that
the Spaniards were in residence at Samarqand; and the wife of Mírán Sháh who was
Introduction 9
living at her father-in-law’s court gave the ambassadors a splendid banquet. Horses
roasted whole provided the guests with meat, while three thousand jars of wine were set
round alternating with skins full of cream sweetened with sugar. These feasts would often
last the day through and long into the following night, and the women took their full
share of meat and drink. The ambassadors saw Timur frequently, and at the first audience
after three obeisances had to remain kneeling before him, until commanded to rise and
take seats on the ground.
Timur died, as already said, two months after the ambassadors had left Samarqand and
his will was then promptly set aside. His eldest and favourite son (Jahángír) had died
thirty years before, leaving a son, Pír Muhammad, to whom his grandfather had willed
the succession, but his uncles and cousins agreed it were certainly better to take it from
him. To understand what followed the genealogical table6 (given in the Notes) should be
consulted and it may later serve to make clear the references to divers members of
Timur’s family, as their names occur in the course of Clavijo’s narrative. As mentioned
above, at the time of his death only two of Timur’s many sons were living: Sháh Rukh
who ruled at Herat, and ultimately succeeded to the Empire; and Mírán Sháh who was the
father of three sons; two Omar and Abu Bakr by one wife, and a third Khalíl Sultán the
son of the widow of that elder brother (Jahángír) who had died thirty years before. This
hair-brother (Khalíl) was not on good terms with the other two, but his mother had long
been Timur’s favourite daughter-in-law and she lived at Samarqand. Of the other two
princes (grandsons) Omar Mirza the elder was governor general in Western Persia, while
Abu Bakr presided over his father’s government at Baghdad in the ‘Iráq province, for
Mírán Sháh was incapacitated by ill-health or feeble-mindedness. Timur further had a
nephew of whom we hear a good deal, Jahán Sháh Mirza, the son of his sister, and again
he had a daughter married to a great noble who lived at Ray, where the ambassadors had
been his guests, and whose name was Sulaymán Mirza.7
In the disputes over the succession all these princes had their part, all being personally
known to Clavijo. Timur’s two sons, the princes Sháh Rukh and Mírán Sháh, were as will
be noted only half-brothers: Jahán Sháh was their first cousin, and Sulaymán Mirza their
brother-in-law. The other princes mentioned were all of the next generation. The
beginning of the struggle for empire is graphically sketched by Clavijo. As was to be
expected the outlying provinces immediately fell off. The Ottoman Turks regained
independence, and the Mamlúk Sultan of Egypt once more became lord of Syria, but
Persia and Transoxiana remained true to the descendants of Timur. After a bloody
struggle and many deaths, Sháh Rukh established his power as lord paramount at
Samarqand, and till the day of his death (1447) ruled not unwisely in his father’s home
possessions. His brother and his nephews failed to make good any claim they had to the
sovereignty.
To return to Clavijo. The Spanish ambassadors getting home safely in the spring of
1406 proceeded in due course from Seville north to Alcalá de Henares where they found
king Henry III in residence. What report as to politics in the Near East and the Levant
Clavijo brought to his master is nowhere stated: but it must have been unfavourable as
regards the condition of things at Constantinople. The new Ottoman Sultan (the son of
Sultan Báyazíd) had now nothing to fear from the Tartar lord of Samarqand, and the
Emperor of Constantinople had everything to fear in the immediate future from the Turk,
though it proved to be still near the half century before Constantinople fell.
Of the junior ambassador, the Master in Theology Fray Alfonso Paez de Santa Maria,
nothing further is known, but of Clavijo there is a short biographical article in Latin by
Nicholas Antonio (1617–1684) and another in Spanish by José Álvarez y Baena.8 The
date of Clavijo’s birth is nowhere given, but it is stated that he served from youth as
chamberlain to king Henry III. In December 1406, the year of his home coming, his name
occurs as one of the witnesses to that king’s Will signed at Toledo. After Henry’s death,
in the following year, Clavijo retired from court and proceeded to build for himself a
sumptuous alabaster and marble sepulchre in the chapel he founded in the Convent of San
Francisco at Madrid. Here he was buried in 1412, and Baena transcribes the mortuary
inscription in full, but in continuation reports that Clavijo’s tomb here was destroyed at
the close of the the fifteenth century in order to bury in this same chapel the body of
Juana of Portugal, widow of king Henry IV of Castile and Leon. This princess was the
celebrated mother of La Beltraneja, who claimed the throne on the death of Henry IV,
surnamed the Impotent, said not to have been her father, and who was dispossessed by
her aunt Isabella the Catholic. The original marbles of Clavijo’s tomb were subsequently
used to decorate the entrance gate to the new buildings. At a later date in 1760 the
Convent was pulled down and no trace now remains of these monuments. Baena states
that Clavijo had his house in Madrid on the spot later (namely in the 18th century)
occupied by the church called the Capilla del Obispo, situate in the parish of San Andrés.
It is added that Clavijo’s house had been so sumptuous as to serve later as the palace of
the Infante Don Enrique de Aragon, brother-in-law of Queen Maria of Aragon a daughter
of king Henry III. Clavijo therefore in life and in death, till later dispossessed, had been
very suitably housed.
Clavijo wrote the narrative of the famous Embassy shortly after 1406, so that the
manuscript was made public, by copyists, rather more than half a century before the
invention of printing. Many copies doubtless were then made, for the book became
popular, and one of these copies fortunately is preserved among the MSS. of the
Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid. It was however unfortunately never completed by the
scribe, it lacks the title-sheet, and ends abruptly in the paragraph describing the arrival,
on the homeward journey or the Ambassadors, at Messina. This copy is in a clear 15th
century hand, there are 154 folios written in double column and on both sides of the page.
As was customary at that time contractions are freely used. It was not from this MS.
however, but from one unfortunately now not to be found, that for the purpose of printing
the book in 1582 Argote de Molina took a copy, and this copy is preserved likewise in the
Madrid National Library, having formed part of the collections made by the late Don
Pascual de Gayangos, who bequeathed it to the nation by his will.9 The book printed in
1582 is the Editio Princeps and is at the present time exceedingly rare. In 1782 Antonio
de Sancha brought out the second edition, an almost exact reprint in a quarto volume
published at Madrid, of which the first portion gives the Cronica de Don Pedro Niño: and
this is the text Sir Clements Markham translated. Basing his work on these two editions,
the Russian scholar I.Sreznevski in 1881 republished the Spanish text, giving also a
Russian translation followed by an annotated index, in Russian and in French.10 It was
then, at length, that the many problems presented by Clavijo’s faulty Castilian
transliteration of Persian and Turkish place names, and names of persons, were at last
adequately discussed and elucidated, and from the information supplied in the French
Index the notes to the present translation have been compiled.
CHAPTER I
CADIZ TO RHODES
THE life and acts of the great Tamerlane, with a description of the lands that are under
his dominion and rule, written by Ruy González de Clavijo, chamberlain to his highness
the very great and noble king Don Henry, third of that name, sovereign lord of Castile
and Leon. This together with an itinerary wherein is described all that fell out during the
embassy despatched by his highness the said king to his lordship that said potentate, who
is otherwise known as Timur Beg, in the year of the Incarnation one thousand four
hundred and three.1
The great lord Timur Beg2 having brought to naught the lord of Samarqand [the
Chagatay Khán Suyurghatmish in the year 1370] took to himself that empire, whereby his
dominion and rule were established as forthwith will be explained. For he then proceeded
to conquer the whole land of Mongolia which same includes the empire of Samarqand,
and next the land of India the Less. Then next he conquered all the country and empire of
Khurásán which is a mighty lordship, and following this conquered and brought under his
sway the whole country of the Tájiks3 [who are Persians] with the lordship of the city
which is called Ray. Following this again he subdued bringing under his rule the whole of
Persia, and Media with the lordships of Tabríz and Sultáníyah. Next he conquered the
lands of Gílán and Derbend together with Armenia the Less and Arzinján with Erzerúm
and Avník. Then he brought under his sway and government Mardín with the country of
Georgia, which last marches with Armenia aforesaid. Then Timur overcame in battle the
lord of India the Less taking from him the greater part of his territory: while on the other
quarter he sacked the city of Damascus, taking possession also of Aleppo, and lastly
occupied all Mesopotamia with Baghdad.
Again he overran and ravaged various other countries and kingdoms, gaining many
battles and making many conquests until at last he came against the Turkish Sultan
Báyazíd surnamed Ilderim [the Thunderbolt] who was one of the greatest and most potent
sovereigns that the world has seen. In his lands of Turkey Timur brought him to battle
nearby a certain castle and city which is called Angora. In that battle Timur conquered
taking the Turkish Sultan prisoner, him and one of his sons. Now it fell out that present at
the time of that battle were two ambassadors come from the high and mighty lord Don
Henry by the grace of God King of Castile and Leon—whom God preserve—and the
names of these two men were Payo de Sotomayor and Hernan Sánchez de Palazuelos.
These two had been sent by King Henry to enquire and report as to the power and might
pertaining on the one hand to this Timur Beg and on the other hand to the Turkish Sultan
Ilderim, and to make note as to the number of the following and multitude of those
peoples whom either party could bring against his rival, and thus to report which of the
two parties would be most like to gain in the struggle.
It came about that after this battle of Angora the lord Timur had notice of the presence
of these ambassadors, namely Payo and Herman Sánchez, and holding in respect the
Cadiz to rhodes 13
King of Castile he paid them much honour carrying them with him in his train and
entertaining them very nobly. Then learning from them all details as to the power of that
high and mighty lord the King of Castile, and of the great esteem in which he was held
among the other kings of Christendom, he gave them in charge many gifts for their lord
the king, whereby to gain his friendship. And shortly after his great victory at the battle or
Angora Timur determined to send an ambassador of his own to Castile with Letters from
him and a great present especially to mark his amity. This [Tartar] ambassador was a
certain Chagatay noble called4 Hajji Muhammad, who had in his charge the Letter from
Timur with the gifts sent by him to our king, and coming to Spain to the court of King
Henry the ambassador delivered to his highness all that Timur Beg had laid charge on
him, namely with the Letter the gifts and the jewels, and the women [the Christian
captives taken from the Turks at Angora] whom Timur now sent back to Spain for safe
keeping.5 Then King Henry having received these Letters and presents, and having come
to know the purpose which Timur had written to him in these Letters and the message
brought by his ambassador, also of the great affection which Timur bore him, determined
on his side to despatch a counter embassy with gifts thus to increase the affection that
was between him and Timur Beg.
Our king therefore proceeded to appoint as his envoys in the new embassy these three,
to wit Fray Alfonso Paez de Santa Maria, who was Master in Theology, Ruy González de
Clavijo and Gómez de Salazar one of his Royal Guard, and to them his highness confided
his Letters and princely gifts. Now this embassy being most arduous and sent to very
distant countries it has appeared to me necessary and suitable that all the places that we
visited should be set down in writing when describing the countries that we passed
through, with the happenings that befell us then and there throughout. For these things
being thus written and recounted and made known, to the best of our ability in what
follows, they shall not fall to oblivion and be lost. Therefore in the name of God, in
whose hands all things rest, and to the honour of the most Blessed Virgin Mary His
mother, I began to write this account from the day when we, the ambassadors reached
Port St Mary over against Cadiz. Here we had intent of embarking in a carrack6 on which
we should set sail, and returning home in our company was that ambassador from the lord
Timur who had been sent to our king as already stated above.
Monday the 21st of May of the year of our Lord 1403 we the ambassadors, as
aforesaid, arrived at the Port St Mary, and on that same day we despatched certain
provisions that were brought with us to be taken across [the bay of Cadiz] and carried
aboard the carrack in which we were to sail, these provisions being in addition to what
had just been sent in charge of certain of our servants, and already embarked, coming
from Seville and Jérez. The following day Tuesday the 22nd of May we, therefore, took
passage in a barque, and with us went Messer Julian Centurio the captain of that carrack
in which we were all to journey together, and we passed across the bay to the harbour of
Las Muelas which is at Cadiz where the carrack was lying. Then on Wednesday, next
day, we set sail in the carrack, leaving the shores of Spain, the weather being favourable,
and by nightfall were off Cape Spartel. On the morrow Thursday the ship had come
abreast of Tangier, with the mountains on the Barbary coast; and thence lay across
towards Tarifa Point and Ximena and having passed Ceuta came to Algeciras and
Gibraltar. Then to Marbella, and past all these coasts we sailed so near that we could
perceive clearly the towns lying at the foot of the mountain range which here borders the
Straits, for that same day we were up with the hills known as the Sierra de la Fi.
Friday which was the 25th day of May, when the day dawned clear we found
ourselves off Malaga,7 and cast anchor in this port. Here the ship remained that day also
Saturday, Sunday, Monday and Tuesday following, by reason that the captain had to
disembark certain jars of olive oil and other merchandise. Malaga city stands in the plain
and adjacent to the sea. Within the city circuit is a point of land that juts into the sea
whereon is a high built castle standing on a mound, the whole enclosed by a double wall.
Outside the town is another castle, greater in size and height, which is known as the
Alcazaba, and from that inner castle to the one outside extend double walls running
together throughout. Below and outside the town, and where another headland is jutting
out into the sea, there are the dockyards and arsenal: and beyond these again an enclosing
wall starts that goes back from the sea front with many towers in its circuit. This wall
encircles many fine orchards belonging to the city; and beyond these far at the back rises
a high mountain range on the slopes of which lie many homesteads, with vineyards and
orchards. Along the strand between the sea-shore and the city wall are built stores that are
warehouses for merchandise, and the town itself is very densely populated.
The following Wednesday which was the [30th] of May the carrack made sail from
Malaga, coasting along the shore below the mountain range, whose slopes were beset
with cornlands vineyards and orchards. Next we came to Velez Malaga, a high built
castle standing on the mountain flank, and then passed Almuñecar, a town lying down by
the shore of the sea, and by nightfall we were in sight of and sailing under the range of
the Sierra Nevada. Next day Thursday the ship was abreast of Cape Palos, which is off
Cartagena, and on Friday we doubled Cape Martin at the base of a high mountain range
which is of the province of Catalonia [in the kingdom of Aragon]. Saturday at dawn we
were abreast of an uninhabited island that is called Formentera, and already were in sight
of the island of Ibiza, and coming up with it passed all that Saturday with Sunday
Monday and Tuesday following lying off and on the coast unable to double the headland
to reach the port, for the wind was at all times contrary. On that Tuesday night however
at last we made the port [of Ibiza], and this day was the 5th of June. Here the captain
discharged much cargo that he had brought, and took other cargo aboard, loading up with
salt, and the ship lay here from the Tuesday or our arrival all Wednesday Thursday and
Friday being unable to get away, for a head wind was blowing against us. Indeed it was
not till Wednesday the 13th of June that we were able to set sail. But then both the
following days Thursday and Friday it fell calm so that we made but little way.
Ibiza is but a small island being five leagues in the length by three in the breadth. On
the same day that the ship reached the island we three ambassadors landed, and the
governor, who is in charge, being thereto appointed by the king of Aragon, ordered a
lodging forthwith to be prepared for us. Further he sent down men and horses to bring us
up to the town. The whole island is a mass of high mountains, with the lower slopes
covered by pine forests. The chief town is very populous and stands on a great hillock
which overlooks the sea. The town is enclosed by three walls, and in the space between
every two they have built many houses. There is a castle, with high towers and an
encircling wall, on the summit of the hill within the town at the point above the sea, and
facing the castle is the church, opposite, which has a very lofty tower that, so to speak,
matches the castle. Beyond outside the town and the castle there is further another outer
Cadiz to rhodes 15
town wall. Throughout the island of Ibiza are found many salt-pans where much salt is
produced, of a very fine quality. This is gathered at the close of the summer season, being
produced by the evaporation of the sea water that has been let in. These salt-pans give a
good revenue, for yearly many ships come hither from the Levant, and load up with
cargoes of this salt. Within the town limits there stands a tower, wherein are many
chambers, which is known as the Tower of Avicenna:8 for they say that Avicenna was a
native of this island of Ibiza. In the town walls and on their towers may be seen many
marks of the cannon-balls which the late king Don Pedro IV of Aragon discharged
against this place when he was laying siege to the island [to eject the Barbary Moors].
On the following Saturday which was the [16th] of June we were at the hour of none
[three p.m.] coasting the island of Majorca, so near indeed that we could perfectly
perceive the folk on the country-side, and by Sunday following were passing an island
that is called Cabrera, where there is a small castle. Monday and Tuesday we made very
little way because the wind was light, but that Wednesday we were abreast of the island
of Minorca, and thence sailing on entered the Gulf of Lyons. Thursday, Friday and
Saturday we passed crossing that Gulf, and profited by good weather so that by Sunday,
which was St John’s Day [the 24th of June] we had come up with an island which is
called Linera [or Asinara to the N.W. of Sardinia] which is of the dominion of the
Viceroy of Aragon [who is the governor of Sardinia]. On Monday at dawn we found
ourselves sailing through the strait between the two islands of Corsica and Sardinia; and
on the island of Corsica stands a castle that bears the name of Bonifacio which belongs to
a certain Genoese lord: while opposite on the island of Sardinia is another castle that is
called Longosardo which belongs to the Catalans [and is of Aragon]. These two castles
aforesaid, of those islands of Corsica and Sardinia, stand on the sea-shore and face each
other as though to guard the strait, which parting these islands is very narrow and
dangerous of navigation. This passage here is known as the Mouths or Strait of
Bonifacio.
Tuesday, the next day we sailed near an island that is [off the mainland of Italy, and]
called Ponza, which now is uninhabited, though formerly people lived on it; for there
used to be here two monasteries, besides many magnificent buildings which are attributed
to the poet Virgil. On the mainland, to the left as we passed down leaving the island on
the right hand, we saw a high mountain range and this goes by the name of Monte
Cassino. Here is seen the castle called San Felice which belongs to king Ladislas [of
Naples]. Beyond this passing south we saw another mountain range by the coast, and at
its foot next appeared the town of Terracina, which same is in the territory of Rome being
but twelve leagues distant from that capital. Occupying the land between the houses of
the city of Terracina and the sea beach were many orchards, and among some high trees
appeared the buildings of a nunnery, but the nuns had all been carried off captive by the
Barbary Moors. Wednesday our voyage was continued and on the following day
Thursday which was the [28th] of June we had reached by nightfall the port of Gaeta.
Here we found we could anchor so close to the shore that it was possible to lay a
gangway to the city wall by which to land. On coming ashore we ambassadors took
lodgings in a hostel near by the church of San Francisco outside the town, the carrack
remaining here for sixteen days following, while the captain was discharging cargo
consigned to certain merchants of the port, and next taking aboard olive-oil in its room.
The city of Gaeta and its harbour both are very fine, though of the latter the entrance is
narrow, but it broadens out within. All round the city are high hills on which are built
many castles and beautiful houses, all standing within their orchards. On the left hand as
one enters the port is seen a lofty hill, crowning the summit of which is a castle, that is a
watch-tower, and this they say was built by [the Paladin] Roland, and hence it goes by the
name of Orlando’s Tower.9 Running back from this hill is another adjoining it on which
the houses of the town are built, these standing down one below the other to the waters of
the harbour. Thence houses extend all along the sea beach, with the town wall beyond,
against which dash the waves of the sea. [Above the entrance to the harbour, and where
on either hand] the wall ends, rise up two towers, the foundations of which stand in the
water, and from one tower to the other may be counted as the distance that a catapult can
cast its bolt. From the one tower to the other, when necessary, they stretch a chain, behind
which the galleys and other ships may lie safely in time of war. On the height, that passes
between the hill on which the houses of the city are built and the neighbouring hill of
Orlando’s Tower, has been erected another tower with many tall turrets and battlements
set along a curtain that joins it to the walls of Orlando’s Tower. By this fortification the
city is protected on its hill slope, while thereby the hill of Orlando’s Tower is also safe-
guarded from attack.
Gaeta from the sea is likewise well protected, for the waters enclose the promontory
on both sides; and they have no fear in war time, for from the heights within the town
they can spy enemy ships and prevent them coming into port. Adjoining the fortifications
of the town another wall has been built which extends for some distance along the sea
front, enclosing within its circuit a high hill, and the same on two sides thus faces the
waters of the sea. This hill is covered with vineyards and orchards and olive-yards.
Beside and within the wall connecting this hill with the town fortifications there runs a
street, built on either hand with houses and shops. On the one hand beside this street
stands a church much venerated of the people which bears the name of Saint Mary of the
Annunciation, while opposite on the other side of the street is another church which is
that of Saint Anthony. Here attached to Saint Mary’s Church is the fine Monastery of
Saint Francis. At the further end of this street, of which we now speak, the guarding wall
runs up the slope of the hill going over and down to the sea-shore on the other side,
whereby at the back it entirely encloses that hill. This long wall of fortification has been
built in order that in time of war no enemy ship may come to land here, and that the city
may be thus safe from surprise.
At the point where this outer wall, enclosing the hill slopes, joins up with the Gaeta
town wall there stands the church of the Holy Trinity near by which are various towers,
each like a fort, that guard the houses near by. Not far from this church there is a grotto
on the hill top, and it looks as though it had been hewn out artificially. It is, however,
natural and the opening into the hill side has a height of some ten fathoms and next
penetrates down for fifty paces, the passage being so narrow that only one man at a time
can pass in. At the further end is a hermit’s cell, which bears the name of the Holy Cross
being called Santa Cruz. We were told that there are documents preserved in Gaeta city
which state that this grotto opened of itself [the first Good Friday], namely on the very
day on which our Lord Jesus Christ suffered death.
The outer city wall of which we have been speaking encloses a great number of
beautiful orchard lands occupied by orange and lemon and citron plantations with
Cadiz to rhodes 17
vineyards and olive-yards. Here there are many country houses having terraced roofs: the
whole district being most beautiful to the observer. Then extending beyond this outer city
wall begins a long street of houses running beside the sea beach with beautiful buildings
and many palaces. These all stand in their orchards which same are irrigated by the
mountain streams that here flow in. This street passes all round the bay going back from
the city, and at its further end is the township which is called Mola [di Gaeta] which same
indeed lies quite two leagues distant from Gaeta city. The whole length of this street of
houses is well constructed, being paved throughout: and overhanging it rises the hill
slope, which same is occupied by many farms and villages. Standing in the city of Gaeta
you may look and admire this well peopled country-side, and it is indeed a marvel of
beauty and richness. During the delay of our ship in Gaeta we went to see all these
places, that we have spoken of, and further visited beyond the town of Mola another
township with a lofty castle. Indeed there were many other such places round and about
on the hill slopes descending from the range of mountains at the foot of which on the
cape Gaeta city is situated. Lastly on the right hand of the entrance to the port there is
built a very high tower for an outlook, and this is known as the Carigliano Tower.
All these cities and lands formerly belonged to the Count of Fondí, but now they are
part of the lordship of king Ladislas, who gained possession of them after his war with
king Louis.10 The houses in the city of Gaeta are quite magnificent, and they are built one
below the other, coming down the hill slope to the waters of the port They all have high
windows that overlook the sea. The finest quarter of the city is that of the main street
which runs level with and beside the beach. The other streets are narrow and high built,
being steep and ill to walk in. In the main street there is much business traffic, and all the
year round the trade here is constant. At the time when king Ladislas was waging war
against king Louis, he had lost the whole of the kingdom of Naples all save this same city
of Gaeta, and it was from Gaeta, finally sallying forth, that he conquered and got back the
kingdom of Naples to himself. While king Ladislas was living in the city of Gaeta, and
having been there married to the Lady Constantia the daughter of Manfred Lord of
Chiaramonte, he put her from him, and next (but against her will) married her to a certain
one of his vassals the son of Messer Louis of Capua. It is related further that king
Ladislas in that church, we have mentioned above, called the Holy Trinity, himself was
present at this marriage [of his wife to Messer Louis] and took their hands in the presence
of a great concourse of his people there assembled to join them in wedlock, and caused
the rite to be performed: further that on the afternoon of these espousals king Ladislas
himself taking the hand of that lady, who was or had been his wife, danced with her
publicly. Later, they say, she was wont to speak with open scandal of many vile matters,
talking loudly in street and market place. King Ladislas had indeed done all this that he
did under the advice of Queen Margaret his mother, and afterwards he married the Lady
Mary who was the sister of [Janus the last] king or Cyprus. By his first wife the Lady
Constantia aforesaid, with whom he had lived in wedlock during one and a half years
only, the king had no children, though this lady by her second husband [the Lord of
Capua] has since had many sons. But king Ladislas also has a sister, who is called the
Lady Joanna, who is married to [William of Hapsburg] who is Duke of Styria and
Babenberg, and she is said to be a most beautiful woman.
On Friday which was the 13th of July the carrack made sail leaving Gaeta at midday
setting forth further on its voyage. The next day Saturday we were passing beside an
island which is named Ischia: and following this another which is called Proceda, but
both are uninhabited. That same day too we came abreast of a third island which has
inhabitants and is called Capri, forming part of the lordship of Naples: there is here a fine
town. We were next off a promontory of the mainland that is named Cape Minerva,11 and
then sailed past two hills noticing between the two a city that is known as Amalfi. On
these hills also may be seen various castles, and we learnt that in the town of Amalfi the
head of Saint Andrew is preserved. That same day Saturday at the hour of vespers we
saw, as though coming down out of the clear sky, two great dark clouds that descending
rested on the sea; and immediately the sea rose up to meet them, with a violent rushing
noise, the clouds bursting forth in a water-spout All the heavens became darkened and
entirely overcast; but we of the carrack kept our distance therefrom as much as was
possible, for had those water-spouts prevailed to catch us up we had certainly foundered.
On the following day Sunday we were sailing between two uninhabited islands that
are level land being without hills, and these are called Alicudi and Filicudi: and
somewhat further on lying to the left we came near another island, which has a high
mountain, and this is known as Stromboli being a volcano whence issues fire and smoke.
That night we saw great flames coming from the crater with a thunderous noise. Lying to
our right also was another island named Lipari, and this supports a population and
belongs to the lordship of king Ladislas. In this island is preserved the Veil of the blessed
Saint Agatha. The island of Lipari formerly possessed an active volcano, but through the
prayers of Saint Agatha it shortly ceased to vomit smoke and flames, and the same was
the case with some neighbouring islands where for-merly there were volcanoes. Further
at the present day when any island near by begins to pour forth flames they bring out here
in Lipari that Veil in procession which prevents the eruption extending to their island,
whereupon also that other eruption will cease. On the Monday following in the forenoon
as we were sailing by some other uninhabited islands, which are known variously as the
Salinas, and Volcanello and Volcano, we perceived that in all these the craters were
active, for with loud noise they were pouring forth flames. Next we passed beside two
other islands that are uninhabited, and these are called respectively Panarie and Panarelli.
On Tuesday following which was the 17th of July we were becalmed between these
two last named islands, and having no wind could make no way. But that night in the
third hour as we lay there a great storm began to blow, and the wind being contrary,
forced us back on our former course. The storm lasted during that night, and indeed all
that following Wednesday it blew fiercely, so that at midday the sails of the carrack from
stem to stern all were split and we ran under bare poles, being the while in great peril. All
that Wednesday till two hours after nightfall the wind blew, during which time the
craters, especially those on the islands of Stromboli and Volcano aforementioned, flamed
high in the wind with mighty eruption of smoke and fire and noise. During this storm the
captain of our ship coming to us caused litanies to be chanted, we and all the crew
imploring the mercy of God: then our prayers being said we saw, as we were riding out
the storm, a light as of a candle that appeared on the mainyard arm and at the mast head
or the carrack, while another light flamed at the end of the bowsprit above the forecastle,
and again another light like a candle on the yard-arm over the poop. All these lights
[which are St Elmo’s Fires] were seen by the crew of the carrack, for they were all called
up on deck to witness. The fires were visible but for a short space of time, and then
disappeared, during all which season the storm continued to rage.
Cadiz to rhodes 19
After a space of time we and the crew turned in to sleep, excepting indeed the captain
and some few mariners who had to keep watch. And they being all broad awake, namely
the captain and two of his seamen keeping the watch, they heard voices as at a distance,
yet seemingly alongside the carrack, as though men were talking. The captain asked his
men did they hear those voices, to which they answered Yea, and all that time the storm
wind did not cease to howl. At that same period, seeing again that those [St Elmo] lights
came back as they had been aforetime, the captain caused all the crew of the carrack to be
roused, and to them he related what he and those on watch had heard. For a space of time
as is the saying of a mass, those lights remained visible and then went out, after which the
storm ceased. As to those lights they say that it is to Fray Pero González of Tuy12 to
whom one should pay one’s orisons in time of need for succour.
The next day at dawn we found ourselves back again among the [Lipari] islands,
already described and sailing in sight of Sicily, hoping to make way under a fair breeze;
but till the following Thursday, perforce continued to cruise about those islands, for it had
fallen almost to a calm. On the Friday, however, we were lying abreast of the mainland of
Sicily and in sight of a building which is called the Tower or Faro. This stands at the
point where you turn [down the straits] towards the bay of Messina when you are making
for that port; there is, however, here always a strong current that sets out of the straits,
and we having at that time but little wind to carry us forward, were unable to double the
point of the Faro. Thus we failed that day to come to the port of Messina, and that night
the wind increased greatly, whereby the pilot, who had come out to us from Messina to
take the carrack through the straits and into port, ordered sail to be made turning us back.
As we again came abreast of the Faro Tower the carrack struck taking ground, and the
rudder became unshipped from its box. We thought now indeed all was lost, but the wind
continuing light and the sea not rising, after a spell we managed to get the carrack off the
rocks and so gained safety with sea room. Forthwith we let down two anchors: and
remained stationary till daylight. When the morning dawned the flood tide began to run,
and a breeze sprang up, whereby making sail we reached the port of Messina.
This Tower of Faro stands opposite across the straits to the mainland of Calabria,
being on the [N.E.] point of the island of Sicily, and the straits are here so narrow that the
sea is but a league across. In the Tower of the Faro by night there is always kept burning
the light-house, in order that the ships that go by the straits may be able to find the
passage. All the country on the Calabria side as we passed down appeared to be well
cultivated and rich in cornlands with many orchards and vineyards. The town of Messina
stands beside the sea, and its city wall which is defended by many strong towers rises
above the strand. The houses of the town are very finely built of mortared stone, and
high, so that the windows of each house overlook the sea being visible therefrom. The
chief street of the town runs parallel with the sea front, and the city here has five or six
gateways opening to the water-side. At one end of the town there are to be seen many
dockyards, while outside the city limits stands the Monastery of Black Friars, known as
San Salvador, where the monks order their services according to the Greek rite. Messina
further has in its midst a strong castle.
On Monday following which was the [23rd] of July we took our departure from
Messina and the wind, being favourable sailed down the coast of Sicily having on the
right hand the mountain and crater of [Etna called] Mongible.13 We next passed over
towards the coast of Calabria, where the city of Reggio came in sight. After this
continuing our voyage the ship was crossing the entrance of the Venetian Gulf [which is
the Adriatic] all the next Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and by Friday at nightfall
had come to be off Modon on the mainland of [the Morea in] Greece which same is under
the lordship of Venice. Thence sailing on we came abreast of the island of Sapienza, and
afterwards passed the island of Venetico, and further again another island called Cerne
[or Cabrera], at length coming to and doubling Cape San Gallo. Here was to be seen on
the mainland a place that is known as Corone. The next morning, Saturday, we were
abreast of Cape Maria called Matapan, and beyond is Cape Sant Angelo both these being
of the mainland, which is of the lordship of Venice.
Next by midday the ship was off the shore of a well inhabited island called Cetul [or
Cerigo], and we took the passage between this island and a high rock that goes by the
name of El Lobo [the Wolf, or the Seal]. On the island of Cerigo we noticed a small
castle, with very lofty turrets, that crowned a promontory by the sea. Here down by the
margin of the strand was a tower that guarded the ascent to this castle, and not far thence,
in the curve of the shore, was a plain close to the sea where appeared the remains of a
wall and a building in ruins. This they say marks the place where of old a [heathen]
temple stood with its sacred image that Paris threw down, at the time when he carried off
Helen, he having been despatched by his father King Priam to make war on the Greeks.
Our ship on getting clear of the island of Cerigo took her course between three rocks
here, that are known as Three, Two and Ace [“Tres, Dos, As”]. On Sunday which was the
29th of July at the hour of tierce [9 a.m.] we were abreast of an uninhabited island which
is called Sekilos14 crowned by high peaks on which falcons breed. We had intended to
pass in our carrack between the main island and a certain high rock that was near by, but
the current here running very strongly between the two carried us forward, so that we
failed to turn the ship’s course in time, almost running her aground. While passing thus
near these rocks some young falcons that were nesting there were disturbed making a
great cry. On this occasion our captain, with some merchants who were on board, also
many men of the crew were for the moment so alarmed at the ship’s peril that they had
stripped to their shirts, but on seeing that we came through in safety, for verily God did
vouchsafe to us a proof of His great mercy, all made proof of their gratitude.
On Monday following we found ourselves sailing between two inhabited islands that
bear the names respectively of Millo and Ante-Millo: these in past times having formed
part of the Dukedom of the Archipelago, but now belonging to the Venetians. The islands
are covered with flocks and herds out at pasture. Tuesday and the Wednesday following
we lay becalmed between these islands and could make no way: but Thursday we sailed
on and came up with three other islands that are accounted as of the Dukedom of the
Archipelago, and their names are Nios, Santorin and Therasia. Then by midday we were
off another island which is called Naxos and this is of great size and is the capital and
seat of the Dukedom. At dawn on Friday following, the 3rd of August, the carrack lay off
the inhabited island which is called Kalymnos, and here there were to be noticed many
corn lands, and the ship tarried here awhile and then we sailed on towards the
neighbouring island which is called Lango [or Kos] the inhabitants of which are men
come over from Rhodes, and certain of the Knights of the Order of St John are stationed
here in command. While sailing down hither we had the mainland of the Turkish coast to
the left hand, passing the island named Nisyros off Cape Krio. This island lies so near the
mainland that we did not dare run the passage in between at night-time, fearing lest the
Cadiz to rhodes 21
carrack should touch ground. Awaiting the daylight therefore we came through and
thence sailed past various other islands of the lordship of Rhodes which lie off the
Turkish coast and which are known as Piscopi [or Telos], St Nicholas of Carchini and
Pimia: and finally at nightfall of that same day, Saturday, brought the carrack to anchor in
the port of the city of Rhodes.
CHAPTER II
RHODES TO PERA
As soon as we had arrived in the port of Rhodes we sent up to know if the Grand Master
were there. News was returned that, with certain galleys and a good number of his
Knights, the Grand Master in convoy with the carracks and galleys of the Genoese fleet,
which was under the command of Marshal Bucicaut, all together had left Rhodes for an
expedition against Alexandretta.1 We therefore the next day, Saturday, on disembarking
proceeded up to the great palace at Rhodes to see the Lieutenant, whom the Grand Master
had left in his place, and to confer with him. Knowing of our arrival the Lieutenant, with
the Brothers who were in residence, came forth to meet us, saying that though their lord
the Grand Master was absent, yet to show honour to his highness the King of Castile,
they would do all that lay in their power to satisfy our needs. We explained that we had
come to land in order to enquire for news of where Timur Beg might then be, and to take
counsel as to what we should do. The Lieutenant now gave orders that we should be
lodged in the quarters of a certain Knight of the Order that stood near by the church
dedicated to the blessed Saint Catharine.
Hither therefore we came Sunday, which was the 5th day of August, remaining there
till Thursday the 30th of August: but in all this time we could get no news that was
certain. Details of what was going forward were told us by some who had come back
from the fleet that was now lying off the coasts of Syria, also an account was brought in
by certain pilgrims from Jerusalem: all of which was to the following effect. Timur, they
said, yet had it in mind to return against Syria and to subdue the Sultan of Cairo,2 to
whom he was sending his envoys. These envoys, it was reported, had already come and
informed the Sultan of Cairo that he must now coin in his mint money with the arms and
superscription of Timur, and pay him yearly tribute. Should the Sultan not be willing to
do this, then when the summer drought was past and there was no longer lack of rain [for
pasture], he Timur—who cared not a jot for that Sultan—would return back to Syria [and
conquer Egypt]. This was said to have been the message that had come from Timur to the
governor of Jerusalem for proclamation to the people of the land of Egypt: but all
accounts were but of hearsay, and therefore we could not reckon on them with any
certainty.
While we thus were awaiting information, there came back from the fleet four great
Genoese carracks and two other ships bringing news of their recent doings. These
reported that the fleet with the Knights on board had steered direct for a castle on the
Syrian coast called Kandeli to which they had laid siege during twelve days. But the
commander of that fortress had then sallied forth and made an attack on the besiegers,
when fifteen of their war horses had been captured and a number of the French and
Genoese Knights had been killed. With this ill-success the fleet had sailed away, and
coming next to the city of Tripoli of Syria they had proceeded to attack it. The people of
this town, to defend themselves, had dammed back a water course near by, and no sooner
Rhodes to pera 23
was it seen that our men had disembarked from their ships than they opened the dam,
bringing sudden disaster on our people who had in haste betaken themselves back to their
ships. Next a council of war had been held by the commanders of the fleet as to what
should be done,
ASIA MINOR.
and it was determined to the following effect. Since the carracks and other sailing ships
or the fleet were swifter than the galleys, these, the former, should sail forth making their
way to Alexandretta where they should remain stationary for nine days: while the latter,
the galleys, under command of the Knights should proceed on south and attack Beyrut a
city on the coast of Syria, which same is the port of Damascus being two days’ journey
by land distant therefrom.
The carracks therefore had sailed to Alexandretta, while the galleys with the
commanders of the fleet had proceeded down to Beyrut which city they had taken by
assault and burnt. The carracks after coming to Alexandretta had waited there for the nine
days, as agreed, but during that time their captains had received no news from the
galleys; meanwhile daily they were losing numbers of the horses that were shipped
aboard the carracks, for these beasts were dying for lack of water to drink. Further the
men too were more and more put to straits for their victuals, and hence now it was
reported that all these ships were immediately coming back to Rhodes. Thus it came
about that before we again set forth from Rhodes all the carracks had returned. But as to
the movements of the lord Timur, and where he now was in camp, during all this time of
our stay we could get no exact information, and so concluded that we must make the
journey to Qarabāgh, an outlying province of Persia, where, as well known, Timur was
wont to pass the winter, and where we should doubtless have certain news, if we found
him not.
Rhodes is no very large city, it lies in a plain, close to the sea occupying a peninsula.
There is here a great castle standing by itself apart, and walled round and about is the city
like a fortress, with a suburb, within and without. The city itself has towers all along its
walls, and within are both the palace of the Grand Master and the quarters of the Knights.
Also there is here a monastery and a very beautiful church, and a great hospital where
they tend the sick. The Knights are not by rule allowed ever to leave the fortress, and can
go nowhere outside, unless it be by special permission of the Master. The port of Rhodes
is very large and is well protected, being enclosed within the city walls. It has two
breakwaters, moles of immense structure, each rising on its own foundation. These jut out
into the sea, and between the two is the harbour where ships may lie in safety. On one of
the breakwaters they have built fourteen windmills. Outside the city fortress are seen
many fine orchards with country houses; here round and about are planted citron, lemon
and lime trees, with many others fruit-bearing. The population of the island of Rhodes
and of the city is Greek in origin: and for the most part they belong to the Greek church.
Rhodes is a great port of call for merchants: they come thither from all parts, and the
ships that sail for Alexandretta, or with goods destined for Jerusalem and other places in
Syria will put in at this port, or at least pass in sight of the same. The Turkish mainland of
Asia Minor lies so near to Rhodes that it can easily be descried thence. Throughout and
about the island there are numerous other towns and castles besides the capital city,
which last bears the name of Rhodes as we have said.
Friday which was the 31st day of August we chartered our passage in a ship that
should take us to the island of Chios, and the master of the same was a Genoese named
Messer Leonardo Gentil. The ship set sail and we left Rhodes, but the winds proved
contrary. The voyage from Rhodes to Chios is indeed a dangerous passage, for, on the
one hand to the right, the Turkish mainland must be avoided, and our course lay near to
it, while on the other hand to the left there are dangers of shipwreck from the numerous
islands, some very well populated, others uninhabited. Hence by night the risk is great to
sail the course, and in foul weather most dangerous. Now that Friday when we left
Rhodes, and Saturday and Sunday and Monday and Tuesday, all that time we had
contrary winds, so that our course was by tacking and going about: indeed more than
once we failed to double a certain cape here that was off the mainland of Turkey. On the
Wednesday which was the 5th of September, we were abreast of the island of Stanchio
[or Kos]3 and, as we could make no way by reason of the head-winds, the ship anchored
in the harbour of the capital town of this island. Here we remained the whole of that day,
watering and taking in provisions of meat. Stanchio island is of the lordship of Rhodes:
its chief town, which is very populous, lies in a plain not far from the sea. It possesses a
small castle and between the castle and the town lies a great lagoon of sea-water. You
enter the castle across a bridge which spans the ditch which is filled by the sea water. All
round the town lie orchards and vineyards and country houses. This island is always
garrisoned by a hundred Knights of the Order of St John, under a Lieutenant and they
hold the castle and the town in force.
Thursday the 6th of September we again set sail, but for the whole of that day the
vessel made little way on account of a contrary wind, and the next day Friday it was the
same for the like cause. Further it was impossible to make long tacks by reason of the
numerous islands that lay on every hand, with the mainland of Turkey over against us and
near by. All that day the ship tacked again and again making but little progress, and at
Rhodes to pera 25
midday when we were come near to an island which is known as the Isle of Beasts, the
head wind rose to fury driving our vessel towards the shore, so that we feared she would
be wrecked. With difficulty we managed to cast anchor, and thus station-ary remained
safe all that day and the next. This island is totally uninhabited, and it is low ground
having no hills. Next on the Sunday following at midday we made sail, and all that
afternoon were going by many uninhabited islands; subsequently our course lay past a
large well inhabited island which was called Kalymnos, the same being of the lordship of
Rhodes. Monday morning at daybreak having been all night stationary we were near
where we had been at sundown, but by midday were abreast of a city on the Turkish
mainland which is called New Palatia.4 They told us that it was near this city that Timur
had been encamped [some time before the battle of Angora when he conquered the
Turkish Sultan Báyazíd] and overran all his lands.
Next Tuesday morning we were lying off a well inhabited island, of the lordship of
Rhodes which is called Leros, and seeing that a head wind was blowing, in order not to
lose again our distance already come, by being blown back, we hove to and then cast
anchor in the port of this island, where later we took in water. In the island of Leros there
is a city with a very strong castle, high built, the same surrounded by the houses of the
town, but these are ill conditioned. The place is under command of a Knight from
Rhodes, and the population is Greek. The Turks, raiding from New Palatia, have lately
done much damage in the island: and in the last year the crew from a Turkish galliot
landed and carried off the flocks of the inhabitants. They kidnapped too the men who
were harvesting the corn, taking them prisoners to Palatia. On Thursday we made sail
from Leros and at daybreak were off an uninhabited island called Madrea but where there
are good pasture lands for flocks and springs of sweet water. That same day too we
passed abreast of another island called El Forno5 and sailing on came to the island of
Patmos, where the population is Greek. The following day we found ourselves off a very
large island called Samos of which the people are Turks: and thence we were in sight of
the island of Nikaria which is very populous and the lordship thereof is held by a certain
Lady, who possesses a galley to her own use: and on this island we noticed many well
cultivated lands. That same day many other islands, both great and small, were seen and
passed.
The following Saturday which was the 15th of September, and the next day Sunday,
we were becalmed among the islands and could make no headway: but at nightfall a
breeze sprang up for a short while, so that by the Monday morning we found ourselves
off a cape of the Turkish mainland which is called Cape Xanto, and from this point came
in sight of the island of Chios. And so that Tuesday in the forenoon at the hour of mass,
we entered the port of Chios, and that same day we ambassadors landed, and caused all
our baggage in the ship to be brought on shore. The town of Chios is but a small place;
indeed the island itself is not of the largest size, and it belongs to the Genoese. Chios
town is built on a plain by the sea, and it possesses two suburbs, one on the one hand and
the other opposite, and there are round and about many orchard lands and vineyards. The
mainland of Turkey stands over against Chios, lying clearly in sight. There are in this
island many towns and castles to be seen, and for size Chios may measure one hundred
and twenty miles in circuit. On a certain of the trees here, those known as the lentisc tree,
the gum mastic is found. The town of Chios has a fine wall round it, strengthened by
many towers: but it lies in the plain not on any high hill.
Now while we ambassadors were detained in Chios news came that [‘Isá] the eldest
son of [Báyazíd] the late Sultan of the Turks whom Timur conquered, was recently dead:
he it was who had inherited the Sultanate. His younger brothers all were now waging
civil war one with another, for it to be seen who should become lord of that country
which is Turkey. We had desired to depart forthwith from Chios but could find no ship
ready to sail, and therefore had to stay waiting on that Tuesday the day of our arrival, also
Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, and over till Sunday week following,
which came to the 30th of the month of September, when at last a small Spanish ship was
found made ready for sea, of which the Genoese, Messer Boquira de Marta was master.
On that Sunday aforesaid therefore at midnight they made sail and getting aboard we left
the port of Chios, with a fresh allowing wind. When the day dawned we found ourselves
abreast of an inhabited island on the right hand, lying near the Turkish mainland, which is
called Mitylene, and there were two other inhabited islands to be seen on the left hand,
these being known as Ipsara and Antipsara, and by evening we had come to be off a cape
of the Turkish mainland which is called Cape St Mary.6
During the night the wind rose and it blew a gale so that some sails were split being
carried overboard. Now the Strait known as the Passage of Romania [the Dardanelles]
was near by, but the wind was rising and the night very dark, so that we feared to miss
the mouth of the strait, wherefore the captain determined to heave to and await the
coming of daylight. Shortly before midnight, however, again a squall Struck us, whereby,
being blown back, we found ourselves at dawn abreast of the island of Merdi, just off the
mainland of Turkey. It was then decided that we should make course for the port of
Mitylene in order that the ship’s sails might be replaced, and a pilot was taken aboard
coming from the shore for none among the crew knew those waters. Some time before we
came round to the harbour of Mitylene we could see a castle on that island which is
called Mollenos, and next beyond this another castle appeared which bears the name of
Cuaraca. It was midday when the ship finally anchored in the port of [Kastro] the capital
city of Mitylene, and we remained there that day of our arrival, which was Tuesday, also
Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, during which time the ship’s sails were re-set and a
pilot was engaged.
The city of Mitylene is well populated: the houses crown the hill top of a peninsula
that juts into the sea, on either hand of which is a harbour. A strong wall, with many
towers surrounds the town: and beyond it lies an extensive suburb. This island of
Mitylene is 300 miles in circuit, and besides the capital city there are numerous other
towns and castles, with their orchards and vineyards. We saw many fine buildings in the
neighbourhood of the capital, with some churches, and it appeared to us that in past times
this island had had a far greater population than it now possessed. In a plain near by the
city, where there are many springs of water among the orchard lands, numerous ruins
might be seen of former palaces. In the midst of one palace, standing yet erect, were
some forty columns of white marble set as though round a hall, and they say that these
columns once adorned a council chamber where the citizens were wont to meet. The
population of Mitylene is Greek, and formerly they were subject to the Emperor in
Constantinople, but now they are under the government of a Genoese lord, whose name is
Messer John Gattilusio. His father [Francesco] had married a daughter of [Adronicus III]7
the former Emperor and it is her son who is now the lord of the Island.
Rhodes to pera 27
Of him they relate a wondrous tale, for they say that one night some twenty years ago
the island suffered from a terrible earthquake, when this young prince [Messer John, then
a child] with his father and mother and two of his brothers, all were asleep in the
chambers of the castle, which same that night collapsed in ruins. All died crushed in the
overthrow, save only the child John, who being protected by his cradle escaped. He was
found on the following morning alive and unhurt, having fallen in the cradle from the
heights on which the castle stood into a vineyard far below. This indeed was a marvellous
providence.
Now on that day when we had come on shore at Mitylene we were told news
concerning the Young Emperor of Constantinople [Prince John the son of Andronicus]
who had been recently deprived of his rights of succession [by his uncle the Emperor
Manuel] as will be explained more fully later.8 This Young Emperor John had married a
daughter of Messer John Gattilusio, the lord of Mitylene, and had lived with his father-in-
law in recent times in this island. Further we learnt that shortly before our arrival here,
the Young Emperor John and his father-in-law Gattilusio had sailed away aboard their
two galleys, with convoy of five galliots, with a view to gain possession of Salonika,
which city belongs to the Emperor [Manuel] of Constantinople, and the cause that had
moved them to make the attempt was as follows. The Young Emperor John in times past
had been subject to and lived at the court of the Turkish Sultan Báyazíd,9 his abode being
in the Turkish town of Selymbria. To which place [in 1399] came Marshal Boucicault—
who [at a later date] was the Governor of Genoa—in command of ten galleys, and who
forcibly carrying him off to Constantinople, had brought about a reconciliation between
the Young Emperor and his uncle the Emperor Manuel. The condition of the peace then
effected was that Manuel should give his nephew Salonika, in which city he should reign.
As to the cause of the quarrel between uncle and nephew, the details of this will be
explained in due place presently.
Marshal Boucicault thus having made peace between uncle and nephew, taking the
Emperor Manuel in his company, proceeded on his return to France where [to oppose the
Turks the Emperor Manuel] pleaded to obtain the aid of the French King, the Young
Emperor John being as agreed installed Governor at Constantinople in the room of his
uncle, and until the latter should return from France with succour of arms. But while
Manuel was thus away in France the Young Emperor had sought and come to terms of
amity with Sultan Báyazíd—who was [at Angora] at that date, being on the point of
fighting his great battle with Timur. The agreement come to was that if the Turkish
Sultan should be the victor [at Angora], he John would then resign to him the city of
Constantinople and become his vassal. When, therefore, later the Emperor Manuel had
returned to Constantinople [after the Sultan’s defeat at Angora] and had learnt the detail
of this treason that his nephew had contemplated, he was exceeding wrath with him,
commanding that he should never more come into his presence. Thus banished from
Constantinople, he then went to live in exile in this island of Stalimene [which is
Mitylene]. Further the Emperor Manuel next had deprived John the Young Emperor of
his lordship of Salonika, which, as said above, had been promised and granted to him:
and its having been now taken from him was the cause why he and his father-in-law
Gattilusio had recently set sail hoping to re-capture that city by force of arms.
Now a long time before their departure from Mitylene Gattilusio had despatched his
envoy in a galliot to his friend Marshal Boucicault [at Alexandretta] with the following
message: that he Boucicault knew well how the Emperor Manuel had long ago promised
and granted the city of Salonika to the Young Emperor John for him to live and reign
there, but that now the Emperor refused to let him take possession, banishing him to
Mitylene: Gattilusio therefore by his messenger implored Boucicault that on sailing from
Alexandretta he should give his aid in the capture of Salonika, joining his two friends
with the whole [of the Genoese] fleet under his command at the port of Mitylene where
he Gattilusio would be in waiting for him. [In the meantime, however, Gattilusio and the
Young Emperor had sailed] and now while we were delayed in the port of Mitylene we
learnt how that galliot, which had been sent out with the envoy to Boucicault, had
returned: but what was the answer brought none knew. Then news had come to hand that
Boucicault had sailed back from Alexandretta with his fleet arriving at Rhodes, whence
again they had departed, though none knew whither they were bound.
It was after this on the morning of Saturday the 6th of October at break of day that we
set sail and left Mitylene, going back by the same way by which we had arrived at
[Kastro] city, to wit passing up the strait between the mainland of Turkey and the island,
until again we reached Cape St Mary which is on the Turkish coast. Sunday following we
had doubled the cape shortly coming up with an island on our left hand which is now
uninhabited, and which is called Tenedos. Further on the left hand over beyond Tenedos
was to be seen another island, that appeared well populated: it belongs to the Emperor of
Constantinople and bears the name of Imbros. The wind at first was contrary that day, or
at times entirely failing, but later towards night-fall coming on to blow foul, the ship
made little head against its force. The island of Tenedos appearing now near at hand we
would fain have come to the port there, but the head wind prevented this, and the current
which runs here through the strait was bearing us back. It was therefore deemed prudent
to cast anchor that night halfway up the narrows lying between the mainland of Turkey
and the island of Tenedos. These narrows are indeed the fairway by which ships pass
when about to enter the Strait of Romania [which is the Dardanelles], Here on the right
hand of the Straits once stood the mighty and populous city of Troy, and from our
anchorage we could see the buildings of the ancient city. The town wall is seen to be
pierced at intervals with gateways, and portions of that wall are standing with turrets now
in ruin and within are the remains of palaces and other buildings which mark where the
city had once stood. Adjacent thereto begins the plain which stretches back from the sea
coast going up to the foot-hills of a high mountain range inland. The circuit of ruins of
Troy appeared to extend over many miles of country, and at the point above the ancient
city rose a high steep hill on the summit of which, it is said, stood the castle known of old
as Ilion.
The island of Tenedos which as explained lies over against these ruins, and near by
which we were now at anchor, was of old the harbour of Troy, where the Greek ships that
came against the city were drawn to land. Then it was that King Priam had peopled this
island, founding there a mighty castle, that was named Tenedos. This next guarded the
Greek ships that came against the city, and at that day doubtless the island supported a
large population, though now it remains entirely uninhabited. As soon as our ship had
come to anchor a boat was sent ashore to get water and firewood, of both of which the
ship stood in need. Some of our attendants also landed in the boat to see the island: and
walking about it they came on many vineyards and orchards, with trees near by the
springs of water. There were too extensive corn lands, and the vine grew well and
Rhodes to pera 29
abundantly; much game too was to be met with such as partridges and rabbits [or hares].
Our people saw here a great castle in ruins, and we learnt that the reason why the island is
now totally uninhabited is this wise.
Some twenty-two years ago the Emperor of Constantinople [John Palæologus, father
of the Emperor Manuel] being lord of that island, had promised to grant it to the Genoese,
who in return were to come to his succour with their galleys in the war which he, the
Emperor, was waging against the Turkish Sultan Murád. But after having thus promised
it to the Genoese the Emperor in fact sold it to the Venetians. These last landed here
forthwith, occupying the island, which at that date was entirely uninhabited, and
proceeded to lay out their town, fortifying it and building the adjacent castle. No sooner
did the Genoese hear what the Venetians had done than they loudly proclaimed that the
island by right already belonged to them. For, said they, it had been promised to them in
gift, and further they, the Genoese, had already assisted the Emperor in the manner
stipulated. Hence it was not justice for him thus to sell or give the island to any others,
and on this discord ensued between Genoa and Venice. Each city armed its fleet of
galleys and warships, the Venetians and the Genoese together coming to Tenedos and in
part occupying the island where much destruction was wrought and many lives were lost.
Finally, however, terms of peace were negotiated at Venice, when it was agreed that both
the Venetian castle and the new township should be dismantled or destroyed, indeed that
the island should be depopulated, neither the one party nor the other having occupation or
possession. Thus it was that Tenedos has since come to be uninhabited, but those late
incidents are the chief cause why at the present moment there is such distrust and enmity
between the Venetian and the Genoese people.
It was our wish on the Wednesday following to have made our departure from
Tenedos, but we were prevented by reason of a contrary wind which blew that day and all
Thursday and Friday and Saturday and Sunday, holding us back. That Sunday in the
evening there arrived at the harbour of Tenedos a trading bark, sailing from
Constantinople, and we sent to know what had been their last port of call. The answer
came that they had just come from Gallipoli10 a town in the occupation of the Turks, on
the mainland of Thrace, and that they now were bound for Chios with a cargo of wheat.
Further they reported that the plague was raging in Gallipoli, with a very great mortality.
The wind still that day Sunday continuing contrary we unable to depart were detained yet
in Tenedos for [three] days.
From the island heights looking to the westward we were able to descry on the distant
mainland of Greece a lofty mountain peak that is known as Mount Athos where, as we
were informed there was a monastery of Greek monks. All the inhabitants are very holy
men, and no woman ever is allowed to come thither, nor indeed any female animal, such
as a cat or a dog or any other domestic creature, lest peradventure any such might become
the mother or offspring. The monks eat no meat, though the place is well stocked and
provided and richly endowed. The report given us was that from the sea level to the
height, on the mountain top where the monastery is built, is a distance of two days’
journey. There are between fifty and sixty minor monasteries on Mount Athos besides
this chief monastery. All the monks there, they said, wear robes that are fashioned of
black hair-cloth,11 and they drink no wine, they eat no meat, they cook with no olive oil
and avoid any fish that has red blood. These details we had from certain of the crew of
that Greek ship whom we spoke with in Tenedos, for they had sojourned many of them in
that holy mountain; and their account was confirmed by the master of our ship and others
who had also been there.
At last on Wednesday morning which was the [17th] of October the wind being fair,
though but light, we took our departure from Tenedos, where for [ten] days past we had
lain at anchor, wind-bound in the strait between that island and the mainland of Turkey.
On that same Wednesday aforesaid by midday we had come up abreast of a certain
uninhabited island called Mambre; but all the following Thursday it fell calm, and we
could make no way being therefore unable to pass that island and enter the straits of the
Dardanelles which now opened out before us: but the next day Friday the wind blew
favourably and at the hour of vespers we made our passage into the channel. At the
mouth the Strait of the Dardanelles is so narrow a space that it is but eight miles across,
and12 on the right hand side of the strait lies the land of the Turks, Here at the point of
entrance by the seaside, and crowning a high hill top, is a great castle, with a village
below it of considerable size. The castle walls are in ruin and its gateways unclosed, for,
as they told us, it might be a year and a half ago eight Genoese galleys had sailed hither,
and landing they had taken the castle [from the Turks] by assault, sacking it. This place is
known as the Cape or End of the Roads.13 Of old time, when the Greeks came across the
sea to lay siege to and destroy Troy, it was here that the Grecian camp was set. Here too
they had dug great trenches to lie between them and Troy, the same being made left the
Trojans in their attack might come to and destroy the Grecian ships. These trenches are
seen to be three in number and they lie one behind the other.
On the left hand of the mouth of the Dardanelles and on the mainland of Greece—
opposite therefore to the castle just named, and to the right of another which had
belonged to the Armenians—there is seen yet another castle on a hill close to the sea
beach and this last is known as Xetea.14 All these castles therefore we supposed to have
been built to guard the entrance of the Strait of the Dardanelles. Next a short distance
beyond, on the Turkish side, there appeared two huge towers, with a few houses standing
round their bases, and the place is now known as Dubeque. It is said that in ancient days
settlements of the city of Troy occupied the whole space of country side between this
spot and the land down even to Cape St Mary, spoken of previously, which is a plain
some sixty miles in extent. That same evening as the sun was going down our ship was
off a tower that stood close to the beach on the Grecian side of the straits, and this tower
is known as the Tower of Blame.15
The next day Saturday we had come to the city called Gallipoli, where there is a
castle, and though the city stands on the Grecian bank of the straits none the less it is in
the hands of the Turks and belongs now to the eldest son of the late Sultan Báyazíd who
is known as Sulayman Chelebi.16 Here the Turks Station their fleet of galleys and other
ships where also they have made a great arsenal and dockyard. There were upwards of
forty galleys lying here, and the castle of Gallipoli is very strongly garrisoned with
troops, to be held in force. This city of Gallipoli was the first place that the Turks took
possession of on the European side of the straits, and at the date of its capture it was in
the hands of the Genoese. From Gallipoli the Turk country is but ten miles distant, which
is the same as three leagues, across the water, and it was through taking Gallipoli that it
came about that the Turks subsequently conquered all the Greek lands that they now hold
in Thrace: and should they ever come to lose Gallipoli, they would indeed lose all the
lands they have conquered in Greece. Since they have come to possess this port, where
Rhodes to pera 31
they station their fleet of galleys, this for them is the passage across from the Turkish
home lands both for their troops, and for supplies; and this fortress of Gallipoli is the base
by which the Turks hold the Empire of the Greeks in thrall.
The whole length of the Dardanelles strait, from the sea entrance up to the city of
Gallipoli, is in fact a very narrow passage having the land of the Greeks on the one hand
and the land of the Turks on the other: but beyond Gallipoli this passage broadens out
into the Sea [of Marmora]. On the heights above the town of Gallipoli there are two
castles and these are called respectively Satorado and Examillo. From these across the
strait you may overlook the Turkish country, which appears all hills and valleys, while
the country of Thrace on the European side is all plains with corn lands on every hand.
As we sailed on the ship was off a promontory on the Turkish side by nightfall which
terminates the [peninsula] called Cyzicus. They related that when Timur had conquered
Sultan Báyazíd [at Angora], certain of the Turkish troops fleeing from the battle field
managed to reach this peninsula hoping to escape slaughter, and they had compassed by
digging a trench across the neck or land to turn this peninsula into an island. The next
day, Sunday, we were lying off an inhabited island called Marmora: and it is from the
quarries here that they get the jasper slabs and marble columns which adorn the churches
in Constantinople. That same evening at sundown we were sailing past the shore of an
estate belonging to the Emperor which is called Redea, and near here is the island that
lies at no great distance from the Turkish coast known as Kolominos. From this point you
may see the Bay of Trilla, at which those land who go to Brusa, one of the great cities of
the Turks.
On Monday at dawn the ship was still at the same spot for it had fallen calm, and all
that day and Tuesday what little wind there was blew contrary. We therefore made way
slowly approaching the coast of Thrace, and coming finally to anchor some two miles
from the shore, found that we were still about fifteen miles distant from Constantinople.
Then from here we sent on a messenger to the city of Pera to bespeak lodgements; and to
let the Emperor have notice that our embassy was arriving forthwith to visit him. Next on
Wednesday the 24th of October we found ourselves constrained to trans-ship all our
baggage into a great boat, and bestowing ourselves in the same, all came safely to Pera
where arrangements had already been made for lodging us and our people. We had
abandoned the ship in this fashion because of the head wind that continued ceaselessly to
blow preventing the vessel for a time from making the harbour of Constantinople. No
sooner had we arrived than forthwith we took counsel with friends seeking advice as to
how the journey onward might best be arranged; for the season was late and the winter
was already coming upon us.
CHAPTER III
CONSTANTINOPLE
ON the following Sunday which was the 28th of October the Emperor [Manuel] sent for
us the Ambassadors, and we passed over [the Golden Horn] from Pera to Constantinople
in a boat. On landing we found many officers awaiting us, and horses for our
accommodation to carry us up to the Palace [of the Blachernæ].1 Here on arrival we
learnt that the Emperor with his attendants had just come from hearing Mass, who
forthwith received us very graciously in his private chamber. The Emperor was seated on
a raised dais, carpeted with small rugs, on one of which was spread a brown lion skin and
at the back was a cushion of black stuff embroidered in gold. After conversing for some
considerable time with us, the Emperor at length dismissed us, and we returned to our
lodgings, whither later on his Highness sent us a stag, which his huntsmen had just
brought in to the palace. With the Emperor at our audience had been present the Empress
[Irene] his wife, with three young princes his sons [namely John Theodore and
Andronicus],2 the eldest of whom may have been eight years old. On the Monday
following the Emperor sent to us some gentlemen of his household, and these brought an
answer to the various questions concerning matters on which we had spoken with him at
our audience.
Tuesday the 30th of October being come we sent to the Emperor a message, saying how
much we desired to visit and view the city, as also to attend at the Churches and see the
Relics preserved therein, whereby we now besought his Highness of his grace to grant us
our desire. Upon hearing which the Emperor sent to be our attendant his son-in-law,
namely Messer Ilario [Doria, Patrician] of Genoa, who was husband to the natural
daughter of the Emperor [the princess named Zampia Palæologina]. He now therefore
was deputed to accompany us, with certain persons of the Imperial household, and show
us all that we might wish to see: and the first place that we forthwith proceeded to visit
was the Church of St John the Baptist.3
This is commonly known as St John in Petra and stands not far distant from the Palace
[of the Blachernæ]. Over the outer entrance gate to the church as you approach is seen the
figure of St John in mosaic work, very richly wrought and finely portrayed: and next over
the gateway is set a lofty cupola,4 rising above four arches, and under this you pass in
order to enter the main building of the church. The walls and the ceiling of this cupola are
covered in beautiful mosaic with figures and designs; for this mosaic work is composed
in most minute pieces, cubes gilt in fine gold, or enamelled in blue and white and green
and red, with many other colours as needed to portray the figures and patterns and the
scroll-work there about; whereby the same is indeed very beautiful to see. Passing under
this cupola you come to a large court surrounded by porticoes backed by buildings; and
here grow cypresses with many other trees. Beyond, near the main entrance to the church
stands a fountain under a fine cupola supported on eight columns of white marble, and
Constantinople 33
SKETCH PLAN OF
CONSTANTINOPLE.
the trough of the fountain is formed of a block of white stone. The main building of
the church is square in plan with a semi-circular apse, while above rises a lofty cupola
that is supported on columns of green jasper. Fronting you as you enter are three small
chapels, in each of which stands its altar. The high altar is the middle one of the three,
and the chapel gates are covered with plates of silver gilt. At the doorway of the chapel of
the high altar are four small columns of jasper which are covered crosswise by bands in
Other documents randomly have
different content
In following up this fistula care must be taken not to injure the
facial artery, the facial vein, or Stenon’s duct. Once the bone is
exposed the disease can be attacked in the depths. The diseased
interior is cut away by means of a special curette, all affected
portions being removed, and an iodine or iodoform dressing is then
applied.
The operation is extremely troublesome, owing to the enormous
bleeding, and sometimes it is impossible to carry out successfully, as
in the case of old-standing and extensive lesions. To ensure recovery
under such circumstances, it is necessary to remove a portion of the
branch of the jaw, and this, though quite possible from the scientific
standpoint, would not be worth while in an animal, the value of
which is usually small.
Curettage of the bone is only of value in dealing with recent
lesions, and even then should not be practised except in the case of
animals which the owners particularly desire to keep.
In cases of actinomycosis of the upper jaw surgical treatment is
just as difficult as in the lower jaw, and calls for similar precautions.
The diseased portions of bone having been removed, the cavity is
plugged with iodoform or cotton wool, or a dressing saturated with
boric acid and iodoform.
In all surgical operations it is important not to injure the dental
arteries or nerves, or the alveolo-dental periosteum.
TUBERCULOSIS.
Tuberculosis is a contagious disease produced by the action of
Koch’s bacillus. It is common to man and all domesticated animals,
but it specially affects animals of the bovine species. Its existence has
long been recognised, although in oxen it was formerly confounded
with the lesions of peripneumonia and echinococcosis.
It was not until the beginning of the nineteenth century that
Laënnec (1811) described the tuberculous lesion from the anatomical
and pathological standpoint. Gürlt pointed out for the first time in
1831 the similarity, the identity in fact, of tuberculous lesions in man
and the ox.
In 1865 Villemin showed that tuberculosis could be conveyed from
animal to animal, always producing similar lesions, and in 1868
Chauveau proved that, in the calf, infection might arise simply from
the eating of tuberculous material.
At a somewhat later date doubts were entertained regarding the
identity of human and bovine tuberculosis. Virchow denied the
identity of the two diseases on the basis of a comparative study of the
lesions. His opinion, however, has not prevailed, and the doctrine of
the identity of tuberculosis in mammals still appears probable, in
spite of the recent declarations of Koch (1901).
Causation. Tuberculosis is due solely to the activity of the
tubercle bacillus. In 1884 Koch isolated and cultivated this bacillus in
living animals, and always reproduced typical tuberculous lesions by
injecting cultures. In 1887 Nocard and Roux described a rapid
method of cultivating the bacillus, and in 1890 Koch announced the
discovery of tuberculin.
The tubercle bacillus assumes the form of a little rod, five or six
micromillimètres in length, and ·03 to ·05µ in thickness. It has a
special staining reaction when treated with Ehrlich’s or Ziehl’s
solution. It grows between 98° and 104° Fahr. (37° and 40° C.) in
various artificial media containing glycerine.
Healthy subjects become infected by the accidental entrance of
germs into their bodies, either by the respiratory and digestive tracts,
or through solutions of continuity in the skin.
The material from tuberculous centres is virulent, whether
consisting of sputum or discharge, saliva, fæces, urine, milk, etc., or
tuberculous tissues derived from the different viscera.
The blood and muscular tissues are not always virulent, even in
cases of generalised tuberculosis.
The virulent organisms usually enter the body through the
lymphatic system; invasion proceeds from the point inoculated
towards the nearest lymphatic glands and thence along the chain of
lymphatic vessels, and the lesions extend, attacking the internal
organs more or less rapidly. The body does not necessarily become
fatally infected as a consequence of accidental or even experimental
infection, for the bacillus may itself be destroyed by the phagocytes,
or the lesion may remain purely local.
Although tuberculosis is the gravest and most widespread disease
on the surface of the globe, its contagious character is relatively little
marked, a fact which has unfortunately led to its receiving little
attention in ordinary life.
Contagion is usually the result of cohabitation, although contact
between diseased and healthy subjects for a period of some days or
even weeks does not seem sufficient to produce the disease. Nocard
has fixed a mean period of five to six months as necessary for the
contraction of the disease by bovine animals, and Moussu has
arrived at almost identical results by placing tuberculous and healthy
cows together in a byre reserved for such researches. In this
connection, however, very great differences of individual
susceptibility exist, and these are difficult to appreciate in the
present state of our knowledge. It thus happens that an animal of
vigorous appearance and in good condition may easily contract
tuberculosis, whilst a thinner and less vigorous one will resist it for a
comparatively long time.
Speaking generally, it may be said that young animals contract
tuberculosis by cohabitation in infected places more easily than adult
or aged ones, and the fact that old animals contribute the larger
number of cases is to some extent due to their having in the course of
their lives been more exposed to continued or successive infection.
Contagion does not occur in byres unless as the result of the
presence of animals with open tuberculous lesions, such as caverns
in the lungs, tuberculous bronchitis with ulceration of the mucous
membrane, tuberculous metritis, enteritis, etc. The virulent germs
are expelled in the saliva, nasal discharge, excrement, etc., and are
distributed over the forage, manure, litter, and in the drinking water;
after desiccation they may be spread by currents of air.
The mangers, racks, drinking pails, and various stable utensils
become permanently contaminated, the air of the cowsheds contains
virulent dust, and the animals there confined are continually exposed
to infection either through the respiratory or digestive passages.
Contamination through the respiratory tract is by far the most
frequent cause of the evil, and recent experiments at Pouilly-le-Fort
(1900) have shown how easy it is to convey the disease
experimentally by inhalation.
Patients suffering from closed tuberculous lesions of the pleura,
pericardium, spleen, peritoneum, etc., do not spread the bacilli.
Healthy animals may remain in contact with them without danger,
but it is well to remember that such cases are quite exceptional. As a
rule the lesions are of a mixed character, and the general principle
may be laid down that cohabitation of any duration with tuberculous
subjects is dangerous.
Contagion spreads more easily, in proportion to the number of
tuberculous subjects in a given byre, to the total number of animals
in a herd, and to the neglect of cleanliness, good feeding, ventilation,
etc.
Life in the open air and at grass greatly diminishes the chances of
contagion. The virulent products are then disseminated in all
directions and are soon destroyed by the general atmospheric
conditions. Close confinement in ill-ventilated stables, on the
contrary, strongly tends to the propagation and development of
tuberculosis.
In calves infection may occur through the alimentary tract by
means of tuberculous milk, whether such milk is obtained directly
from the udder or out of a pail. The same may be true of young pigs
fed with skimmed milk.
Goats contract tuberculosis somewhat readily by confinement in
byres with tuberculous cows, and Moussu declares that contagion
afterwards spreads just as rapidly among goats as among cows. The
vaunted great resistance of goats to tuberculosis, formerly so often
spoken of, and by some wrongly considered as a condition of
immunity, is deceptive, and if tuberculosis is less frequently seen in
goats, this is solely because goats enjoy the greatest liberty at all
seasons.
On the other hand, the disease is very rarely conveyed to sheep,
even when they are kept for long periods with tuberculous cows.
Moussu found that two years of close cohabitation were necessary for
its development under these conditions.
Heredity is a factor of the highest importance in determining the
causation of tuberculosis. At the present time a tendency exists to
deny this, but such a view is erroneous.
Observation has clearly shown that tuberculosis is rarely conveyed
from the mother to the fœtus, and that practically none of the calves
borne by tuberculous mothers react to tuberculin (95 per cent.:
Nocard and Bang); but even if this is absolutely correct, it only shows
that great benefits might be derived if proper sanitary organisation
and intelligent hygienic conditions in byres were found everywhere
in the country. Unfortunately in practice this is far from being the
case. These non-tuberculous calves are left in common contaminated
byres, where they rapidly become infected and perpetuate the
disease.
Physiologically these facts are easily explained. The placenta
resists the passage of microbes, or at least only allows them to pass
under quite exceptional conditions, and practically only when the
blood-vessels are affected. As, on the other hand, tuberculosis of the
ovaries, Fallopian tubes or uterus generally prevents pregnancy and
causes sterility, there is nothing extraordinary in the fact that
tuberculosis is not hereditary in the strict sense of the term. The
influence of the sire has been invoked, but it has been proved that
direct paternal infection is only possible where ulcerating
tuberculous lesions of the testicle, prostate, or vesiculæ seminales
exist. Such conditions seldom or never occur in the sires of domestic
animals.
As a general rule, therefore, it may be said that tuberculosis is not
hereditary. New-born animals become infected during the months
following birth, either directly through the alimentary tract when the
mothers are suffering from mammary tuberculosis, or, perhaps more
frequently, through the respiratory and digestive tracts.
But although microbic infection is not hereditary, it by no means
follows that the offspring of tuberculous subjects are as well
prepared for the struggle of life as the descendants of healthy
subjects. What is transmitted is a greater tendency to contract the
disease.
This aptitude or predisposition is of such importance that in
Moussu’s opinion it should be regarded as one of the essential factors
in the development of tuberculosis. The cause of tuberculosis is
Koch’s bacillus. It does not always produce its full effects in animals
born of healthy parents; but in one that suffers from a tuberculous
hereditary taint tuberculosis appears.
Physiological and pathological researches cast considerable light
on this question. In tuberculous mothers the organism not only
suffers from the infection, but from a permanent intoxication which
interferes with normal metabolism in the vital organs and the
exchanges between mother and fœtus. If the microbes remain
confined to the system of the mother, their poisons are conveyed by
the blood and pass through the placental barrier. In a greater or less
degree they saturate the tissues of the little creature in process of
development, and communicate to it a peculiar hereditary taint. The
effects of this taint are often noticeable from the moment of birth, for
comparative physiological and pathological investigations have
shown that the tissues of tuberculous animals assimilate given foods
less perfectly and are the seat of greater losses of all kinds than those
of healthy subjects.
Although the disease itself, therefore, is not hereditary, it is
otherwise with the organic taint which plays so important a part in
its development. This organic taint consists in a special condition of
the tissues or cells of the parents, which show a diminished power of
resistance to the action of the germs of tuberculosis; it is therefore
easy to understand how important a part these influences may play
under certain conditions.
Without doubt, in the case of bovine animals, the predisposition
could be neutralised in carefully managed studs by the immediate
isolation of the new-born under conditions which shield them from
tuberculous infection, and experiment has shown the benefits
derived from such precautions; but it must not be forgotten that
intelligently managed studs are the exception, and that for a long
time to come we must in practice take cognisance of the actual
conditions under which the disease develops.
The lesions of tuberculosis vary greatly in appearance, according
to the organs affected, though the method of development is always
identical.
The primary lesion corresponds to what has been termed
tuberculous granulation, or anatomical tubercle properly so called;
this, the macroscopical, pathological entity, assumes the form of a
small prominent centre, semi-transparent, greyish, opaque or
yellowish, according to its age.
These tubercles, produced by the presence of colonies of bacilli,
are due to the defensive reaction of the invaded tissues, which
gradually undergo change and are destroyed in a direction radiating
from the centre towards the periphery. The tubercle in itself has no
very specific character—only the bacillus.
The elementary lesion may remain isolated, but very frequently it
is closely surrounded by other similar tubercles, and becomes
enveloped in a common inflammatory area. A large portion of an
organ may appear as if riddled with tubercles of different age and
size, while the interstitial connective tissue reacts and forms fibrous
separating partitions. The general appearance is that described
under the term “diffuse tuberculous infiltration.”
At a still more advanced stage in the development of the disease
conglomerations are produced, consisting of tuberculous masses the
size of a hazel-nut, a walnut, an egg, a man’s fist, or even larger.
These lesions, irrespective of size, undergo caseous degeneration
from the centre towards the periphery.
In exceptional cases the tubercles remain fibrous. More frequently,
particularly in animals of the bovine species, they become infiltrated
with lime salts. Caseous degeneration not only invades the centre of
the tubercles but also the peripheral layers, and sometimes the whole
of a conglomerated mass.
Steadily pursuing their course of pathological development, the
tuberculous masses become softened and are transformed into
tuberculous abscesses, which open towards any free passage, leaving
behind sometimes ulcerations, sometimes caverns of varying sizes,
or blind simple or bifurcated fistulæ.
Recent experiments by Nocard and Rossignol (1900) prove
conclusively that a certain time (always more than a fortnight)
elapses between the moment of entry of the contagion into the
organism and that at which its effects become manifest by furnishing
a reaction to tuberculin. Calcification or softening of the lesions,
moreover, never occurs in less than fifty days.
According to the organs studied, these tuberculous lesions assume
certain appearances, which in each locality seem almost always to be
identical.
Thus, as regards the larynx, trachea, and bronchi, the tubercles
develop in the depths of the mucous membrane, rapidly undergoing
caseous transformation, softening and purulent degeneration, and
producing numerous isolated or confluent ulcerations in the air
passages.
According to the case and the kind of animal affected, the lung
presents either disseminated tuberculous formation, tuberculous
infiltration, tuberculous conglomeration, or cavern formation.
The lung may be affected to such a degree that it appears
incredible that the blood can have been sufficiently aerated to
support life.
The lungs may be transformed into yellowish, caseous, calcareous,
or softened masses enveloped in thick, fibrous, resistant walls. The
intervening pulmonary tissue may be healthy in appearance, or
reddened, congested, and sometimes hepatised.
The pleural, pericardial, and peritoneal membranes may be
covered with exuberant tuberculous lesions, like ripe mulberries, in
consequence of fusion and massing of the tuberculous growths. The
primary tubercles are surrounded with fibrous walls, which
granulate when on the surface of a serous membrane, and impart to
the membrane a vegetative, sometimes villous appearance, and a
colour varying from pink to light or dark red.
The collective lesions lining the cavities are described by butchers
under the significant term of “grapes.” In the interior of these
exuberant masses, which sometimes form layers an inch or more in
thickness, the tuberculous lesions undergo the usual developmental
changes, that is to say, they become caseated or infiltrated with lime
salts, but they do not so readily undergo softening as those of the
lung. The parietal and visceral serous membranes readily become
adherent at numerous points, setting up union between the lung and
the walls of the chest, or the intestine and the walls of the abdomen,
etc.
In the pericardium the vegetations are frequently of a fungoid
character.
Tuberculosis of lymphatic glands sometimes assumes a
disseminated, discrete form or that of a diffuse infiltration, or, again,
in old-standing cases it constitutes a massive tuberculous
conglomeration. In point of fact, the lymphatic glands as such no
longer exist, their tissue having undergone total degeneration; they
are represented only by an enlarged, thick, fibrous shell, forming the
envelope which encloses caseated and calcareous masses of a more
or less soft nature.
Tuberculous infiltration of the submaxillary and sub-parotideal
lymphatic glands interferes with swallowing and breathing,
compresses the pharynx, œsophagus and larynx, and deforms the
head.
Compression of the arteries, veins, nerves, etc., at the entrance to
the chest may cause various symptoms which are not difficult to
interpret. The glands at the entrance to the chest and the whole of
the anterior mediastinum may form a single mass. Lesions in the
posterior mediastinum, however, are of even greater importance and
explain certain symptoms, such as difficulty in swallowing, spasm of
the œsophagus, mechanical contraction of the œsophagus,
permanent tympanites, etc., for which the state of the lungs alone
would not account.
Even when the lungs are unaffected it may happen that the
lymphatic glands of the mediastinum (superior or inferior
œsophageal lymphatic glands) and the bronchial lymphatic glands
may be so diseased that the œsophagus is completely surrounded
and compressed by them, and its function thus seriously impaired
(Fig. 276).
In the abdomen the mesenteric glands are most exposed to
disease, and when infected through the intestinal tract they assume
the form of large flattened masses arranged along the mesentery.
In the digestive tract, as in the trachea and bronchi, tuberculosis
has a marked tendency to assume the ulcerative form. Disseminated
or aggregated tubercles develop in the thickness of the mucous
membrane, and, after rapidly softening, become ulcerated. The
nature of these lesions can only be determined by noting their
character and examining the discharge.
Fig. 276.—Tuberculosis of lymphatics. PG, Left lung; PD, right lung; TT,
tuberculous œsophageal lymph glands; A, aorta; Œ, œsophagus (the lung is
divided transversely near its centre).
The ulcerations are localised in the mouth and pharynx, in the

second half of the small intestine towards the ileum, and in Peyer’s
patches.
Tuberculous lesions develop in the vaginal sheath of the male
genital organs exactly in the same way as in an ordinary closed
serous cavity; tubercles may also develop on the surface or in the
substance of the testicle. They become aggregated, undergo
softening, spread towards the interior, and may break down, thus
forming abscesses. In the female genital passages the disease invades
the thickness of the walls, but shows a marked tendency to
ulceration, as in the intestine or trachea.
In the udder tuberculosis is generally diffuse, shows a tendency to
hypertrophy and the free formation of fibrous or sclerous tissue; only
tubercles in the glandular layer of the acini become ulcerated. In
time the whole of the secreting structure undergoes diffuse
tuberculous suppuration, fibro-caseous masses form in the depths of
the tissue and may soften, producing deep-seated tuberculous “cold
abscesses.” The mammary lymphatic glands are affected in the same
way as other lymphatic glands.
In the joints tubercles appear either on the synovial membrane or
in the thickness of the bony epiphyses, very often at both points
simultaneously. The synovial membrane is covered with vegetations
and villous growths, the ends of the bones are attacked by a
destructive ostitis, tubercles or tuberculous centres form in the
thickness of the spongy tissue, the articular cartilages are destroyed,
the ends of the bones become deformed, and in the last stages
fungoid arthritis in various forms may be produced.
In bones the tubercles originate in the depths of the spongy tissue.
They produce destructive hypertrophic ostitis, in which the bony
tissue is replaced by tuberculous centres or masses divided by
fibrous partitions. On section, these lesions exhibit the same
yellowish caseated or calcified appearance as the lesions of other
affected organs. The compact layer may sometimes be perforated at
several points before being destroyed.
In tuberculosis of the brain the primary lesions develop at the
expense of the serous layers of the arachnoid and on the pia mater,
towards the base of the brain and the fissure of Sylvius, or at the
expense of the small vessels which penetrate the depths of the nerve
substance itself. Some tubercles remain isolated, become confluent
or are collected in masses of different sizes, and provoke symptoms
which vary with the locality attacked.
Symptoms. Tuberculosis is the most protean of all diseases, and
at first sight it often seems impossible to assign to one group, clinical
conditions presenting such essentially different appearances. All the
tissues may be attacked, from the bones to the most delicate of the
viscera, a fact which explains why all aspects of tuberculosis cannot
be described. Certain forms, however, occur very frequently, and
may be regarded as classic; these will be considered in the order of
their frequency.
TUBERCULOSIS OF THE RESPIRATORY APPARATUS.
Without doubt this form of tuberculosis is by far the most

frequent. It assumes the form either of bronchitis, laryngo-
bronchitis, or pulmonary tuberculosis.
Tuberculous Bronchitis.—The symptoms of tuberculous
bronchitis do not essentially differ from those of ordinary bronchitis,
though the disease develops more insidiously and slowly, and is
seldom accompanied by fever. At first the cough is dry and
suppressed; later it becomes paroxysmal, and at a still more
advanced period liquid and rough. The least irritation brings on
these attacks of coughing; changes from the warmth of the stable to
the coldness of the outer air or vice versâ, the presence of dust or the
action of liquids when drinking, etc., etc. During the first stage
coughing is not followed by expectoration, but later yellowish-grey,
glairy mucus may be discharged: more frequently it is coughed into
the pharynx and swallowed.
These symptoms continue for weeks or months without showing
any tendency to abate. If the larynx is attacked inspiration becomes
rattling and difficult, while the neck and head are held extended, and
the least pressure over the larynx produces coughing.
Tuberculosis of the larynx, trachea, and bronchi is usually
accompanied by disease of the lung, but may occur by itself.
When there is a discharge it consists of thick, viscous, sticky mucus
of a peculiar greyish-yellow colour. Microscopical examination shows
it to contain tuberculous bacilli.
Pulmonary Tuberculosis usually assumes the chronic form,
and is almost always preceded by specific bronchitis. The patients
retain their appearance and condition for a longer or shorter time,
and, without the experience resulting from continued observation, it
would be difficult to believe them to be suffering from the slow
development of a serious disease.
Frequent coughing without any apparent reason is the only
symptom likely to arouse suspicion.
At a later stage these animals lose condition, feed less eagerly or
exhibit capricious appetite, and sometimes well-marked and
repeated digestive disturbance, such as slight tympanites with
constipation or diarrhœa, moderate impaction of the rumen, relative
atony and slackening of peristaltic movements. The wasting
gradually becomes more marked or, in the case of pregnant or milch
cows, makes intermittent progress, until the animals become anæmic
and finally cachectic. The cough is more frequent and more severe,
and is followed by discharge from the nose or by swallowing
movements. From this time phthisis, properly so called, exists.
The course of the disease is not invariable. Certain animals may
appear ill for years without clinically showing the least apparent
aggravation; others on the contrary, though living under similar
conditions, are rapidly attacked, and in six to twelve months exhibit
all the signs of advanced phthisis. Pregnancy, suckling, and
prolonged lactation favour the development of the disease by taxing
the physical resources of the animal.
Animals suffering from phthisis exhibit a peculiar appearance.
They are extremely thin, all their soft tissues are wasted, the limbs
are dragged in moving, respiration is rapid and sometimes jerky, the
mucous membranes are pale and discoloured, and the skin is tight
and adherent to the subjacent tissues.
These general signs, however, would not warrant a diagnosis, for,
apart from the cough, certain other diseases present all the external
appearances of the last period of tuberculosis (chronic diarrhœa,
chronic forms of poisoning—bacterial or otherwise—dyspepsia, etc.).
In cases of doubt it is essential to discover by percussion and
auscultation that the external signs are really the result of lesions of
the lung, and that the lung disease has developed gradually in
accordance with the signs shown by simple external inspection.
The symptoms presented during the development of the
pulmonary lesions may be divided into three phases.
In the first phase percussion gives no information, though
auscultation reveals rough respiration, inspiration and expiration
being also unequal. Expiration, which, in the healthy subject, is
silent, becomes clearly perceptible, not over the whole lung, but
usually over the anterior lobes, particularly the cardiac lobes. This
sign is the result of tuberculous infiltration and of the neighbouring
pulmonary tissue having lost its elasticity.
Inspiration is rough and rasping, and sometimes occurs in several
stages, the act being interrupted or jerky; expiration lasts longer than
inspiration, is rough and prolonged, but never blowing in character.
These peculiarities are only found in one other condition of the lung,
viz., emphysema.
The patients appear little affected in this, the first, stage of
tuberculosis. But for the cough they may seem perfectly healthy.
In the second phase the tuberculous infiltration extends and
ends in the massing, by fusion or centrifugal growth, of the
tuberculous masses.
Percussion may now indicate localised dulness, but this is not
invariable, because the diseased anterior and middle lobes of the
lung are concealed beneath the muscles of the shoulder. When
dulness is noted, it is usually over the lower part of the posterior
lobes, very rarely at any higher point on the side of the chest.
Frequently the dulness is only partial.
On auscultation the signs met with during the first stage become
much more marked. Inspiration is always rough, rasping, painful
and difficult at certain points, particularly in the anterior zones. In
this region expiration is rough, prolonged and sometimes of a clearly
marked blowing character. This is particularly the case in the
subscapular zone and the auscultation zones 2 and 3 (Fig. 166). In
the dorsal region and in zone No. 1, respiration may appear normal.
Nevertheless, the sounds are propagated to a distance, the infiltrated
lung steadily loses its elastic qualities, the vesicular murmur entirely
disappears from the affected regions, and the sounds noted are of
bronchial origin.
Like the first, the second phase may vary in intensity, extent, and
in the diffusion or localisation of the tuberculous lesions. Blowing
respiration may be noted over different areas, accompanied by
sibilant, snoring and migratory mucous râles. The vesicular murmur
is exaggerated in the healthy parts, coughing, accompanied by
expectoration or followed by swallowing movements, is frequent, the
appetite becomes capricious, and the general condition suffers. In
this second phase almost the whole of one lung may be diseased and
exhibit the signs described.
The third phase corresponds to the softening of the tuberculous
masses, and the formation of ulcers and caverns. The zones of
dulness or partial dulness may be more extensive, though cavern
formation is usually confined to the anterior or middle lobes.
Percussion still affords no precise information.
As the tuberculous masses undergo softening and ulceration, their
contents are gradually passed into the bronchi, and auscultation
reveals signs indicative of the existence of caverns, which signs vary
with the dimensions of the caverns themselves. On auscultation the
respiration is always found to have at certain points a blowing
character, and it may even develop into a true tubal souffle. In other
areas, where the caverns are merely in course of formation, gurgling
sounds are all that are heard, but where true caverns exist there is an
incessant cavernous souffle.
The lesions peculiar to the third phase are seldom seen in practice;
because the animals become anæmic, exhausted and cachectic, they
are usually slaughtered early. Nevertheless, the third stage
occasionally develops in an astonishingly short time, six to eight
months at most.
Very frequently the patients, although cachectic and even
phthisical, do not yield on auscultation the sounds described as
peculiar to the third stage, because the tendency to softening is not
very marked in bovine animals. The lungs exhibit massive
infiltration, and, whilst pulmonary consumption is not uncommon,
the development of caverns is comparatively rare.
The expectoration or discharge in this third form is puriform,
glairy, viscous, and of a dirty-yellow or even greenish-yellow colour.
Bacteriological examination reveals the presence of tubercle bacilli
and adventitious organisms.
These conditions are always associated with various complications,
and the second and third stages of chronic tuberculosis are
frequently accompanied by lesions of the pleura, of the mediastinal
lymphatic glands, of the liver, etc.
Digestive disturbances often occur; the appetite is capricious or in
abeyance, there is atony of the rumen and chronic dyspeptic
tympanites. These disturbances are easily understood where there
are lesions of the liver, intestine, and mesenteric lymphatic glands,
but not when the lung alone appears the seat of the disease. In this
condition the patients probably suffer from permanent complex
intoxication, due to toxins elaborated by the tubercle bacillus and
other microbes which multiply on or in the lesions, and this chronic
intoxication reacts on the vital functions (innervation, secretion,
digestion and nutrition). Nor are the effects limited to these
appearances; the heart’s action is also accelerated, and the
temperature rises. During the first and part of the second phase there
is comparatively little fever, but afterwards this is continuous or of a
peculiar intermittent character. In the morning the patient’s
temperature may be normal; in the evening it has risen from 1·5 to as
much as 9° Fahr. (1·1 to 5·2° C.) above normal, and this recurs day by
day. These attacks coincide with softening of the lesions, and when
suppurating caverns exist they are more marked and more nearly
continuous, assuming the characters of the hectic fever shown in
consumption.
Often during the febrile periods the urine is albuminous.
In chronic tuberculosis of bovine animals bleeding from the lung is
rare even when caverns exist, and Moussu, in spite of extensive
experience, has seen only two cases. This is in striking contrast with
the condition in human sufferers from pulmonary tuberculosis, two-
thirds of whom bleed at the lungs.
TUBERCULOSIS OF SEROUS MEMBRANES.
After pulmonary tuberculosis, tuberculosis of the pleural and

peritoneal serous membranes is the most frequent clinical form of
this disease. Sometimes both forms exist, and although the pleural
and peritoneal lesions predominate or alone attract attention, there
are also lesions in the lung or mediastinal lymphatic glands.
It is difficult to explain how the pleural and peritoneal serous
membranes can be seriously invaded without the lung becoming
affected, though in point of fact such a state of things frequently
exists.
Tuberculosis of the pleura without pulmonary lesions is suggested
by very obscure symptoms. The general signs consist in diminution
of appetite, loss of condition, tachycardia, elevation of temperature,
and progressive organic wasting. These are always present, though in
themselves they have no specific significance.
The local symptoms are still more vague. Percussion causes pain,
and the practitioner might at first suspect peripneumonia. The
patient edges away, and tries to avoid the application of the
pleximeter hammer. Firm pressure over the intercostal spaces
sometimes causes struggling, and produces indications of abnormal
sensitiveness. There is generally extensive partial dulness, sometimes
complete dulness towards the lower regions of the chest.
On auscultation the lung may reveal the different indications of
chronic pulmonary tuberculosis, or simply diminution of the
respiratory murmur at points, accompanied by crepitant, sibilant
râles, and moist, crackling sounds. As the anterior portions of the
pleural sacs are most commonly invaded, the anterior vena cava is
compressed, causing some difficulty in the return circulation, and
producing venous pulse, which may extend as high as the parotid
gland; there is, however, no swelling of the dewlap.
Respiration is frequent and difficult in consequence of adhesions
between the pleura and lungs, which are connected by bands of
fibrous tissue of varying extent. Coughing is rarely absent, and if the
lung is diseased may be followed by discharge containing numerous
bacilli. Otherwise the cough exhibits the pleuritic character, that is, it
remains slight, dry, paroxysmal, and painful. The pericardium may
be affected as well as the pleura; if the conditions occur
simultaneously the venous pulse in the jugulars will be particularly
apparent.
The symptoms of tuberculous pericarditis are similar to those of
ordinary pericarditis, except that the exudation is less abundant; in a
word, the symptoms are those of rather trifling exudative
pericarditis.
Tuberculosis of the peritoneum is frequently accompanied by that
of the pleura or the abdominal viscera. The lesions are localised on
the parietal peritoneum and epiploon, producing in time adhesions
between the viscera and walls of the peritoneal cavity, which affect
the action of the digestive organs, gradually causing interference
with the peristaltic movement both of the rumen and the intestines.
The stagnation of alimentary matter favours fermentation, so that
the rumen becomes permanently distended. The right flank also is
swollen, and the abdomen exhibits a change in shape similar to that
in peritonism, which is a constant symptom of tuberculous
peritonitis.
As in the thorax, the tuberculous lesions seldom produce extensive
liquid exudation, so that ascites does not occur, but on palpation the
abdominal walls appear to have entirely lost their pliability and to be
unyielding and greatly thickened, a point which is the more
remarkable as the animals are thinner.
The wall of the abdomen is stiff, incapable of being depressed as in
ordinary subjects, and gives to the fingers the sensation of a thick
hard covering, through which the subjacent organs and their
contents, that is, the rumen, intestine and alimentary material, can
no longer be felt. This rigidity is always most marked in the lower
abdominal region. The digestive peristaltic movement can no longer
be detected, and on auscultation the normal sounds are manifestly
much slower than usual.
TUBERCULOSIS OF LYMPHATIC GLANDS.
It might perhaps have seemed more logical to place tuberculosis of

the lymphatic glands at the commencement of these clinical divisions
of tuberculosis, as when tuberculous lesions, of whatever kind, occur
in the lung, pleura, abdomen, etc., the lymphatic glands in the
neighbourhood are invariably invaded. In such cases, however, the
lesions in question are not the dominant features.
Under this heading must be classed tuberculous lesions which, on
the contrary, affect the lymphatic glands in so marked a manner that
lesions in other organs may be regarded as secondary. This occurs
somewhat frequently, because at the present day there is a tendency
to believe that inoculation takes place mainly through the mucous
membrane of the pharynx, and thence extends towards the
neighbouring lymphatic glands. At any rate, it is unquestionable that
tuberculosis of the lymphatic glands may exist quite apart from any
other lesion visible to the naked eye.
Two forms are very common, tuberculosis of the retro-pharyngeal
region and of the neck, and tuberculosis of the mediastinal lymphatic
glands.
Tuberculosis of the Retro-pharyngeal Glands.—In addition
to the retro-pharyngeal glands the cervical chain of lymphatic glands,
the subglossal, subatloid, preparotid, and even the prescapular
lymphatic glands and those at the entrance to the chest, may also be
invaded more or less.
This form of tuberculosis may remain latent for a long time,
attention being attracted to it only when deglutition is impeded and
local deformity becomes apparent.
Swelling of lymphatic glands resulting from tuberculous infection
is slow and progressive, differing entirely from that which
accompanies suppurative adenitis. The neighbouring connective
tissue is certainly somewhat thickened or infiltrated, but the glands
themselves can always be detected. The region of the gullet is
enlarged, the depression marginating the lower jaw is filled up, the
subatloid space disappears, the subglossal glands occupy the space
beneath the tongue, and in cases where the lesions are very
pronounced the œsophagus and larynx may even be pushed
downwards.
Swallowing is difficult, in consequence of compression of the
upper part of the œsophagus, and, as the laryngeal nerves may be
included in the swelling, dyspnœa or roaring not uncommonly
results.
By palpation with one or both hands it is easy to identify the
glands and detect enlargement, hardness and sensitiveness. In
exceptional instances the caseous masses they contain undergo
softening and conversion into purulent material.
When the cervical lymphatic glands are attacked the jugular
furrows disappear, and the whole of the pretracheal and lateral
regions of the neck exhibit doughy swellings.
These swellings are rarely symmetrical, a fact which admits of this
condition being distinguished from lesions due to lymphadenitis,
without examining the blood.
The prescapular glands are rarely
attacked, but those at the entrance to the
chest, which may be found on either side of
the trachea by passing the fingers between
the two first ribs, are frequently enlarged to
the size of a fowl’s egg.
Tuberculosis of the Mediastinum.—
Whenever the lungs are much involved, the
bronchial glands are also invaded, though
the glands of the anterior and posterior
mediastina may escape. On the other hand,
the mediastinal glands are sometimes much
involved, whilst the lung remains intact.
The lymphatic glands, particularly those
of the mediastinum, may be enormously
enlarged, and the various accidents which
result are due as much to mechanical
interference with the functions of adjacent
organs as to the lesions themselves.
When the glands of the anterior
mediastinum are affected, they cause Fig. 277.—Lesions in
compression of the anterior vena cava, with retro-pharyngeal
stasis of blood in the jugular vein and tuberculosis. T,
venous pulse, then compression of the Trachea; Œ,
œsophagus and trachea, and of the nerves œsophagus; P,
at the entrance to the chest, producing pharynx; H, hyoid
difficulty in swallowing, respiration and bone; E, epiglottis; L,
circulation. tongue; G, tuberculous
retro-pharyngeal
glands.
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