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Growth and Change in Post-socialist
Cities of Central Europe
This book presents multidimensional socio-economic transformations taking place

in the post-socialist cities located in selected countries of the Central European
region.
The analysis includes case studies from the Eastern part of Germany (Chemnitz,
Leipzig), Poland (Łódź, Kielce, Katowice conurbation, and peripheral urban cen-
tres from Eastern Poland), Slovakia (Bratislava, Nitra), the Czech Republic
(Olomouc, Brno), and from Hungary (Pécs).The analysed urban areas have under-
gone far-reaching political and socio-economic changes in the last 30 years. These
changes began with the collapse of communism and the centrally planned econ-
omy system in the region of Central Europe. The beginning of this period, often
referred to as post-socialist transformation, dates back to 1989.The consequence of
the aforementioned political processes was the multifaceted socio-economic and
demographic changes that significantly affected urban areas in Central Europe.
This book presents an attempt to summarize the main long-term processes of
changes taking place in these urban areas and to identify contemporary and future
trends in their socio-economic development.
The book will be valuable to undergraduate and postgraduate students in
human geography, urban studies, economy, and city marketing, especially those
with an interest in Central Europe.
Waldemar Cudny is an Associate Professor at The University of Lodz, Faculty of

Geographical Sciences (Poland). He specialises in urban, tourism geography, and
event studies. His publications include such books as City Branding and Promotion:
The Strategic Approach (Routledge, 2019) and Urban Events, Place branding and
Promotion. Place Event Marketing (Routledge, 2020).
Josef Kunc Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at Masaryk University, Faculty of

Economics and Administration, Brno, Czech Republic. He specialises in the trans-
formation of the current socio-economic and spatial environment of cities and
regions, consumer preferences, shopping behaviour, and retail management as well
as special interest tourism.
Routledge Contemporary Perspectives on Urban Growth,
Innovation and Change
Series edited by Sharmistha Bagchi-Sen, Professor, Department of Geography

and Department of Global Gender and Sexuality Studies, State University of New
York-Buffalo, Buffalo, NY, USA and Waldemar Cudny, Associate Professor,
Working at the University of Łódź, Poland.
Urban transformation affects various aspects of the physical, social, and eco-
nomic spaces. This series contains monographs and edited collections that provide
theoretically informed and interdisciplinary insights on the factors, patterns, pro-
cesses and outcomes that facilitate or hinder urban development and transforma-
tion. Books within the series offer international and comparative perspectives from
cities around the world, exploring how ‘new life’ may be brought to cities, and
what the cities of future may look like.
Topics within the series may include: urban immigration and management,
gender, sustainability and eco-cities, smart cities, technological developments and
the impact on industry and on urban societies, cultural production and consump-
tion in cities (including tourism, events and festivals), the marketing and branding
of cities, and the role of various actors and policy makers in the planning and
management of changing urban spaces.
If you are interested in submitting a proposal to the series please contact Faye
Leerink, Commissioning Editor, faye.leerink@tandf.co.uk.
Urban Events, Place Branding and Promotion

Place Event Marketing
Edited by Waldemar Cudny
Place Event Marketing in the Asia Pacific Region

Branding and Promotion in Cities
Edited by Waldemar Cudny
Post-socialist Shrinking Cities

Edited by Chung-Tong Wu, Maria Gunko,Tadeusz Stryjakiewicz and Kai Zhou
Growth and Change in Post-socialist Cities of Central Europe

Edited by Waldemar Cudny and Josef Kunc
Interstitial Spaces of Urban Sprawl

Geographies of the Post-Suburban City in Chile
By Cristian Silva
Growth and Change in
Post-socialist Cities of
Central Europe
Edited by Waldemar Cudny and

Josef Kunc
First published 2022
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
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© 2022 selection and editorial matter, Waldemar Cudny and Josef Kunc;
individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Waldemar Cudny and Josef Kunc to be identified as the authors of
the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been
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infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Cudny, Waldemar, editor. | Kunc, Josef, editor. Title: Growth and change in
post-socialist cities of Central Europe / edited by Waldemar Cudny and Josef Kunc.
Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2022. |
Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2021033119
(print) | LCCN 2021033120 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367484477 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781032132532 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003039792 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Cities and towns–Europe, Central. | Post-communism–Europe,
Central. | Europe, Central–Economic conditions. Classification: LCC HT145.
C36 G76 2022 (print) | LCC HT145.C36 (ebook) | DDC 307.760943–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021033119LC ebook record
available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021033120
ISBN: 978-0-367-48447-7 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-13253-2 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-03979-2 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003039792
Typeset in Bembo
by SPi Technologies India Pvt Ltd (Straive)
Contents
List of Contributors vii
1 Conceptualising urban transition in Central Europe 1

WALDEMAR CUDNY, JOSEF KUNC AND IRENA DYBSKA-JAKÓBKIEWICZ
2 Post-socialist urban change and its spatial patterns: the

case of Nitra 15
VLADIMÍR IRA AND MARTIN BOLTIŽIAR
3 The university as the creative hub: the case of the city

of Olomouc after 1989 30
ZDENĚK SZCZYRBA, IRENA SMOLOVÁ, MARTIN JUREK AND DAVID FIEDOR
4 In the shadow of Karl Marx: the case of Chemnitz and its

multiple transitions 48
BIRGIT GLORIUS
5 Young people’s life plans and their impact on the demographic

future of a shrinking city: Kielce case study 67
MIROSŁAW MULARCZYK AND WIOLETTA KAMIŃSKA
6 Manufacturing in the post-industrial city: the role of a

“Hidden Sector” in the development of Pécs, Hungary 94
GÁBOR LUX
7 Socio-economic development in Bratislava during

post-socialism 113
PAVOL KOREC AND SLAVOMÍR ONDOŠ
8 Brno in transition: from industrial legacy towards modern

urban environment 136
JOSEF KUNC AND PETR TONEV
vi Contents
9 Challenges and problems of re-growth: the case of Leipzig
(Eastern Germany) 158
DIETER RINK, MARCO BONTJE, ANNEGRET HAASE, SIGRUN KABISCH AND
MANUEL WOLFF
10 Łódź: a multidimensional transition from an industrial

center to a post-socialist city 178
JOLANTA JAKÓBCZYK-GRYSZKIEWICZ
11 The socio-economic transformation of the Katowice

conurbation in Poland 195
ROBERT KRZYSZTOFIK
12 Population ageing processes in towns and cities situated in

peripheral areas: an example of urban centres in
Eastern Poland 217
WIOLETTA KAMIŃ SKA AND MIROSŁAW MULARCZYK
13 Hallmark features of post-socialist urban development in

Central Europe 242
JOSEF KUNC AND WALDEMAR CUDNY
Index 254
Contributors
Martin Boltižiar, Ph.D., is Slovak geographer and landscape ecologist. He is vice-

president of the Slovak Geographical Society and member of the Slovak National
Geographical Committee. He is research worker at the Institute of Landscape
Ecology, Slovak Academy of Sciences and Professor of Geography at the
Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra. He is specializing in physi-
cal geography, landscape ecology, and geoinformatics. His main research interest is
land-use/land cover changes. He has participated in over 60 scientific projects and
published more than 300 scientific papers and 17 monographs. He is a member of
editorial boards of eight scientific journals.
Marco Bontje is senior lecturer in urban geography at the Department of
Geography, Planning and International Development Studies of the University of
Amsterdam. Within the research institute AISSR, he is member of the research
group Urban Geographies. Specialising mostly in urban geography, his research has
crossed disciplinary boundaries towards urban and regional planning, and popula-
tion, economic and environmental geography. Research topics so far include the
effectiveness of Dutch national urbanisation policy (PhD thesis); sustainable devel-
opment of city-edge and (post-)suburban business locations; spatial, social, and
economic conditions for competitive creative knowledge cities; and urban and
regional shrinkage and regrowth.
Waldemar Cudny, Ph.D., associate professor in the University of Łódź, Faculty of
Geographical Sciences, Poland. He is a human geographer specializing in urban
development, festival tourism, and special interest tourisms i.e. car tourism.
Waldemar Cudny is the author of over 80 research publications including books,
edited volumes, and articles. His latest research includes analysis of the role of
festivals in the development of urban spaces, car tourism. He is also the author of a
complex monograph entitled City Branding and Promotion. The Strategic Approach
and an edited volume Urban Events, Place Branding and Promotion. Place Event
Marketing (published by Routledge).
viii Contributors
Irena Dybska-Jakóbkiewicz, Ph.D., in Earth Sciences (geography), is an assistant
professor in the Institute of Geography and Environmental Sciences of the Jan
Kochanowski University in Kielce. Her academic interests focus on the problems
of teaching geography, regional education, and the geography of perception. Lately
she has done research into the perception of urban space.
David Fiedor is junior lecturer at the Department of Geography of the Faculty
of Science of the Palacký University in Olomouc. He is concerned with issues of
human geography, partly GIS, and statistical methods. His publication portfolio
consists of several original articles also registered in the Web of Science or Scopus.
Birgit Glorius is a professor of human geography with a focus on European
migration research at Chemnitz University of Technology. Her research interests
and the majority of publications are in the fields of international migration an
integration, with recent projects on the reception and integration of asylum seek-
ers and refugees in Europe, notably on questions of local governance and local
reception cultures. Further research areas are demographic change, geographies
of education, and (im)mobility and regional development; most of her research is
carried out in Eastern Germany, Poland, Bulgaria, and the Western Balkans.
Annegret Haase is an urban sociologist and works as a senior scientist at the
Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research – UFZ in Leipzig, Germany, at
the Department of Urban and Environmental Sociology. Her research foci are
sustainable urban development, urban transformations, social-spatial and socio-
environmental processes and goal conflicts in cities, land use, green spaces, gover-
nance, inequalities, urban diversity and migration, urban shrinkage and regrowth,
neighbourhood development and participation.
Vladimír Ira, Ph.D., Czecho-Slovak geographer, is currently senior research
worker at the Institute of Geography, SAS in Bratislava and Professor of Geography
at Universities in Bratislava and České Budějovice. He graduated from the
Comenius University in Bratislava. He formerly held the position of Director of
the Institute of Geography, SAS (2006–2016). He serves as chairperson of Slovak
National Committee of the IGU. He is editor-in-chief of Geografický časopis. His
earlier works have concentrated on urban and behavioural geography. He has also
contributed to theoretical writing on sustainability and quality of life, time-space
behaviour, and geographical thought.
Jolanta Jakóbczyk-Gryszkiewicz is a professor at the Faculty of Geographical
Sciences at the University of Łódź, Poland. Her research is connected with settlement
geography. Her doctorate presented links between the cities of Łódź urban region. Her
habilitation thesis addressed issues of suburbanization in Poland’s three largest cities. She
received the title of full professor in 2011 publishing a study on the diversity of land
prices in Łódź and its suburban zone. Professor Gryszkiewicz has authored numerous
scientific publications. Her recent works are devoted to urbanization in suburban zones,
gentrification in large Polish cities, and migrations to Poland from outside the EU.
Contributors ix
Martin Jurek is an assistant at the Department of Geography in the Faculty of
Science of the Palacký University in Olomouc. His research interest encompasses
issues of geography of education and to some extent also physical geography. His
publication portfolio consists of several original articles published in international
journals registered in the Web of Science and Scopus databases.
Sigrun Kabisch is head of the Department of Urban and Environmental
Sociology at the Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research – UFZ in Leipzig,
Germany. Additionally, she is a professor of Urban Geography at the University of
Leipzig. She acts as chair of the Scientific Advisory Board of the Joint Programming
Initiative (JPI) Urban Europe. Her main research fields are urban transformations,
urban demographic change as well as multiple urban risks. In 2018, she co-edited
the volume “Urban transformations: sustainable development through resource
efficiency, quality of life and resilience” (Springer) which represents her interdisci-
plinary approaches towards sustainable urban development.
Wioletta Kamińska is a professor at the Institute of Geography and
Environmental Sciences at the Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce. She is the
head of the Department of Socio-Economic Geography at this Institute. She is also
the chairwoman of the Task Force for Rural Areas of the Committee for Spatial
Economy and Regional Planning at Polish Academy of Sciences. Professor
Kamińska conducts research on the development of rural areas and small towns
in Poland, in particular on human and social capital in rural areas and small towns,
depopulation of these areas and their multifunctional development. She has pub-
lished over 150 scientific works.
Pavol Korec is full professor in the Department of Economic and Social
Geography, Demography and Territorial Development at the Comenius University
in Bratislava (Slovakia). He is the author of several monographs including Regional
Development of Slovakia in Years 1989–2004 (2005), Modern Human Geography of
Bratislava – Territorial Structures, Networks and Processes (2013), Human Geography
Approaches, Philosophy, Theory and Context (2018), Industry in Nitra, Global, National
and Regional Context (2019), Theories of Regional Development and Research Regions
(2020). His latest works became oriented towards two problems: changes in urban
economy and spatial structure of Bratislava and less developed regions in global
scale and in Slovakia.
Robert Krzysztofik is Director of Institute of Social and Economic Geography
and Spatial Management, University of Silesia in Katowice (Sosnowiec, Poland).
Robert Krzysztofik’s research lies at the intersections of spatial analysis of densely
populated areas, the theory of urban geography, dynamics of urban development
and economic and social drivers of changes in the urban perspective. He is also
interested in the socio-economic transformation of postindustrial and polycen-
tric urban regions. Robert Krzysztofik is an author of more than 100 publica-
tions. He has also ten books among his scientific achievements (author, co-author,
co-editor).
x Contributors
Josef Kunc, Ph.D., is associate professor at Masaryk University, Faculty of
Economics and Administration, Brno, Czech Republic. He is an economic geog-
rapher and regionalist specializing in the transformation of the current socio-eco-
nomic and spatial environment of cities and regions. Other areas of his scientific
interest are issues of consumer preferences, shopping behavior, and retail manage-
ment as well as special interest tourism. Josef Kunc is the author of over 80 research
publications including articles in peer-reviewed journals, books, and book chap-
ters. He has experience from being a leader of national research projects and a team
member of national and international projects.
Gábor Lux, Ph.D., is senior research fellow at Hungarian Academy of Sciences,
CERS Institute of Regional Studies. His main areas of research are industrial
restructuring and industrial competitiveness in Central and Eastern Europe; indus-
trial policy, urban economic governance, and evolutionary economic geography.
He is the author, co-author, or editor of 75 publications in Hungarian, English,
and Russian, and co-editor of The Routledge Handbook to Regional Development in
Central and Eastern Europe.
Mirosław Mularczyk works as an associate professor (professor extraordinarius)
in the Institute of Geography and Environmental Sciences of Jan Kochanowski
University in Kielce (Poland). He conducts research mostly in settlement geogra-
phy. His publications in this field concern the development of regional settlement
systems and small cities issues. Moreover, his interests include issues related to
geography didactics and tourism geography. There are more than 100 scientific,
popular science and didactic publications in his academic achievements.
Slavomír Ondoš is associate professor in the Department of Economic and
Social Geography, Demography and Territorial Development at the Comenius
University in Bratislava (Slovakia). He held research position at the Vienna
University of Economics and Business, Austria (2008–2010) and teaching assistant
position at the University of Nebraska Omaha, USA (2005). He participates in
project linking academic community, non-profit and commercial sector. His writ-
ings examine emergent cooperative dynamics in socio-economic processes. His
latest work becomes oriented towards the understanding of the innovation ecosys-
tem and how the creation and commercial value of knowledge can be shaped by
public leadership.
Dieter Rink holds a Ph.D. in philosophy and works as a senior scientist at the
Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research – UFZ in Leipzig, Germany, at the
Department of Urban and Environmental Sociology. His research fields include
sustainable urban development, urban governance, social movements, urban ecol-
ogy and urban nature, urban shrinkage and regrowth, housing and housing policy.
He is teaching urban sociology at the University of Leipzig and has been a m ember
and coordinator of diverse national and international research projects, numerous
publications on the aforementioned issues. His research is strongly interdisciplinary
oriented and includes international comparative urban studies.
Contributors xi
Irena Smolová is associate professor at the Department of Geography of the
Faculty of Science of Palacký University in Olomouc. She is concerned with issues
of physical geography and geography for education. Her publication portfolio
consists of dozens of original articles also registered in the Web of Science or
Scopus.
Zdeněk Szczyrba is associate professor at the Department of Geography of the
Faculty of Science of Palacký University in Olomouc. He is concerned with issues
of geography of services and urban geography. His publication portfolio consists of
dozens of original articles also registered in the Web of Science or Scopus.
Petr Tonev, Ph.D., is assistant professor at Masaryk University, Faculty of
Economics and Administration, Brno, Czech Republic. His research interest
encompasses issues of geographical organization of space and society (regional
taxonomy, spatial interaction modeling), urban and spatial planning, population
geography, and regional development as well as cartographic visualization. He was
a co-applicant of national research projects and a team member of several national
projects. Research results of these projects were a basis for publications in respected
national and international journals. He has also experience in the creation of stra-
tegic documents on different hierarchical levels outside academia.
Manuel Wolff is a research fellow at the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin in the
Department of Geography and guest researcher at the Department of Urban and
Environmental Sociology Helmholtz Centre for Environmental Research in
Leipzig, Germany. His main research interest is settled in urban and regional devel-
opment within the context of urban (re)growth and shrinkage and the associated
impacts on land use changes and ecosystem services. Especially, he works on quan-
titative comparative analysis of human–environmental interactions and trends
in European cities including aspects of accessibility, resource efficiency, and quality
of life.
1 Conceptualising urban transition in
Central Europe
Waldemar Cudny, Josef Kunc and Irena
Dybska-Jakóbkiewicz
Research problem and aims

This book is an edited volume presenting broadly understood socio-economic,
functional and spatial transformation taking place in the post-socialist cities situ-
ated in selected countries of the Central European region. The region of Central
Europe is located between the areas of Western and Eastern Europe. It is distin-
guished on the basis of several factors, including geographic location, history and
common socio-economic elements. In the scientific literature, the region of
Central Europe is presented differently. It is often identified with the countries of
the Visegrad Group (V4 countries) (see: Gorzelak 1996;Tiersky 2004).This organ-
isation was formed on the basis of a political agreement, signed in 1991, between
countries with common history and culture. Since the dissolution of Czechoslovakia,
the Visegrad Group includes Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia
(http://www.visegradgroup.eu/).According to Lewis (2014), the Central European
region encompasses Poland, the former German Democratic Republic (GDR),
Czechoslovakia (later the Czech Republic and Slovakia), and Hungary. Johnson
and Johnson (1996) have a wider view of Central Europe. According to them, the
region encompasses Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Austria,
Hungary, Slovenia, and Croatia.
Central Europe also occurs in divisions made by various international institu-
tions. In European Union documents, the region includes countries such as Austria,
Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia, eight Länder
from Germany, and nine regions from Italy (Interreg Central Europe, Citizens’ sum-
mary, Annex D, 2015).The World Bank distinguish in Europe a region consisting of
similar European countries called Central Europe and the Baltics. According to the
World Bank, this region includes Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia,
Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic, and Slovenia.
In this book, cities of different size categories (from small-scale cities through to
medium, large and extra-large cities to urban networks) and status are included in
the analysis. They are located in the area of five selected post-socialist countries
belonging to the Central European region (Figure 1.1). In reference to the division
presented by Lewis (2014), urban areas from Eastern Germany (Chemnitz, Leipzig),
Poland (Łódź, Kielce, Katowice), the Czech Republic (Olomouc, Brno), Slovakia
(Bratislava, Nitra), and Hungary (Pécs) were accepted for research. In the case of
DOI: 10.4324/9781003039792-1
2 Waldemar Cudny et al.
Figure 1.1 Location of Central European countries.

Source: Authors’ elaboration.
Germany, the research area was limited to the cities belonging to former Germany
Democratic Republic (DGR).
The research problem examined in the book is the in-depth analysis of the
structural socio-economic changes ongoing in post-socialist cities of Central
Europe.The main research aim is to present a comprehensive summary of the pro-
cesses of socio-economic and demographic changes taking place in the studied
cities after the fall of communism. It is about identifying the factors that have initi-
ated the transformation of economy and society, giving a comprehensive presenta-
tion of transformation processes and their effects on the contemporary
socio-economic, demographic, functional and spatial structure of post-socialist cit-
ies in the region of Central Europe.
The analyzed urban areas have undergone far-reaching political, socio-eco-
nomic, functional and spatial changes in the last 30 years.These changes began with
the collapse of communism and the centrally planned economy system in the
region of Central Europe. The beginning of this period, often referred to as post-
socialist transformation, dates back to 1989. Then in Poland, the round table talks
began as a result of which the first partly democratic elections took place in this
country (June 1989). The next important events were the Velvet Revolution in
Czechoslovakia (November 1989), the fall of the Berlin Wall (November 1989)
and the reunification of Germany (1990).
The consequence of the aforementioned political processes were the multifac-
eted socio-economic, demographic and spatial changes taking place in the coun-
tries discussed in the book. They have significantly affected urban areas in Central
Europe (Smith et al., 2008; Hoff, 2011; Kavaliauskas, 2012; Cudny, 2012; Schweiger
and Visvizi, 2018). This book is an attempt to summarise the main long-term pro-
cesses of changes taking place in these urban areas and to identify contemporary
and future trends in their socio-economic and spatial development.
Conceptualising urban transition 3
The thirty years of post-socialist transition
It would be useful to broaden the discussion and introduce a comprehensive study
in the field of urban environment focusing on the interconnecting geographical,
social and economical aspects of urban areas located in the Central European
region. The discourse on the transformation of cities most often presents examples
from the broadly understood Western world. Some publications concern Asian
countries, including China (Lin, 2004; Wang and Zhang, 2005). At present, how-
ever, there are only a few comprehensive books in English concerning the area of
Central Europe (Stanilov, 2007; Hoff, 2011; Schweiger and Visvizi, 2018). Most
often the books regarding this area take the regional (Gorzelak, 1996; Lux and
Horváth, 2017) or historical approach (Gutkind, 1964; Kavaliauskas, 2012; Lewis,
2014). Therefore, it seems that our book will fill the gap in the international pub-
lishing market especially in relation to human geography, regional economy and
comprehensive urban studies and management based on diversified examples.
The edited volume characterising cities in Central Europe is important because
it presents cities from different countries, and of different types (especially in terms
of size and function). It includes cities in typically post-socialist countries, but also
presents a wide range of case studies from former East Germany (former GDR).
This area was absorbed in 1990 by West Germany and was later transformed under
the auspices of Western government.Therefore, this work makes it possible to com-
pare the policies of urban development used in post-socialist countries (Poland, the
Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary) with the policies applied in Western countries
(Germany after reunification). In addition, the book combines two issues. First of
all, it is an attempt to comprehensively summarise 30 years of socio-economic,
spatial, functional and structural changes in the area of post-socialist cities. Secondly,
it describes the most current contemporary direction of their development. We
consider these elements to be an additional value added of this publication.
As mentioned before, 30 years have passed since the beginning of the transfor-
mation period.The areas presented through the book became part of the European
Union and currently, their political and economic significance in Europe is system-
atically growing. Therefore, it seems interesting from a research point of view to
present a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of cities in this region.
The post-socialist cities presented in this book are well-defined in the scientific
literature (Ott, 2001; Stanilov, 2007; Sýkora, 2009; Hirt, 2013; Kovács et al., 2019).
Sýkora (2009, p. 394) defined it as
Cities in the transition stage. They are characterized by dynamic processes of

change rather than static patterns. The urban environment formed under the
previous system is being adapted and remodelled to match the new conditions
of the political, economic, and cultural transition towards the capitalist society.
Many features of a socialist city suddenly stood in opposition to the capitalist
principles.The contradictions between the market rules and the socialist urban
environment led to the restructuring of the existing urban areas. With time,
new capitalist urban developments are having more and more influence on
the overall urban organization. The post-socialist developments bring the
re-emergence of some pre-socialist patterns, transformations in some areas
from the socialist times, and creation of new post-socialist urban landscapes.
Liszewski (2001, p. 304) defined the post-socialist city as
Any city which has been functioning in new political and economic condi-
tions for over 10 years and earlier (before 1990) it was functioning in the
conditions of real socialism for 45 years, regardless of the fact whether it was
built in this system, or much earlier, subject to its ideology and laws (central-
ization of power, Lack of market economy, social and spatial egalitarianism,
ideologization of life etc.).
Ondoš and Korec (2008) identified a number of stages in the development of the
post-socialist cities. They identified early, mature and late post-socialist cities fol-
lowed by the emergence of the early capitalist city that could be later transformer
into the capitalist city.
The complex transformations of Polish cities after 1989 were described by
Węcławowicz (2016). Interesting conclusions about the post-socialist cities of
Central and Eastern Europe were described, among others, on the background of
implementation of the international research program ReNewTown (Węcławowicz
and Wątorska-Dec 2012, 2013). On this basis, a concept and strategy for the further
development of post-socialist cities were developed (Węcławowicz, 2013).The issue
of urban identity during the post-socialist transformation was discussed by Young
and Kaczmarek (2008). Cudny (2011, 2012) developed a model of changes in a
post-socialist city.
The transformations that took place in post-socialist cities after 1989 included
the social, economic, functional and spatial changes (Kovács, 1999; Cudny, 2012).
In the social structure, the transformation often resulted in processes of depopula-
tion and societal ageing resulting from a decline in the natural increase in cities and
the massive emigration of young people (Steinführer and Haase, 2007; Stenning
and Dawley, 2009; Steinführer et al., 2010; Ott, 2001; Haase et al., 2012). The phe-
nomenon of the second demographic transition has appeared in the cities of
Central Europe in the last decades (Haase and Steinfuhrer, 2005).
The socio-demographic changes and changes in the spatial and functional struc-
ture of the post-socialist city were described by Szafrańska. She identified the
changes taking place in large post-socialist housing estates and explained the main
factors behind them (Szafrańska, 2014, 2015). Using the example of large pre-
fabricated housing estates, she also discussed the processes of demographic aging of
post-socialist cities (Szafrańska, 2017). Research on socio-economic segregation and
environmental justice was conducted, among others, by Marcińczak and Rufat.
Their results provided information on social, economic and environmental inequal-
ities in post-socialist cities (Marcińczak, 2013; Rufat and Marcińczak, 2020).
Research on the gentrification in cities is gaining growing attention (see: Grzeszczak,
2010; Liszewski and Marcińczak, 2012; Górczyńska, 2012, 2015; Holm et al., 2015).
In addition, especially in the 1990s, post-socialist cities, in particular, those
based on traditional industries, have been affected by the phenomenon of
de-industrialisation followed by mass unemployment (Jürgens, 1996; Mulíček and
Toušek, 2004; Osman et al., 2015). Changes in industrial spaces were discussed,
among others, by Płaziak (2014) and Sikorski (2019). There have been processes of
gentrification, social segregation and socio-economic revitalisation of some areas
(Kovács et al., 2013; Kaczmarek and Marcińczak, 2013; Kaczmarek, 2015; Holm
et al., 2015). Some of the post-socialist cities as a result of heavy de-industrialisation
suffered from a very bad socio-demographic situation and began to fall into the
category of shrinking cities (Buček and Bleha, 2013; Rink et al., 2014).
Changes in post-socialist cities included the transition of their functional struc-
ture. Old functions decreased e.g. due to the collapse of heavy industry and new
functions developed, including a plethora of services, creative industries and new
branches of production (Cudny, 2012; Chapain and Stryjakiewicz, 2017;
Chaloupková et al., 2018).The ownership structure of enterprises has also changed.
There has been a massive commercialisation and privatisation process and a wide
inflow of foreign investments. Due to this transition, Central European cities iso-
lated so far were included in the world’s internationalising and globalising econ-
omy (Sýkora, 2009; Jacobs, 2013).
Within the spatial structure, a number of morphological changes took place.
The phenomenon of suburbanisation developed, and ghettoisation and space frag-
mentation processes appeared. In addition, some urban areas have been transformed
into degraded spaces, and some have undergone redevelopment and revitalisation
(Krisjane and Berzins, 2012).
The phenomenon of suburbanisation is one of the most extensively studied
processes of post-socialist urban change. The analysis of this phenomenon was car-
ried out among others by Lisowski et al. (2014). Bański (2017) also analyzed land-
use changes in five countries of the former Eastern Bloc (the Czech Republic,
Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia). He noted that the greatest loss of agri-
cultural land occurred in the suburban zone of large agglomerations (i.e. Warsaw,
Prague, Budapest), which was the result of increasing suburbanisation.
The multidimensional transition processes taking place in the post-communist
cities of the Czech Republic were described by Sýkora and Ouředníček (2007),
Stanilov and Sýkora (2012), and Kubeš (2015). Many case studies were presenting
the capital cities of post-socialist European states. Stanilov and Hirt (2014)
researched Sofia (Bulgaria), Grigorescu et al. (2012) Bucharest (Romania), Kovács
et al. (2019) Budapest (Hungary), Pichler-Milanović (2014) Ljubljana (Slovenia),
Leetmaa et al. (2014) Tallinn (Estonia), and Šveda et al. (2016) Bratislava (Slovakia).
The presented book is to fill the gap in the scientific literature, which concerns
the area of Central Europe. While there is a rich literature presenting the changes
of cities taking place in recent decades in other areas of the world like Western
Europe and North America (Watson and Gibson, 1995; Eade and Mele, 2002;
Kazepov, 2005; Hutton, 2008; Mollenkopf and Crul, 2012) or Asia (Champion and
Hugo, 2004; Prakash and Kruse, 2008; Heitzman, 2008; Misra, 2013), Central
European examples were much less frequently presented in geographical and
socio-economic literature. Moreover, most studies focus only on one or two cities
or metropolitan areas, while our book presents a wider view of diverse cities from
different countries in the region.
The methods and the structure of the book
The research method is a way of scientific thinking and creation of new solutions
and ideas. According to Apanowicz (2002, p. 59) the scientific method is “a set of
theoretically justified procedures conceptual and instrumental, covering the
entirety of the proceedings research aimed at solving a specific scientific problem”.
Runge (2006) also sees a scientific method as a way of thinking and discovering
the solutions to scientific problems.
Methods are divided into qualitative and quantitative, according to the research
procedure and type of materials undergoing analysis.The qualitative methods include
the studies of perception based on the opinions of other people, interviews, and own
observations of the researcher.The group of quantitative methods includes the use of
numerical data obtained through empirical studies or from statistical sources and
their presentation and analysis among others with the use of statistical indicators.
The book presents a variety of case studies. The chapters refer to individual cit-
ies such as Chemnitz, Leipzig, Nitra, Bratislava, Brno, Olomouc, Pécs, Łódź and
Kielce. There are also chapters describing groups of cities, like the Katowice con-
urbation or the group of peripheral cities and towns in eastern Poland.
Various research methods were applied for the analysis presented in this edited
volume. They included qualitative methods such as document analysis, literature
review and Internet searches. One important group of research methods was the
analysis of statistical data and the use of statistical indicators showing changes in the
socio-economic, functional and spatial structure of the examined cities, like Webb’s
method used for the analysis of urban populations types in the towns and cities
from eastern Poland (Chapter 12). Such methods can be included in the group of
quantitative research methods. Questionnaire surveys were also used, which turned
out to be useful in analyzing the life plans of young people living in the Polish city
of Kielce. In this case, it was about examining family and procreation plans and
linking them with demographic and social changes in the studied city.
The book consists of 13 chapters, including Introduction, Conclusions and
chapters presenting case studies on various types of cities from Eastern Germany,
Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. The chapters presenting indi-
vidual case studies are preceded by a comprehensive introduction (Chapter 1), in
which the subject of research, the scientific aims, research area, methods used in the
book and its structure are presented.The edited volume closes with the Conclusions,
in which the most important conclusions resulting from the analysis carried out in
individual chapters were presented.
Case studies were carefully selected in order to present not only cities from dif-
ferent countries from Central Europe but also cities of various scales and functions.
The idea was to check whether similar transformation processes take place in post-
socialist cities with different scales and functions.
Chapter 2, written by Vladimír Ira and Martin Boltižiar, analysed the case of Nitra,
a city located in the western part of the Slovak Republic. Nitra is the sixth-largest
city in Slovakia according to the number of inhabitants. This chapter presented the
multidimensional, i.e. demographic, social, functional and spatial transformations that
took place in the city after 1990. The authors emphasised the analysis of the
land-cover changes during the transformation from communism to democracy. The
most important directions of urban space transformation were identified.The transi-
tion included changes in urban forms, architecture, the spatial-functional structure of
land use. Moreover, socio-demographic changes and functional transitions, including
the transition of the structure of the industrial sector and services, were presented.
Chapter 3 concerning Olomouc (ca. 100,000 inhabitants), a city in the Czech
Republic located in the region of Central Moravia, was written by a team of sci-
entists consisting of Zdeněk Szczyrba, Irena Smolová, Martin Jurek and David
Fiedor. This chapter presented the innovative role of universities as part of the
creative environment and specifically with the analysis and description of the
structure of the creative centre at Palacký University in Olomouc and its system of
functioning. Strategic planning documents at the level of the university, city and
region were studied and statistical data of Palacký University were analyzed. During
the three decades of transformation, the creative environment at Czech universities
changed significantly, which often became the driving force of creative regional
economies. The authors identified more than twenty research centres, laboratories,
and other forms of creative centres in Olomouc. Universities cooperation was
started with employers from the region and from all over the Czech Republic, top
domestic and foreign scientists were employed. There has also been noticed an
increase of granted patents. The gradual commercialisation of research results is
obvious, however, its intensity has remained low so far. This is a certain handicap
for the future operation of the university’s prestigious scientific infrastructure.
The next, Chapter 4 written by Birgit Glorius, presented the case study of
Chemnitz (formerly Karl-Marx-Stadt). The author looked into the complex
changes which took place after the fall of communism in one of the biggest cities
located in East Germany. After the reunification of Germany, Chemnitz entered a
difficult period of socio-economic transition. The changes included the fall of the
traditional (Fordist) textile industry and urban shrinkage. Traditional industries
were replaced by modern branches of production and more medium-sized firms
were located in the city. Later on services developed and, large changes in the
housing areas occurred. Moreover, after the initial demographical decline at the
beginning of the socio-economic transformation, the city attracted new immi-
grants, including refugees. These socio-economic changes were accompanied by
the introduction of neoliberal and diverse policies of urban development, social
change, and the creation of the modern urban brand and its perception.
Wioletta Kamińska and Mirosław Mularczyk described Kielce—a medium-
sized city. The city is located in south-eastern Poland and is the capital of the
S ́więtokrzyskie Voivodship. Kielce has ca. 196,000 residents, and currently repre-
sents a shrinking city type. Kielce developed as a manufacturing centre based on
metallurgical, electromechanical, and mineral production. After the fall of com-
munism, most of the traditional branches of industry collapsed or underwent in-
depth restructuring. The post-socialist transformation brought diverse
socio-economic impacts, including negative consequences for the natural increase
and migration in the city. Since the end of the 20th century, Kielce has suffered
from a negative migration balance and a natural decrease, which were the results of
economic crisis and social modernisation processes undergoing in Poland after
1989. The chapter by Wioletta Kamińska and Mirosław Mularczyk aims to present
the life plans of young people living in Kielce and to determine the impact of these
plans on the socio-economic future of Kielce. The chapter presented the socio-
economic situation of the city as well as the restructuring process that took place
after the fall of communism. On this background, the authors characterised the
results of a survey conducted among academic youth in Kielce and related to their
future life plans and procreative behaviours.The research results were then analysed
against the concept of the second demographic transition.
Chapter 6, written by Gábor Lux, analysed the evolution of manufacturing
industries of Pécs, a shrinking city in Southern Hungary. The city’s growth was a
result of rapid industrialisation during the 19th and 20th centuries. However, after
the fall of communism, Pécs faced de-industrialisation processes and abandoned its
mining and industrial heritage in favour of becoming a cultural city. The chapter
by Gábor Lux questions the possibility of the successful realisation of these plans.
It draws attention to a simplistic understanding of restructuring plans, leading from
industrial specialisation to the growth of service oriented cultural economy. The
author describes the appearance of “hidden sectors”, important secondary and ter-
tiary activities that can get caught in vicious circles of decline, policy neglect and
network disintegration. The chapter examines the transformation of the city’s
industries and the patterns of industrial decline. The structure of foreign direct
investment, endogenous and, knowledge-based industries underwent examination,
along with the institutional background that impacted their development. Gábor
Lux highlights the importance of diversified industrial structures, the relevance of
local structures, and the role of institutions in the management of the future of
manufacturing in the post-transition era.
Another chapter is devoted to Bratislava – the capital city of Slovakia (Chapter
7). Pavol Korec and Slavomír Ondoš presented the socio-economic development
of the city after the system change in 1989. The role of the city grew significantly
after the division of Czechoslovakia and the establishment of the Slovak Republic
as an independent state in 1993. The social structure of Bratislava changed and the
role of jobs requiring advanced qualifications rose. The city attracted international
investments and creative specialists from other regions of Slovakia and from abroad.
The internationalisation of capital and labour resources progressed in the next
decades. In the subsequent years after the establishment of Slovakia, its capital
recorded the rise of quantitative (i.e. number of firms, GDP per inhabitant) and
qualitative growth indicators (i.e. commercial activities, social structure and, spatial
development). The rise of the city’s economy and the transition of its society
rushed when Slovakia entered the European Union. New opportunities arose in
the barrier-free, market-friendly European Union. In line with its socio-economic
change, Bratislava experience a transition of urban space, including changes in the
urban landscape and its functional-spatial structure.
Chapter 8 was written by Josef Kunc and Petr Tonev and concerned the city of
Brno. This is the second-largest city of the Czech Republic (ca. 400,000 inhabit-
ants), located in the south-eastern part of the country. This chapter characterised
the transformation of the economic base ongoing in the city in the last 30 years.
The authors carefully explained the transition of traditional industry and its impacts
on the city’s economic, political, and spatial structures. Brno remained a strong
industrial centre for more than 200 years. Its economic base was formed by such
branches of industrial production as machinery, armaments, and textile production.
The industrial specialisation of Brno was the major factor influencing the economic
and the functional-spatial structure of the city. However, after the democratisation
of life and the introduction of the free market economy, the city entered the period
of de-industrialisation. Traditional industries lost their economic dominance, and
new branches of production appeared as well as services rose. The transition from
communism to the capitalist system also brought massive changes in the urban envi-
ronment. However, the industrial heritage left a highly significant trace on the urban
space of Brno where the remains of industrial traditions are still visible.
Chapter 9 regarded Leipzig, a large city from East Germany was written by a
team of German scientists which included Dieter Rink, Marco Bontje, Annegret
Haase, Sigrun Kabisch and, Manuel Wolff. Leipzig is an example of a successful
redevelopment of a former East German city. German reunification was followed
by deep de-industrialisation that affected cities from the eastern part of the coun-
try.This process resulted among others in the dynamic shrinkage of many of them.
These processes were also visible in Leipzig. The city suffered from a de-industri-
alisation and shrinkage during the 1990s. However, in the 2000s, the city experi-
enced re-growth and, in the 2010s, dynamic re-growth.The redevelopment was so
intense that in the 2010s Leipzig became the fastest-growing city in Germany.
Massive public investments, subsidies and support programmes from central and
regional governments were the basis for the revitalisation of the urban economy
and space in Leipzig. These programmes also mobilised private capital, which
joined the investment processes. However, despite the advantages of re-growth,
some unsuspected disadvantages appeared. They included, among others, a short-
age of affordable housing and schools or growing traffic congestion. Chapter 9
presented and explained the challenges and problems of “growth after shrinkage”
(i.e. re-growth) at the example of Leipzig. The authors focused on three municipal
policies regarding the housing market, public schools and public transportation.
The analysis showed that re-growth affected the aforementioned three municipal
policies and created pressure for a reaction. Urban policy-makers responded to this
pressure with various programmes and measures which attempt to overcome the
disadvantages of re-growth in the city.
Chapter 10 was written by Jolanta Jakóbczyk-Gryszkiewicz and presented the
case study of Łódź, Poland’s third-largest city. The city developed in the 19th cen-
tury as a large industrial city and continued to be the leading Polish centre of
textile production until 1989. After the fall of communism, Łódź underwent inten-
sive de-industrialisation and urban shrinkage due to a deep economic crisis.
Traditional industries collapsed and most old-fashioned textile production plants
went bankrupt. Industrial decline, combined with depopulation, made Łódź the
fastest-shrinking Polish big city. After 2000, the city received new investments
comprising modern branches of production (e.g. household appliances, computer
production) and new services. The inclusion of Poland in the European Union in
2004 created another boost for the economic development of the city. Łódź prof-
ited from its favourable location, industrial traditions, low prices of urban land and
commercial spaces (i.e. office spaces). Despite the revival noticed in the last two
decades, the economic breakdown of the 1990s still foreshadows the socio-eco-
nomic situation of the city. The values of such socio-economic indicators as the
level of salaries, prices of land, the level of natural increase and migration balance
are still among the lowest of all the Polish big cities. Chapter 10 presented the his-
tory of the city, the results of the system transformation of the 1990s, and the cur-
rent opportunities and threats for the city of Łódź.
Chapter 11 discusses the socio-economic and spatial changes of the Katowice
conurbation located in southern Poland. A conurbation is a polycentric agglomera-
tion of towns and cities, developed on the basis of mining and industrial production.
The Katowice conurbation, characterised in Chapter 11, developed in the 19th and
20th centuries into one of the leading coal mining and industrial regions in Europe.
The Katowice conurbation is currently the biggest urban space in Poland, encom-
passing 54 communes, and a population of ca. 2.4 million. Robert Krzysztofik ana-
lysed the advantages and disadvantages of urban transformation that occurred in
Katowice conurbation after the fall of communism in 1989. The analysis included
the presentation of reduction of the coal-mining, metallurgy and textile industries.
The rising role of the region’s services, in-depth socio-economic restructuring and,
modernisation was also presented through the chapter. The socio-economic results
of system change affected the demographic and social situation of the Katowice
conurbation (i.e. depopulation, population ageing, urban shrinkage). Moreover,
important spatial and environmental problems occurred as the result of urban trans-
formation.They include functionally degraded areas, spatial conflicts, environmental
pollution and the polycentric structure of the urban space undergoing analysis.
Chapter 12 was written by Wioletta Kamińska and Mirosław Mularczyk. This
chapter differs from the previously presented case studies because it is devoted to the
group of peripheral cities and towns in eastern Poland. The authors presented the
relationship between population growth and the migration balance. In addition,
they evaluated the influence of the aforementioned elements on the process of
population ageing in the cities and towns under study. The chapter also presented
correlations between the population size, the location of urban areas, population
ageing and population dynamics. The analysis proved that the ageing processes in
the urban spaces located in the peripheral locations of Eastern Poland are more
intensive than the processes ongoing in cities and towns located in other parts of the
country. This is mostly the result of the negative net migration rate noted mostly
among women and young people in the urban spaces undergoing investigation.
The edited volume ends with conclusions where the most important results
from all individual chapters are drawn together. Moreover, the conclusions sum-
marise the main features of a transition process from socialist to post-socialist (neo-
liberal) city.
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2 Post-socialist urban change and its
spatial patterns
The case of Nitra
Vladimír Ira and Martin Boltižiar
Introduction
Post-socialist cities are cities under transformation and their urban landscapes
formed under decades of socialism are being adapted to new conditions shaped by
the political, economic, social and cultural transition to capitalism (Sýkora 2009).
In recent decades, post-socialist cities and their societies have experienced a dra-
matic political, economic, social and cultural change.Trends and patterns of change
embedded in the overall process of transformation have profoundly influenced the
spatial adaptation and repositioning of post-socialist cities. The unique develop-
ment and transformation challenges in post-socialist cities were linked to the
changes in the external environment (national and global), which were much more
dramatic and revolutionary, and to changes in the internal environment (both the
urban system and the city itself). The impact of transitions to democracy (systemic
political change), to markets (systemic economic change) and to decentralised sys-
tems of governance on cities triggered the rise or fall of certain cities, and led to
specific responses to the processes of change in several domains (areas). Sýkora and
Bouzarovski (2012) understand the post-socialist transition as a broad, complex and
lengthy process of social change, which proceeds through a multitude of particular
transformations.They identify three transitions: institutional reconfigurations; tran-
sition in the domain of social organisation; and the practice and reconfiguration of
the urban landscape.
Post-socialist urban change has created a mosaic of diverse urban experiences.
Tsenkova (2008) claims that despite the diversity, the spatial transformation has
three principal dimensions: (1) new spaces of production/consumption; (2) social
differentiation in residential spaces associated with growing inequality; and (3)
conflicts and selective urban development associated with new models of gover-
nance and institutional transformation.
Musil (2005) stresses that the observable urban changes in post-socialist cities
can be linked to the synergy of several causal factors, including privatisation and
the restitution of property, the reintroduction of a market for property and land,
the de-industrialisation of cities, a growing presence of foreign investors in
industry as well as in services, successive commodification of housing, including
deregulation of rents, growing income differences, the weakening of the welfare
state system and of urban public transport systems, the decentralisation of city
DOI: 10.4324/9781003039792-2
16 Vladimír Ira and Martin Boltižiar
governments, increased stress on environmental quality, some liberalisation of
immigration policies, the individualisation of values and the increasing plurality
of lifestyles.
The reshaping of the townscape, the physical and functional transformation of
the urban space, the comeback of the importance of land rent, and an increasing
number of actors competing for space, renaissance of self-government, the increase
of social and spatial differentiation, the transformation of employment structure,
are from the perspective of Matlovič (2004), the most important general trends in
the transition cities.
An important publication, The Post-Socialist City edited by Stanilov (2007), ana-
lysed fifteen years after the beginning of the transition period and pointed out that
the numerous changes that have taken place in the way the urban space is produced
and restructured in the post-socialist CEE cities have had both a positive and a
negative impact on the built environment and the quality of life of its residents.
The main undergoing changes in the former socialist cities of Central and
Eastern Europe and relatively reliable account of the transformation processes can
be found in several handbooks, monographies and articles.There exist several con-
tributions which try to analyse and explain in a complex way the general features
of post-socialist cities and various aspects of their transformation. Several studies
(e.g. Andrusz et al. 1996, Enyedi 1998, Kovács 1999, Musil 2005, Tsenkova 2008,
Sýkora 2009, Sýkora and Bouzarovski 2012) explore the main features of the tran-
sition to democracy, markets and decentralised governance, and on the character-
istics of multilayered processes of spatial transformation in post-socialist cities.
Many authors (among others, for example Węcławowicz 1997, Matlovič et al. 2001,
Cudny 2006, 2012, Stanilov 2007, Ondoš and Korec 2008,Young and Kaczmarek
2008, Matlovič and Nestorová-Dická 2009, Kabisch et al. 2010, Nae and Turnock
2011, Haladová and Petrovič 2017, Kovács et al. 2019) tried to define the most
important demographic, social, economic, functional, morphological and land-
cover changes which took place in post-socialist cities as a result of the political and
economic transformation after 1989. Hamilton et al. (2005), in their publication
dedicated to transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe, analysed inter-
and intra- urban transformation of a number of capital cities: Berlin, Warsaw,
Budapest, Prague, Ljubljana, Sofia, Riga, Tallinn,Vilnius, and Moscow.
Thanks to the rich literature on post-socialist urban transformation we can have
quite an interesting picture of new inter-urban as well as intra-urban processes. A
relatively complex picture is provided by an analysis of more than 180 articles con-
cerning the urban geography aspects of European post-socialist cities and their
near hinterland, published between 1990 and 2012 in the international journals
(Kubeš 2013). According to this analysis, the most frequent article topics include
the socio-spatial structure of the city and its transformation, followed by urban
planning and management in the city and suburbanisation and urban sprawl.
A smaller number refers to physical spatial structure, housing structure and func-
tional spatial structure of the city and its transformation.
Whereas traditional approaches to the analysis of urban change are mostly con-
cerned with measuring, mapping and classifying objective characteristics, the
behavioural approach applied in a few studies is in contrast. It is subjective, with an
Post-socialist urban change 17
emphasis on studying the urban change as it seems to be rather than as it is (Young
and Kaczmarek 1999, Ira 2003, Kunc et al. 2014). These studies portray the urban
change as it is seen through the prism of personal experience.
In order to assess the post-socialist urban change in Nitra more effectively, some
of the studied elements were compared to those in some Central European cities
(Ira 2003, Cudny 2006, 2012, Stanilov 2007, Tsenkova 2008, Matlovič and
Nestorová-Dická 2009, Kubeš 2013, Kovács et al. 2019). The analysis of urban
change was based on the quantitative statistical data from the Statistical Office of
the Slovak Republic and data published by authors dealing with various aspects of
transformation in post-socialist Nitra. It was supplemented with qualitative data
from several case studies used for the analysis of changes in the physical, functional
and socio-demographic structure of the city. The basic source of information was
the literature regarding the city, its transformations and urban land-cover change
after 1989 (Bugár et al. 2008, Trembošová 2009, Repaská and Bedrichová 2013,
Haladová and Petrovič 2015, 2017, Korec and Popjaková 2019a, 2019b).The infor-
mation necessary to write this chapter was also obtained by means of field research
carried out in Nitra.
The basis for the land-cover maps for the years 1990 and 2019 were coloured
orthophotos from the companies Eurosense and Geodis, s.r.o. Bratislava, with 1 m pixel
resolution. Their interpretation was realised by analogue vector digitisation in com-
puter environment using ArcGIS software.The map legend was based on the CORINE
Land Cover classification level 3 (Feranec and Oťaheľ 2001). A supplementary source
of information was a field reconnaissance survey aimed at verifying the current state of
the land-cover areas obtained by the interpretation of current orthophotos.
In our study, we focused on the interpretation of land-cover changes and its
spatial structure on the example of the cadastral area of Nitra City (the study area
was delimited by cadastral boundaries before 1990 when the city had the largest
area in history—146 km2), especially in relation to anthropogenic pressures on the
landscape. The identified changes are mainly the result of human-driven changes
in land use. In this sense, it is possible to classify individual types of changes and
interpret them according to the nature and intensity of their impact as the afore-
mentioned anthropogenic pressures.These are then understood as the main drivers
of changes in the study area. This principle is used as a first step in DPSIR analyses
(driving forces, pressures, state, impacts, responses) in ecological and also geographic
modelling (Petit et al. 2001). The local pressures (the expansion of urban built-up
areas, the intensification of agriculture, drainage, the abandonment of agricultural
land, afforestation and deforestation) are related to changes in land use and the
resulting fragmentation of individual classes of land cover.
The first aim of this study is to present a comprehensive summary of the pro-
cesses of urban changes taking place in Nitra after the fall of communism. The
study identifies the factors that have initiated the transformation of economy and
society, giving a comprehensive presentation of transformation processes and their
effects on the contemporary physical, functional, socio-demographic and spatial
structure of post-socialist cities.The second aim is to analyse the land cover in 1990
and 2019 and to interpret land-cover change and its spatial differentiation on the
example of the cadastral area of Nitra City, especially in relation to anthropogenic
pressures on the urban landscape. It will enable to show how current demographic,
social, economic and political processes shape the structure of post-socialist city
and its landscape.
The study area

The city of Nitra is the administrative, industrial and cultural centre of the Nitra
region in southwest Slovakia (Figure 2.1). It is also an important road junction,
educational and scientific centre with two universities. Nitra lies along the Nitra
River, 85 km northwest of the capital Bratislava. The cadastral area of the city cur-
rently covers 100.45 km2. The altitude ranges from 138 m to 587 m. The city of
Nitra consists of 13 urban neighbourhoods. The territory of the city is situated on
the border of the Pannonian Basin (Danubian Plain) and the Carpathian System
(Tribeč Mountain) with a share of different landscape types (Figure 2.2). Nitra has
the earliest written evidence of its existence in all of Slovakia; it was referred to in
828 as Nitrava. At that time, it already was the seat of the ruler of the Nitra
Figure 2.1 Study area of the Nitra City and its location within Slovakia.
Author: M. Boltižiar created by ArcGIS.
Figure 2.2 Changes in land cover between 1990 and 2019.

(Authors: M. Boltižiar, G. Bugár by ArcGIS)
Principality. Later, it became a stronghold and religious centre. In the 13th century
it became a landlord’s town of the bishop and thus remained an important centre
of both education and the church. Town privileges were acquired in 1248. In the
middle of the 19th century, the population approached 10,000 inhabitants, and in
the second half of the 19th century industrial enterprises (distillery, soap produc-
tion, steam mill, and machinery) were established. The development of the city
accelerated after the foundation of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. In March 1945
the city was subjected to heavy bombing, which led to the destruction of a large
proportion of the buildings in the historic centre. In the second half of the 20th
century Nitra expanded to large housing estates, new industrial plants, school
buildings and the exhibition area Agrokomplex. With the population of 78,353
inhabitants (as of 31 December 2019), the city of Nitra currently ranks as the
sixth-largest city in Slovakia, with a population density of 770 inhabitants/km2. In
recent years, however, the population has stagnated or has even started to decline.
The impact of transitions to democracy, to markets and to a decentralised system
of governance on the city during the last three decades led to specific responses to
the processes of change in several domains. In our chapter we pay attention to
three of them: socio- economic and demographic; functional; and land- cover
change.
Changes of physical, functional and socio-demographic

intra-urban structures
Current changes in the city’s spatial structure are determined both by factors con-
nected to the transformation of the social system and by globalisation. Metho
dologically, it is difficult to separate these two factors to identify individual changes
(Matlovič 2004).
Understanding the changes in the intra-urban structure of post-socialist Nitra
requires a brief explanation of the historical and urban geographical contexts.
A century ago, Nitra became part of Czechoslovakia, a former country in Central
Europe. At the end of World War I, Czechoslovakia was formed from several prov-
inces of the Austro-Hungarian empire. In the interwar period it became one of the
most prosperous and politically stable states in Central Europe. A multi-ethnic demo-
cratic state, Czechoslovakia survived dismemberment by the Nazis and more than
four decades of communist regime. After three years of democracy, on 1 January 1993,
Czechoslovakia separated peacefully into two new countries, Czechia and Slovakia.
Slovakia, as a country with a lower rate of urbanisation, has a small number of
larger cities. The largest Slovak cities can be hierarchically divided into two levels,
taking into account their population size, function, economic strength and position
in the regional structure of Slovakia. The position of the capital Bratislava and the
second-largest city of Košice (located in the east of the country) is quite dominant;
at a lower hierarchical level there are four other cities, each of whose population in
the socialist period exceeded 80,000 inhabitants, and for some time even 90,000
inhabitants. The processes of independence (administrative segregation) of periph-
eral rural municipalities and the process of suburbanisation have caused the popu-
lation of these cities to decrease quite significantly after 1989, and at present only
the city of Prešov is approaching a population of 90,000 inhabitants. Žilina, Banská
Bystrica and Nitra all have less than 80,000 inhabitants. Demographic develop-
ment in the largest Slovak cities, in which less than 1.0 million inhabitants live, i.e.
approximately one-fifth of the population of the Slovak Republic. At the same
time, the population of these cities is declining relatively rapidly, in contrast to the
developments up to 1989, when socialist industrialisation and urbanisation caused
a rapid increase in the population of (not only) this group of cities. In these cities,
significant human capital has historically been, and still is, concentrated.Traditionally,
these cities have a favourable educational structure, a significant share of non-
productive and higher value-added sectors, commercial and non-commercial ser-
vices, and a substantial part of the country’s capacities of university education,
research and development. The demographic development of these cities also
deserves special attention in this respect. Equally important is the fact that cities,
not only from a social, economic and cultural point of view, but also from a
demographic point of view, are the initiators of change, the nuclei from which
change and innovation are diffused in space (Šprocha et al. 2016).
Post-socialist change in Bratislava is most influenced by globalisation, a signifi-
cant strengthening of quaternary functions, the position of the capital of an inde-
pendent state and significant changes in the lifestyle of the population.The change
in other major cities has been influenced by the strengthening of universities,
research institutions and regional self-government functions. In Žilina and Nitra,
the construction of large plants in the automotive industry also played an impor-
tant role. A negative migration balance and a decline of fertility rate have led to the
decrease of population in Nitra. The population has been redistributed from the
city to the suburban hinterland. Residential suburbanisation has expanded in the
majority of the hinterland (former rural settlements). A decrease in the city popu-
lation, combined with an ageing population, can be considered as the most alarm-
ing issue. Looking at the shrinkage in Nitra, it becomes obvious that currently the
city has been affected by population loss in a moderate but constant way (87,569—
as of 31 December 1996, 83,692—as of 31 December 2009 and 78,353 as of 31
December 2019). Shrinkage represents a real challenge for a city, its inhabitants and
decision-makers (Buček and Bleha 2013). If a city loses population, some of the
dynamics of urban development begin to change. A new situation arises for a lot
of urban functions (e.g. demand for public transport, demand for service infrastruc-
tures for the elderly and young generations, demand on the housing market, the
investment decisions of companies, owners and developers, resources at hand of
urban governance).
The changing social structure of the society and increasing inequality in Nitra
were reflected in differentiated forms of housing. Selected segment of population
moved to several locations within the city in order to accentuate their private
property and social status. These are mainly enclosed and locked residential areas
inhabited by residents who place an emphasis on their status and security. Thus a
part of the public space in Nitra has, in recent years, been increasingly replaced by
explicitly private or quasi-public spatial forms (gated communities, exclusive sub-
urbs, new or gentrified urban districts, etc.) that are easily accessible only to certain
segments of the population.
Despite the fact that industry has played a very important role in the modern
history of Nitra, from the second half of the 19th century, the city was not an
important industrial centre of Slovakia for a long time. Nitra was one of the cities
that became important industrial centres in the period 1948–1989. Until then,
Nitra paid more or less for an unfavourable location in the Slovak railway network.
Prior to 1989, plants in the food industry, the chemical industry, and the engineer-
ing and electrical engineering industries were represented in Nitra. The building
materials industry, the woodworking industry, the textile and clothing industry and
the printing industry were also of great importance. The process of transformation
of industry in Nitra after 1989 had all the features of the transformation of Slovak
industry. There have been significant changes in the ownership, sector, size and, of
course, in the spatial structure, its distribution within the city. The industrial struc-
ture changed significantly after 1989, which was closely related to the restructuring
process in general, but also to the establishment of new companies. The
development of industry in Nitra after 1989 brought significant changes in a num-
ber of localities in the city. Industrial development in the city was concentrated in
three types of locations: in two industrial parks (larger integrated investment proj-
ects), in three production clusters and in ten equipment- production clusters.
Paralleled by de-industrialisation and the shift to service-based urban economy,
new industrial development has been directed to greenfield projects. The con-
struction of industrial parks and the concentration of industrial plants in them, and
especially the construction of the Jaguar Land Rover Slovakia car plant, gradually
require a significant change in the road network and other infrastructure elements.
The year 2018, when the Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) automobile plant started opera-
tions in Nitra, can be considered the end of the qualitative development of the
industry in this city. Nitra, with the arrival of Jaguar Land Rover, is finally ranked
among the key industrial centres in Slovakia (Korec and Popjaková 2019a). JLR
claimed to be attracted to the area by a number of factors: tariff-free access to the
EU; productive, but relatively lower-wage workers; a strong supply base; low-cost
logistics; and upgraded infrastructure (Jacobs 2017).
Retailing and its activities, together with services, are in the long term the most
significant vehicles for change, new trends and innovations in the tertiary sector of
Nitra. The structure of the retail sector has been transformed considerably across
city in the three most recent decades. Consumption patterns in the 1990s, espe-
cially in the urban environment of transition countries, were accepted with unusual
dynamics. Rapid adaptation of Western norms by the markets was supported by
the entry and dominance of Western capital (Kunc and Križan 2018).
Until 2002, the most important new shopping centres in the city built on a
greenfield site were concentrated on the periphery (Hypermarket Tesco, Metro
Cash & Carry and Billa), taking into account accessibility criteria, land rent,
approaching to the consumer in the residential area, and parking requirements.
After 2002, the shopping centres (OC Centro Nitra and ZOC Max) were concen-
trated in the housing estate Chrenová, where they densified the housing develop-
ment. Centro Nitra grew on an open area used as a parking space, ZOC Max was
built in a locality, which, according to the original zoning plan, was referred to as
a sports zone (Trembošová 2009). The new shopping centre Mlyny Gallery, with
its unique appearance, has become a new landmark in the city centre.
The adaptation of the Slovak higher education system to neoliberal principles
resulted in qualitative and quantitative changes and has led the individual higher
education institutions to make an effort to increase their performance and effi-
ciency (Matlovič and Matlovičová 2017). After the initial phase of extensive devel-
opment of higher education institutions and their faculties in Nitra (in the 1990s)
followed the phase of consolidation caused by the demographic stagnation or
decrease, increasing competition of higher education institutions in Slovakia and
abroad and pressure on quality and the performance of research. Currently, there
are two university-type institutions in Nitra. The older of the two, the University
of Agriculture in Nitra, was established by the Czechoslovak government in 1952.
In 1996, the University of Agriculture was renamed the Slovak University of
Agriculture in Nitra (SUA). At present, SUA is a top Slovak research and educa-
tional institution of international importance (5,707 students as of 31 October
2019), operating in a wide range of scientific fields, including genetics, biotechnol-
ogy, agriculture, environment, food sciences, horticulture, landscape engineering
and design, engineering, economics, management, marketing with a focus on rural
regions and regional development. Constantine the Philosopher University in
Nitra (UKF) was established in 1996. UKF is the fourth-largest public university
in Slovakia formed as a modern European general university. A total of 6 998 stu-
dents (as of 31 October 2019) study at the Faculty of Arts, Faculty of Central
European Studies, Faculty of Education, Faculty of Natural Sciences and Faculty of
Social Sciences and Health Care. The uniqueness of UKF in education is repre-
sented by teacher training programmes in Hungarian and the training of teachers,
social workers and public education for Roma ethnicity. Among other things, sig-
nificant structural changes in secondary and tertiary education can be expected,
coupled with significant changes in industry, especially in the automotive sector.
Apart from the development of higher education institution in Nitra, the advent
of the 21st century brought a new wave of development processes based on cre-
ativity and innovation, improving the position of the city within creative industries
in Slovakia.
The internationalisation of higher education, science and research, as well as
foreign investment in trade, but especially in the automotive industry, has created a
new phenomenon that the city will have to focus on. A small group of foreign
managers and high-salaried employees of foreign companies formed a specific seg-
ment of new inhabitants of the city. By contrast, labour immigrants constitute the
lower tier of the socio-economic hierarchy in some parts of the city which could
lead to the formation of new ethnic enclaves. It is a case of the ever-increasing
presence of foreign workers (mainly from Ukraine, Serbia, Romania, Albania and
other countries). Nitra is gradually becoming a multi-ethnic and multicultural city,
where, in addition to the historical ethnicities of the city, Slovak, Hungarian and
Roma, these foreigners are increasingly visible (Korec and Popjaková 2019b).
Summary of post-socialist changes in Nitra’s urban structures over the last three
decades is provided in the overview Table 2.1.
Urban land-cover change analysis

Land cover in the year 1990
In 1990, at the beginning of transformational changes, the largest area was covered
by the class of non-irrigated arable land, which, in the form of large-block fields,
accounted for more than half of the study area (54%). Mosaics of fields, meadows
and permanent crops were located along the edges of settlements (4%). Vineyards
as a part of agricultural land accounted for 2% of the area. They were found espe-
cially at the foothills of Tribeč mountain on the south-southeastern slopes. The
grasslands, mainly meadows, covered forest-free parts of Tribeč mountain, as well as
smaller areas in a flat territory. Up to 15% of the area was occupied by forests,
mostly deciduous, less mixed and coniferous.They mainly covered the Zobor mas-
sif. Woodcuttings were represented by a very small proportion (below 1%). Up to
14% of the area was covered by urban fabric, mainly areas of concentrated
Table 2.1 Three areas of post-socialist urban change in Nitra
Areas of urban change Characteristics of post-socialist urban change

Changes of physical – increasing morphological diversity of built-up areas, new architecture
(morphological) – physical decline of large-scale housing estates in 1990s
structure – revitaliszation of prefabricated panel houses in last two decades
– construction of gated communities
– new constructions on the territory of inner city (commercial, business and residential)
– extension of built-up area induced by construction of roads, industrial plants, newly built single-family houses and multi-apartment
houses (especially on city edges)
Changes of – significant development of residential function especially in suburbs
functional structure – deindustrialiszation (traditional industries) and later dynamic development of new industrial sites
– commercialisation of city centre and city sub-centres (arrival of department stores, banks, business services, transformation of retailing)
– conversion of apartments into offices and business in the city centre
– new functional utilisation of brownfields
– tertiarisation and quarterisation, increasing importance of higher education and research sectors
– modernisation of technical and transport infrastructure
– weakening of agricultural function in suburban hinterland
Changes of – changing daily life of residents as an impact of urban restructuring
socio-demographic – differentiations of quality of life in the city neighbourhoods
structure – new character of daily mobility especially in suburbs
– declining number of residents in the city (‘urban shrinkage’)
– gradual ageing of population in the city (especially in large-scale housing estates)
– increasing number of residents in suburbs during last two decades and its influence on the composition of residents
– significant transformation of employment structure by economic sectors (especially significantly increased proportion of services)
– increasing number of persons employed in creative industry
– arrival of new residents to some inner parts and displacement of original residents
– gradually formed small gated communities
– partial deterioration of social structure in originally socialist housing estates
– increasing social inequalities and social segregation of the population
– higher incidence of socially marginalised population groups
– increasing number of foreigners (employment in automotive industry)
settlement fabric (13%), which was represented mainly by built-up areas in in the
outskirts of the city (where the substantial part consists of single-family houses),
but also by typical housing estates with 3 to 14 storeyed buildings with shops and
services in Chrenová, Klokočina, Čermáň and Diely (1%). Concentrated built-up
areas of prevailingly residential or multifunctional character, and historical core are
typical for the city centre (1%). Industrial, commercial and transport units were
situated mainly on the outskirts of the city but also within and made up 7% of the
area. Settlement vegetation (1%) was located mainly around the city centre (city
park). Watercourses (mainly the regulated flow of the Nitra River) and small water
bodies had a minimum proportion (less than 1%) in terms of their share.
Land cover in the year 2019

The general process of urban transformation (after 1989) concerns all major cities
in Slovakia. A specific phenomenon is the construction of shopping and logistics
centres in the hinterland of larger cities. There was also an increase in individual
house construction within their hinterland. Similar to the Nitra City (Jaguar Land
Rover) also in the hinterland of other cities, the house construction was associated
with the construction of large industrial areas, especially, of the automotive indus-
try: Bratislava—Volkswagen, Trnava—PSA Peugeot- Citroen and Žilina—KIA
Motors (Feranec et al. 2018).
Compared to 1990, urban development has stabilised at 20% of the area (built-
up areas and settlement vegetation together).The R1 expressway was built and also,
as a result of suburbanisation processes, the area of residential development in the
surrounding municipalities forming the urban parts (Štitáre, Janíkovce, etc.) has
increased. The most significant change, however, is the significant increase in the
industrial site located on the northwest outskirts of the Dražovce urban area. This
is related to the newly built large site of the British Jaguar Land Rover automobile
plant, which was put into operation in 2017. Its construction significantly influ-
enced the landscape of the city, as can be viewed from the Zobor hill.
The area of arable land decreased to 49%, mainly due to housing construction,
while the share of forests remained unchanged (15%). Map legends from 1990 to
2019 were reclassified to CORINE Land Cover classes for the purpose of inter-
preting each type of change according to the methodology used.
The relatively short, almost 30-year period from 1990 to 2019 within the Nitra
cadastral area shows 12% of classified changes, with the largest type being the
expansion of urban built- up areas (7%). Overall, 88 % of the area remained
unchanged (Figure 2.2). The most significant changes in the built-up and devel-
oped areas occurred after 1990. On the one hand, it was the result of spatial devel-
opment of industry and, on the other hand, it was caused by housing development,
mostly in the suburban areas. The Old Town Centre (Nitra I) has undergone this
rapid development earlier, especially at the beginning of the 20th century.Together
with the above-mentioned housing estates and industrial areas, the share of built-
up area in the urban neighbourhood Nitra I is up to 80%. Arable land is the most
widespread land use in almost all cadastral areas, with the exception of urban
neighbourhoods lying on the boundary of Zobor hills and lowland (Zobor, Dolné
Štitáre, Nitrianske Hrnčiarovce and Dražovce). Forests cover most of the slopes of
the Zobor hills (Dražovce, Zobor, Nitrianske Hrnčiarovce, and Dolné Štitáre) and
their area did not change significantly. In the lowland part, originally large forest
areas were deforested already in the earlier historical period.
This analysis of land use changes is an essential element of the ecological model
based on the DPSIR assessment principle. This methodology analyses the causal
relationships between the state of the land use, pressures that caused it, drivers of
these pressures (socio-economic activities), impact of these changes on the land-
scape or selected landscape feature (e.g. biodiversity) and potential response (in
decision-making and direct activities).
Figure 2.2 illustrates the changes in land cover of Nitra City in the studied years
1990 and 2019. Map shows spatial distribution of individual types of changes.
Circle diagrams are showing the mutual ratio of classified types of changes (in
terms of anthropogenic processes) in the cadastral areas of fifteen urban
neighbourhoods.
Summary
The “past” continues to survive within the post-socialist cities. In spite of the spon-
taneous development, various functional, social, economic, cultural and land use
transformations this past survives in the city’s appearance, in its principal spatial struc-
tures, in the main features of urban development, and in the everyday practices.
Three decades of post-socialist urban geography show that it is possible to
approach the post-socialist change, or “transition”, through various perspectives. In
our chapter devoted to post-socialist Nitra, we tried to point out, on the one hand,
the basic transformation changes of physical, functional and socio-demographic
character, on the other hand we analysed the basic characteristics of land cover
changes within the city territory.
The decades of post-socialist transformation significantly shaped the urban spa-
tial organisation. Urban development, sometimes decline, and restructuring were
conditioned by new principles and mechanisms based on democratic policy-
making. The spatial structure of post-socialist Nitra contains new elements of
urban landscapes, however significant and relatively large urban sections still resem-
ble the socialist-era city. In accordance with Sýkora (2008), we state that an impor-
tant part of the core transformations of political and economic systems were
accomplished within few years, but changes in the city structure have been going
on for several decades and will continue for years to come. Post-socialist Nitra is a
city in transition. Despite the shrinking process it is characterised by the dynamic
developmental changes. The urban environment formed by four decades of the
previous system is being adapted and modified to new political, social, economic,
and cultural conditions. The post-socialist urban development is gaining more
important impacts on the overall urban organisation, although there are still
remaining some socialist patterns in the new urban landscape.
Land-cover change in Nitra due to urban restructuring and urban sprawl have
clearly changed the image of the city (Haladová and Petrovič 2017). The second
stage of transformation, when spatial development became characterised by mass
movements of people and jobs from the core city to the suburbs generated urban
sprawl. The land-cover change data showed that a gradual shrinkage of natural
and agricultural surfaces took place in the period between 1990 and 2019. This
was mainly the result of processes affecting the location of infrastructure, indus-
try and housing. It was also shown by our data that during the last three decades
the tempo of land-cover conversion has been significant, especially in the wider
peri-urban zone.
Transforming and changing socialist past is visible within the city. Nitra as
regional centre has attracted human resources, changed the employment structure,
mainly in the tertiary and quaternary sectors, reorganised production and non-
production activities and directed functional and spatial development into new
model of post-socialist of urban environment.This chapter provided brief evidence
on trends and processes of change in the post-socialist city. The complexity of that
change is equally important for the future research agenda, as are the major prob-
lems of the multiplicity of interrelated economic, social, institutional and spatial
processes of the current phase of transformation (Tchenkova 2008). The study of
the post-socialist city today is hardly possible without an interdisciplinary frame-
work. Applying different approaches and critical reflections on the post-socialist
city (including geographical ones) is likely to bring new views and concepts of
changing urban environment in the future.
The results of our analysis show many similarities and some differences between
Nitra and other Slovak cities (or smaller Central Eastern European cities) during
the process of their intensive intra-urban transformation in the 1990s from “social-
ist” to “post-socialist” cities. To some extent the impact of globalisation, and to a
large extent European integration, and the internationalisation of the Slovak econ-
omy and society, together with developmental policies and regulations, have all had
profound effects on the inner urban structure. Major policy changes and initiatives
are needed in Nitra, which should improve its competitiveness in Slovak and
Central Eastern European city networks, while preserving sustainability and the
quality of life for its local citizens.
Funding
This paper was supported by Scientific Grant Agency of the Ministry of Education,
science, research and sport of the Slovak Republic and the Slovak Academy of
Sciences (projects VEGA No 2/0024/21 and No 1/0880/21) and project
APVV-18-0185.
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3 The university as the creative hub
The case of the city of Olomouc after 1989
Zdeněk Szczyrba, Irena Smolová, Martin Jurek and
David Fiedor
Introduction
Universities have played an important role in serving as centres of innovative
research as early as their first period of accelerated growth during the Early Modern
period. The number of European universities rose from 29 in AD1400 to 73 in
AD1625 and these institutions had a strong influence on both European religion
and society in the periods of the Renaissance and the Reformation (Grendler
2004). Subsequent development of the modern society was shaped by industrial
revolution, leading to urban growth and changes in the structure of workforce,
with an increasing demand for highly skilled and educated workers and profession-
als not only for industry, but also for the emerging services sector. As places of
systematically exercised critical thinking, universities also played their role in shap-
ing political ideas, with students or academics entering public debate with city
administration or even with the government.
In this context, the innovative role of universities is closely linked to creative
ideas and the capability to offer creative solutions to end users. Universities are
considered an integral part of the economy, which they also help form (Banks
2018, Schlesinger 2016). According to Howkins (2001) or Florida (2002), creative
economy is based on the new creative workforce and creative industries in close
relation to cities. So-called “creative cities” play an irreplaceable role in the creative
economy (Landry 2000, Egedy 2016). Florida (2002) claims that the cultural sector
is essential for the area of creativity and the economic development of cities and
regions. Evans (2009) notes that cities and regions often use culture and creativity
as a tool for economic development and he links the economic development of
cities and regions to local participants and “hubs” at universities. Universities as
creative hubs are developed with the aim of supporting creativity in the academic
environment and generate creative activities in support of the growth of the local
creative economy (Evans 2009, Freeman 2004).
There are many examples of creative hubs at universities across Europe.
Schlesinger (2016) mentions an illustrative example of the foundation of five big
university consortia in the United Kingdom, four of which were labelled “knowl-
edge exchange hubs for the creative economy” while the fifth one (Research and
Enterprise in Arts Creative Technology) was founded as a research centre for author
rights and new business models in the creative economy. Ashton and Comunian
DOI: 10.4324/9781003039792-3
The university as the creative hub 31
(2019) carried out desktop research at British universities with the aim of finding
out whether they have infrastructure and activities that could be seen as a “creative
hub”. They found out that a large number of hubs (more than one hundred) were
working at British universities in the year of their study, distributed unevenly
among dozens of institutions, with most institutions having at least one hub, but
some up to four. Creative hubs commonly function at other universities in the
world, usually on the basis of cultural and creative centres or as a research and
development infrastructure (labs).
The establishment of creative hubs at Czech and other central European uni-
versities follows the mainstream of the “creative movement” in the world (Egedy
2016, Rembeza 2018), albeit with a certain delay. Egedy (2016: 91) states that cities
in Central and Eastern Europe suffer from a lack of co-operation between partici-
pants, and not only between economic subjects but also universities, policy-makers
and local administration.
The aim of this contribution is to discern the structure of the creative hub at
Palacký University Olomouc and to describe how it functions. In our study we
search for answers to the following questions:
1. Universities in Europe and elsewhere have recently undergone a restructuring

of their activities towards an increase in their creative potential and involvement
in the creative economy (Evans 2009, Ashton and Comunian 2019). What cre-
ative activities are typical for Palacký University Olomouc and which of them
may be regarded as important for the development of the city and region? We
assume that the creative activities of the university are in keeping with the eco-
nomic goals of the development for the city of Olomouc, or for the Olomouc
Region, speaking about the framework of their strategic documents.
2. Research at foreign universities proves that universities create their own cre-
ative spaces through which they help produce creative ideas and through
which they provide services to end-user companies (Delgado et al. 2020) or
facilitate the involvement of students (Jankovska 2008). What creative spaces
were built by Palacký University Olomouc in support of the creative hub, and
how do these spaces serve their users? Based on our academic experience at
Palacký University Olomouc, we know that the university has certain creative
spaces, yet we lack detailed information on their use for non-academic sphere.
3. University hubs are created to provide concrete creative services to small and
medium-sized businesses in the creative sector (Comunian and Gilmore 2015,
Virani 2015). What creative services are provided in this regard by Palacký
University Olomouc, to what types of customers and from which parts of the
region? This question is legitimate in regional science with its aim towards the
development of the concept of “triple helix” (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff
2000, Etzkowitz 2011).
The main methods used in this contribution were the review of literature on uni-
versity creative hubs, and the analysis of university documents (annual reports,
strategic plans etc.) and planning documentation at the city and regional levels
32 Zdeněk Szczyrba et al.
(strategic plans of the city, regional development strategy, regional innovation strat-
egy etc.). Long-term observation of the academic environment at the university
(since 1995) was used as a supplementary source of information. In addition to data
derived from the analysed documents, we used a data base of research centres in the
Czech Republic, compiled by the main author. All the data are publicly accessible.
The changing role of universities

In a knowledge-based economy, higher education institutions are vital to raising
competitiveness of business. The presence of a university broadens the city func-
tions not only by attracting sharp minds from a wider region, but also by facilitat-
ing research with innovations that may be applied in business. Lambooy (2002)
argues that innovation systems today are based on a dynamic interaction of firms,
scientific research organisations (like universities) and regional or national gov-
ernments. Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff (2000) have described this interaction as the
“Triple Helix”, a non-linear model of innovation in which university, industry
and government are not synchronized into a stable relationship but rather influ-
ence each other by communicating intentions, devising strategies, and creating
projects while continuously harmonising their infrastructure in order to facilitate
co-operation.
The demand for innovation is not solely on the side of business companies.
Within the knowledge management strategies and knowledge-based urban devel-
opment approach (Ardito et al. 2019), local governments enable the creation of
smart city projects, in which entrepreneurs often collaborate with universities or
which even give rise to university-related start-up companies. This whole process
leads to the hybridisation of the roles of individual stakeholders (Ferraris et al.
2018), supporting a more prominent role of the university.
In Central Europe, the role of universities in relation to their city and region has
changed with the socio-political shift and economic transition of the decades fol-
lowing the collapse of socialism after 1989. The demand for tertiary education has
been rising in most of the OECD countries since the 1990s, yet while the percent-
age of 25–34-year-olds with tertiary education has almost doubled in the OECD
average between 1998 (23.8%) and 2018 (44.5%), in the countries of Central
Europe it has rather tripled or quadrupled, starting from a lower base: in Poland
from 11.8% to 43.5%, in Slovakia from 11.3% to 37.2%, in the Czech Republic
from 10.5% to 33.3% and in Hungary from 13.9% to 30.6% (OECD 2020).
Broadening the offer of university study programmes, establishing new faculties at
the existing universities and opening new universities and colleges (both public
and private) was supported by the governments in those countries in an effort to
raise the attainment in tertiary education towards Western European standards and
thus prepare their population for the changing labour market demands (Pachura
2017, Matlovič and Matlovičová 2017).
This transition led to the acquisition and construction of buildings that would
serve the growing numbers of university students and academic personnel.
Properties abandoned in the 1990s due to political and economic changes were
often acquired and restored by universities, or brownfield and greenfield sites
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delicate, and my nerves uncommonly weak, I found myself much
embarrassed, when duty or inclination prompted me to go aloft, on
which occasions I was subject to a giddiness in my head, which
rendered my situation extremely perilous, and though I endeavoured
by perseverance to overcome this weakness, I could never totally
banish the timidity with which I was affected. On this account, though
I continued indefatigable in every other point of my duty, I desisted,
particularly in blowing weather, from ascending “the high and giddy
mast;” and I am firmly persuaded that it is only by going to sea at a
very tender age, that youth in general are rendered callous to
danger, and insensible of those fears, to which I was at all times
more or less subject. It is also probable that the various excesses in
which I had indulged since I first quitted my friends, had contributed
to impair a constitution naturally fragile, and to relax still more the
nervous system. Our first cruise produced no incident worth notice.
We maintained our station, when the weather would permit, off the
Texel, and were frequently so near the land, that we could
distinguish and count the Dutch fleet, lying at anchor in that harbour,
from our mast-head: but Mynheer was not disposed to put to sea, of
which event we were ordered to convey immediate intelligence to the
admiral. The winter was now approaching, and there was every
appearance of its proving unusually inclement. During this cruise, we
lay-to for twenty-one successive days, in a tremendous gale from the
N. E., with only a storm jib, and fly-sail set; and although we were in
no immediate danger, having good sea-room, and a tight ship, I
found my ardour for a sea-faring life considerably abated. I was
obliged to turn out of a warm bed at 12 or 4 o’clock in each night, to
take my watch, the hardship of which duty was a severe penance
upon me. The excessive cold, added to loss of rest, produced a
drowsiness which rendered me incapable of resisting the inclination I
felt to sleep, whenever I could retire to a private spot unobserved;
which was generally in the long-boat, under a gun carriage, or some
such hiding place. I was, however, frequently discovered in my
retreat, by accident, or by the mischievous information of some
watch-mate, whose hardy frame was proof against fatigue. On those
occasions the lieutenant of the watch would order the rest of the
midshipmen to throw a horse-bucket of salt-water over me, which did
not fail to awaken me quickly: but on starting up, shivering and
amazed, I could never ascertain the perpetrators of this ablution,
who having disappeared, would come up to me, very gravely
condoling on my misfortune, which they stated to proceed from a
grampus having blown over me from alongside. This piece of sea
wit, which I soon understood, produced a general laugh at my
expense; how ever I was as ready at other times to practise the
same exploit upon some other unlucky sleeper; and my chief
consolation was, that the farce always ended with the sufferer being
ordered to take off his wet clothes, and turn in to his hammock,
which sometimes saved two or three hours on deck. At other times,
sleeping on our watch, or other instances of remissness in duty,
were not so slightly passed over; we were sometimes sentenced to
sit on the main-top-mast head, for two, four, and sometimes eight
hours; at other times to sit on the weather cat-head, exposed to a
cutting wind; and other similar punishments, depending on the
humour or severity of the officer of the watch. In addition to the
hardships and fatigues of duty, I began to find my situation in the
mess grow daily more irksome. I soon perceived that a
midshipman’s birth (or mess-room) is an epitome of the world at
large, the weaker party goes to the wall, and is subject to many
insults and impositions from those who are his superiors in seniority,
strength, or interest. There were also frequent instances of intrigue
and treachery; and as among so many persons there must be
various dispositions, there were not wanting envious and malicious
minds, whose delight was in fomenting mischief and detraction.
Being naturally of a peaceable turn, hating nothing so much as a life
of dissension, and abhorring tyranny of every description, I now
wished myself emancipated from this state of bondage, as to me it
seemed; and I discovered, when too late, that “all is not gold that
glitters,” and that the situation of a midshipman (which I had once
considered the summum bonum of honour and happiness) was not,
any more than others, wholly free from care and inquietude.
However I continued to weather the gale, as well as I could; and
conscious of the rectitude of my intentions, suffered patiently those
little mortifications I had not power to avert.
After a cruise of two months, we returned to port, when I had the
pleasure of hearing from my respected friends in S⸺shire. Our
stay in Yarmouth roads was short; we put to sea again in company
with several smaller vessels, of which our captain was commodore.
A violent storm, however, soon dispersed our little squadron, and we
at length with much difficulty gained the river Humber, from whence
we returned to Yarmouth. During this winter we were continually at
sea, except for very short intervals; and the oldest seaman in the
ship declared they had never known a more tempestuous season.
Several fine frigates, sloops, brigs, &c., were lost in the North Sea,
and on the northern coasts of England. My hardships, of course,
rather increased than diminished, and I heartily repented the step I
had taken; not that I disliked the service, or the mode of living on
ship-board; but I found myself unequal to the duty of watching, &c.,
and was also uncomfortably situated with respect to my messmates,
whose manners and ideas of enjoyment did not coincide with mine.
The notion of finding pleasure in books was ridiculed by them; and I
was sometimes told that I ought to have been a parson; but it was
agreed on all sides, that I was better adapted for a clerk than a
sailor. These hints and suggestions were not thrown away upon me;
I felt the force of their justice, and longed for an opportunity of
ameliorating my situation which at length, to my great joy,
unexpectedly occurred.
The captain’s clerk I have before mentioned was, by the interest of
Captain Dacres, promoted to the rank of purser; and as soon as this
was known, my brother Mids unanimously advised me, in the sea
phrase, to “bear up” for a scribe; meaning to quit my present station,
and petition the captain to receive me as his clerk. I took this advice,
and was happy enough to succeed. As I had spent much of my time
with my predecessor, and took pleasure in observing his various
public accompts, in the execution of which I had often assisted him, I
required but little instruction to enable me to undertake this office.
I must not omit to notice here, a laughable incident, consequent on
my dereliction. The midshipmen in general, on the day of my
appointment, surrounded me in our cabin, and with great ceremony,
proceeded to cut off the weekly accompts[6] from the coat I had on;
proclaiming, at the same time, that I had now assumed a different
character, and had no further right to the honourable uniform of a
Mid. I was obliged, therefore, to have this appendage taken from
every coat and jacket I possessed.
Behold me now once more in my own sphere! Though I had
relinquished the hope of ever becoming an admiral, yet here was
another field for promotion opened for me. After a service of two
years, I might obtain a purser’s warrant, which, though a less
honourable station than the former, is perhaps more lucrative, and
certainly less exposed to danger.
I had now a commodious cabin to myself, in which I was free from
interruption, only frequenting the mess cabin at meal times, or when
I was inclined for company. I slept peaceably in my cot, while my
former companions were exposed to the wind and weather upon
deck. As to the duties of my office, they were merely a source of
pleasing amusement to me: I soon became expert in their
performance; and my attention gained me the esteem of both
captain and purser.
It is needless to trouble the reader with a journal of the ship’s
proceedings, during the remainder of the time I continued in her; it
may suffice to state briefly, that we took many cruises in the North
Sea, in the course of which we visited the Orkney Isles, Leith Roads,
the River Humber, Osely Bay, Robin Hood’s Bay, Harwich Harbour,
and other anchorages on the coasts of England and Scotland, to
which we were driven by stress of weather, or other causes. In one
of our cruises, we captured a beautiful French lugger privateer, of
fourteen guns, and fifty-eight men, belonging to Dunkirk, after a
chase of three hours, in a gale of wind, in which we went at the rate
of thirteen and a half knots per hour, under a fore-sail and close
reefed main top-sail only. During the ensuing summer, being
appointed to convoy above three hundred sail of merchantmen to the
Baltic Sea, we lay for several weeks at Elsineur, in Denmark; at
which place I went on shore, and had some pleasant rambles into
the adjacent country, visiting Copenhagen which is twenty miles
distant. I also viewed the interior of that ancient castle, celebrated by
Shakspeare in the tragedy of Hamlet, and many other local
curiosities.
The following spring, the Astræa was ordered up the river
Thames, for the purpose of receiving on board two hundred
thousand pounds in specie, which she was to convey to Cuxhaven,
for the use of the Hamburgh merchants. We accordingly came to an
anchor at Greenhithe, sixteen miles from London; and while the ship
was undergoing some little repairs, I obtained leave of absence for
three days, of which I availed myself to visit London, with the view of
having a short cruise in that region of pleasure. As I had lately
received both pay and prize-money, and had also been economical
of what my relations had occasionally remitted me, I was well
provided for the purpose.
On the first night of my arrival in town, I went, of course, to the
play, where I was struck with the appearance of a very interesting
young Cyprian, whom I immediately accosted, and after the
performance, attended to her apartments in Bury-Street, St.
James’s. Here every thing was upon the most elegant scale, and I
was so well pleased with my quarters as well as with the lady, that I
did not stir tack or sheet (except on short excursions of pleasure in
which she accompanied me) until the expiration of my liberty, and
then it was with much reluctance, I could tear myself from this
fascinating fair one. I was the more charmed with her, as she
exhibited a generosity of mind, seldom met with in females of her
description: and though she might have extracted from me my last
shilling, yet she was so far from being mercenary, that my expenses,
considering the enjoyments I had experienced, were comparatively
trifling. I returned, then, to my ship in due time, but still the thoughts
of the lovely Miss K⸺e incessantly recurred, and prevented my
enjoying a moment’s peace. My anxiety was increased by receiving
a most affectionate letter from her, within three days, according to a
promise she had given me at parting, in which she earnestly
requested my leave to visit me on board prior to our sailing. To this I
would not, however, consent, but gave a sort of conditional promise,
almost indeed amounting to a positive one, that I would see her
again in town.
About a week after my return from London, I resolved to pay a
second visit to my inamorata; but as we were now ready for sea, and
expected the specie on board every hour, it was in vain to solicit
leave. I therefore determined to go ashore early as if to spend the
day, which the whole of the petty officers were allowed to do in turn.
My intention was to go post to London, and after a day and a night’s
pleasure, to return on board early the next morning, as I could easily
frame some excuse for staying ashore all night.
From some secret presentiment, however, which I conceived at
the moment I was about to step in the jolly-boat, I hurried down to
my chest, and hastily filling a clothes-bag with linen, gave it to one of
the boys, as if to take to the washerwoman, and immediately quitted
His Majesty’s ship Astræa (as the event proved) never more to
return. I procured a man to carry my bag to Dartford, a post town
three miles from Greenhithe, and fifteen from London; from whence I
took a chaise, and in less than two hours found myself in the arms of
my fair enslaver. In order to give the reader leisure to reflect on the
blindness of mankind to their own welfare, and to revile me in
particular, as I deserve, for this mad and unjustifiable conduct, I shall
put an end to this Chapter.
CHAPTER VIII.
Consequences of my imprudent Secession.—Reduced to great Distress.—
Become a Billiard-player.—Associate with Sharpers.—Engage with a Country
Attorney.—Take leave of London once more.
The reader will here observe that I had left behind me, on my
desertion, a valuable chest of clothes, books, &c. &c., the purchase
of which, but sixteen months before, had cost my affectionate friends
a large sum; and I had now, by this rash act, defeated their fondest
hopes, and brought disgrace as well on them as on the worthy officer
who procured me the appointment. It is impossible, however, for my
reader to condemn my folly, or rather wickedness, in stronger terms
than my own conscience has ever since done. Surely there must, let
moralists argue as they will, be something like a fatality which
governs the fortunes of some, if not all, men; and which impels them
headlong to their ruin, against the voice of reason and of conscience,
and the dictates of common sense. But the retrospect affects me too
much: I must not aggravate my present sufferings by dwelling longer
on what will not bear reflection. All I can now do is to repent of all my
errors; and I trust that Divine Power will accept my repentance who
best knows its sincerity.
Before I resume the thread of my narrative, I will just venture to
give the reader a few lines, descriptive of a midshipman’s life, which
will require, I trust, no apology, when I state that they were the
production of some of the junior members of our mess, and
composed in the space of a very few hours.—Of the correctness of
the picture therein drawn, I can truly say, probatum est.
VERSES
Written on Board His Majesty’s Ship, the
Astræa, by the younger Midshipmen
of that Frigate, 1798.
I.
When in the Cockpit[7] all was dim,
And not a Mid dar’d shew his glim[8];
A youth was left alone:
He scratch’d his head; survey’d his clothes;
Then took the other cheering dose[9];
And thus began his moan:—
II.
Ah! cursed be that fatal day,
When I from home was led astray,
In this d⸺’d place to dwell:
Oh! had I in the country stay’d
I might have learnt some useful trade,
And scorn’d the white lapelle[10].
III.
When first on board the ship I went,
My belly full, my mind content,—
No sorrows touch’d my heart:
I view’d my coat, so flash and new,
My gay cockade, and hanger too,
And thought them wondrous smart.
IV.
But now, alas! my coat is rent;
My hanger’s pawn’d; my money spent;
My former friends I’ve miss’d;
And when of hardships I complain,
My messmates swear ’tis all in vain;
And cry, “What made you list?”
V.
But hark! I hear the corp’ral’s tread[11]:
Another dose, and then to bed;
Of ev’ry joy bereft;
I shake my bottle with a doubt;
My poor half-pint[12] is quite drain’d out;
Not one kind drop is left!
VI.
The youth with indignation burns;
Into his hated hammock turns;
Alas! not long to sleep:
The quarter-master, with hoarse tongue,
Awakes him; says, “The bell has rung:”
He’s rous’d, his watch to keep.
VII.
Shiv’ring he walks the quarter-deck,
Dreading the stern lieutenant’s check,
Who struts the weather-side[13];
With glass and trumpet in his hand[14],
He bellows forth his harsh command,
With arrogance and pride.
After the first transports of our meeting had subsided, it was

mutually agreed that I should reside altogether with Miss K⸺e,
who, being ignorant of my real circumstances, imagined I was
capable of maintaining her and myself, if not in the most splendid, at
least in a comfortable manner. I should have stated, however, that
the pleasure I felt at being once more free from control, and on my
near approach to my favourite spot, London, added to the passion I
had conceived for this young lady, had completely banished every
idea of returning to my ship, long before I was set down at the
obelisk in St. George’s Fields, where I had exchanged my chaise for
a hackney coach, to prevent my being traced.
The following morning I examined into the state of my personal
effects; which I found to consist of a dozen fine shirts, about the
same number of neck-cloths, hose, and waistcoats, a few odd
articles of other apparel, and twenty-one pounds in money, together
with an old family gold watch, and the suit of blue I had on my back.
My fair acquaintance evinced some concern at the rash step I had
taken; which, imputing wholly to my affection for herself, drew from
her professions of gratitude and constancy, which I believe (from her
youth and ingenuous mind) to have been sincere. I determined now
to domesticate myself with this charming woman for a few weeks; as
well to make up for the privations I had suffered for the last sixteen
months, by enjoying every comfort money could procure, as to
preclude any risk of being apprehended for desertion before the
ship’s departure.
During this retirement, which I might justly call a honeymoon, from
the happiness I experienced, I obtained from Miss K⸺e some
account of herself, and the misfortunes which had reduced her to the
disgraceful situation in which I found her. The following are the
particulars:—
She was the second daughter of a respectable tradesman in the
city, who had placed her, with her elder sister, at a boarding school in
Queen-square, where she had become perfectly accomplished.
About a year before our acquaintance began, she had been
accidentally seen walking in the garden of the square, to which the
young ladies had access, by an officer of dragoons, who, being
struck with her beauty, had employed every art of bribery and
intrigue, first to open a correspondence by letter, and afterwards to
obtain a personal interview, of which opportunity he made such good
use that he succeeded in seducing this amiable child, then just
fifteen years of age, to elope from her school, to sacrifice to him,
honour, fortune, and parental affection, and entail on herself ruin,
remorse, and endless shame!
This gallant hero treated her with the fondest attention, and spared
no expense to gratify her every wish, and, by a continual round of
splendid dissipation, to banish any reflections which might otherwise
obtrude themselves; and in this (owing to her youth and the natural
levity of her sex,) he so far succeeded that she felt not, for the first
six months, those compunctions which, sooner or later, must attend
conscious guilt. At the end of that time, however, her protector, being
ordered abroad with his regiment, left her with a slender provision in
possession; but for which he made up with most liberal promises of
future bounty. It is probable he had by this time gratified a passion
which was at first but of a sensual nature; and I am led to think his
going abroad was only a fiction, the better to cover his base design
of deserting her: be this as it might, she had never since heard from
him; and, as her little money was soon exhausted, she found herself
alone and friendless, and now first began to reflect on the
consequences of her imprudence. She had, on quitting the school,
assumed the name of K⸺e, which I have recorded her by, in order
to avoid the inquiries of her family; to whom shame and (perhaps
false) delicacy, now deterred her from a thought of returning. In the
late scenes of her guilty prosperity she had formed an acquaintance
with several kept women who were living, like herself, in elegant
infamy. She now had recourse to some of these friends for
temporary assistance; but alas! they soon convinced her how little is
to be expected from such friendship, when adversity renders it most
essential. In a fatal moment she took the usual course of persons
similarly situated; she procured a suitable lodging where her
misfortunes were not known, and frequented the theatres and other
public places; at which (being a new face on the town), she was
successful above all her competitors in attracting the notice of the
male sex. The pecuniary emoluments she thence derived had
enabled her to live elegantly; and her person and carriage were so
much above the common class of Cyprians that she was still, at the
time I first saw her, an object of general admiration. Fortunately also
her health was yet untainted, so that, could I have found means for
our mutual support, this connexion promised to be a source of
happiness to us both. She felt happy at the opportunity of quitting a
course of life which had always disgusted her; and little regret for the
past (being ignorant of the true state of my finances) save when a
melancholy thought of her disconsolate family caused a temporary
effusion of grief.
The first month or honeymoon of our connexion being expired, and
the Astræa long departed from the river, I began to revolve in my
mind the means of future subsistence. As I had spared no expense
to render our retirement pleasing, and had purchased for myself a
suit of plain clothes, I now found myself reduced to my last guinea,
and I knew that unless I hit upon some mode of speedily recruiting, I
must have recourse to the pawnbroker for another. These
unpleasing reflections gave me much uneasiness; but I carefully
concealed it from my partner, and preserved the same air of
cheerfulness as before. At length came “th’ inevitable hour.” Money
was wanting for household purposes, and I was obliged to raise a
few pounds, by depositing my watch in the usual place of security. I
accounted for the absence of this article by a pretence that it wanted
repair. This small supply lasted but a fortnight, as we retrenched
nothing of our mode of living; and I had lately accompanied my dear
Sarah to the theatres, and other places of diversion, for which
amusement she had as violent a passion as myself. But I have now
to relate an event, which no less afflicted than surprised me, and of
which I had not the most distant apprehension.
One night, towards the close of the last mentioned period, we had
returned late from the opera, and, being in high spirits though low in
pocket, I proposed to send for a small collation from the
neighbouring tavern, and to indulge in a little extra festivity: this was
approved of by my charmer, who indeed had no will but mine; and,
our little maid having procured the necessary requisites, we enjoyed
a most comfortable supper; after which we circulated the cheering
glass, the wine receiving an additional zest from the wit and
enlivening conversation of my fair companion. But mark the
uncertainty of human happiness!
About two o’clock, as we were on the point of retiring to rest, we
were surprised by a sudden and loud knock at the street door, which
being unusual at so late an hour, caused a momentary alarm to us
both. Before we had time to form any idea of the cause, the door of
our apartment was burst rudely open, and three persons entered, at
the sight of whom, my unfortunate girl fainted in my arms, on the
sofa whereon we sat. One of the three persons, a respectable
looking elderly gentleman, from his tender anxiety, but mixed with
some degree of severity, I soon conjectured to be her unhappy
father; in which I was not mistaken. The other two immediately called
the landlady of the house, by whose assistance they recovered the
poor girl from her swoon; which having accomplished, they instantly
hurried her down stairs, the old gentleman darting an angry look at
me, and left me so stupified with grief and surprise, that I had not
power to follow, or notice their proceedings. I soon afterwards heard
a coach drive from the door, on which the latter was immediately
shut, and the landlady coming up, informed me of what she had
gathered during a short conversation from the parties. It appeared
that the young lady had been seen with me the preceding night at
the opera-house, by a friend of her family, who knowing of her
elopement, had officiously followed us home, and then immediately
given information to her father, who applying instantly to Sir William
Ford, the Bow-Street magistrate, that gentleman had detached
Messrs. Townshend and Carpmeal (two of his principal officers) to
assist him in the recovery of his lost child. This they had effected as I
have described; the anxiety of her parent not suffering him to defer
the business even till the ensuing day. The woman added that on
learning from her, the life his daughter had led for some months prior
to her acquaintance with me, and that I was not her original seducer,
he had declined the idea of apprehending me, which the officers
were otherwise empowered to do.
This melancholy event was a grievous affliction to me, who had
relinquished an honourable situation, purely on her account; and was
now not only deprived of a beloved object, but reduced to a state of
utter poverty. Notwithstanding every inquiry I could institute, I could
never obtain any further information as to the fate of Miss K⸺e,
than what I extracted by a bribe from one of the officers, who
assured me that it was her father’s intention to send her to a remote
part of the kingdom, where she had a female relation who had
undertaken the care of her: but this man declared that the name of
her parents was known only to the magistrate, which was perhaps
true: and the dear girl had never even disclosed her real name to
myself, but had almost promised so to do on a little longer
acquaintance.
I now quitted this lodging, the wearing apparel of my late
companion being claimed by the landlady for some arrears of rent,
as the father had refused to take any thing from the house, and
never approached it more. I engaged a small apartment for myself in
a more centrical situation; and, to supply my immediate wants,
deposited one article after another at the pawnbroker’s, till I had no
longer any thing left to deposit.
It was necessary, however, before my appearance became too
shabby, to find some means of support. As to my friends, I had given
up every idea of returning to them, nor did I, for some months after
this, acquaint them of the rash step I had taken: and when I
afterwards did so, I amused my poor grandfather with a fictitious
account of my having returned to the law, and assured him that I was
doing well; for as I have before hinted, I was so sensible of the
inconvenience which that worthy man must unavoidably suffer in his
old age, from his too great liberality to me, that I determined to
submit to any hardships rather than be a further incumbrance upon
him.
I had, during my former residence in London, taken great delight in
billiards, and, by a frequent attendance at public tables, had become
a tolerably good player. I had renewed my acquaintance with this
game, since my last arrival in town; and, urged by necessity, I now
deemed it possible to pick up a little money at one of these boards of
green cloth. For this purpose I attended daily at the rooms in Bow-
Street, Covent Garden, where, by a few days play with the marker, I
gained a knowledge of the tables; and, as nothing contributes like
practice to improve one at this scientific game, I was soon enabled to
engage with such gentlemen as accidentally dropped in for an hour’s
amusement, which I obligingly afforded them at the expense of a few
shillings.
These opportunities, however, only occurred in the early part of
the day; for in the evenings, the tables, as well as the spoil, were
engrossed by a combination of five or six sharpers, who regularly
attended for the same purpose as myself; but their operations were
upon a more extensive scale: by forming sham matches among
themselves, engaging by-standers to bet on either side, and then
playing booty, and by various other expedients, they frequently
obtained large sums, and were enabled to appear genteelly about
town. These gentry soon viewed me with a jealous eye; regarding
me, I suppose, as an interloper, who encroached upon their rights of
plunder. I therefore found it would be necessary to have an
understanding with their party, by which means I should reap a much
better harvest than I could do by a mere course of fair play, in which I
was sometimes unavoidably beat. I at length effected my object, by
means of an elderly man, whose good-natured countenance
encouraged me to introduce a conversation on the subject. This
person, who was a veteran in the arts of play, and of some
consequence in the gang, seemed flattered by the respectful manner
in which I addressed him, and, complimenting me on the talents I
possessed, assured me I should receive from himself every advice
requisite to render me useful; and that I might depend on the most
equitable treatment in the division of any money I might be
accessary to obtaining.
I was the same evening formally accepted as a member of this
sharping fraternity; and after a libation at the Piazza coffee-house,
they repaired to the scene of action, where I soon afterwards
dropped in, as if by accident; and, having played a few games with
the marker, in which I betrayed great want of skill, I was at length
challenged by one of our party, who had been seen at other times to
play well. Of course, bets in plenty were offered against me; and in
the middle of the game, pretending to be irritated at the general
discouragement of the by-standers, I affected to grow warm, and
took odds of several gentlemen, that I won the game (which was
now six to four against me); my antagonist also backed himself by
laying the same odds with some of our confederates, after which, no
more bets being offered, he relaxed a little in his play. I improved in
proportion, and having, for form’s sake, suffered the game to arrive
at twenty all, the flats (or strangers) began to look foolish, and
endeavoured to hedge off, as the phrase is, but without effect. I
therefore made a successful hazard, and decided the game, to the
great chagrin of those who had so warmly opposed me. The person
who played with me, declared I had won by mere luck, and random
play, and, throwing down his bets with a passionate air, swore he
would play me the following day for a larger sum, and give me five
points. This finesse prevented any suspicion in the minds of the
losers, whom it was our interest to keep ignorant of the combination
existing. The room soon after getting thin, we departed one at a time,
and meeting at the usual place, apportioned the division of the
evening’s profit, which amounted to about thirty pounds.
I continued to associate with this knot of gamblers for several
weeks; but I soon found that our success was very uncertain,
depending upon the number of strangers who happened to visit the
rooms; as those who had once been duped by us, were always
cautious in future, and would neither play nor bet with us. It was only,
therefore, from gentlemen who were not in the habit of frequenting
this house, that we had a chance of gaining any thing worth notice:
so that upon the whole, what I acquired was barely sufficient to keep
me above want. The summer too, having now commenced, at which
season there is but little company at the billiard rooms, the
confederates to whom I had attached myself, left town upon a tour to
the different races, some with an E O table, others trusting to their
general abilities at hazard playing, cocking, &c. As I had neither
found the pleasure or profit which I derived from a connexion with
them to afford that satisfaction I expected, I was not concerned at a
separation from them. I therefore rubbed on as well as I could by
myself, spending my leisure time much in my usual manner, but
always taking care to preserve a genteel appearance, on which I
knew every success depended.
As I was one morning reading the papers at the coffee-house
where I commonly breakfasted, I met with an advertisement for a
clerk to an attorney in the country. As this was a situation I had never
held, and the season of the year was favourable to an excursion, I
determined to offer my services, promising myself, at least, to derive
some benefit to my health, and amusement from changing the
scene; but I had always a partiality for London, and could never
wholly reconcile myself to a country life, since I first tasted of the
various pleasures with which the metropolis abounds.
I immediately applied to the advertising parties, Messrs. Dalton
and Edwards, in King’s Bench Walk, Temple, and was introduced to
the latter gentleman, who informed me it was a Mr. Dalton of Bury St.
Edmunds, who wanted a clerk capable of conducting his business.
As I had acquired a greater share of experience, and a better insight
of the different branches of the profession, than many others would
do in a much longer course of service, I hesitated not to undertake
the duties required; and as expedition was necessary, Mr. Edwards,
after some few inquiries, engaged me immediately at a weekly salary
of one pound, which in so cheap a part of the country, he observed,
was equal to twice the sum in London. He desired me if possible, to
set out that very day, and writing a short letter of introduction to Mr.
Dalton, gave it me, together with a small sum to bear my expenses
to Bury. I then took my leave, and having gained the street, I was
curious to know in what terms my credentials ran. The wafer being
still wet, I opened the letter, in which Mr. Edwards had briefly stated
the agreement he had made with me, and concluded in these words:
“I have every reason to believe him an expert clerk, and do not doubt
but he will prove an acquisition.” How far this good gentleman’s
prediction was verified, the next Chapter will disclose. I lost no time
in preparing for my journey, and having but few clothes to pack up, I
took my departure from the Blue Boar in Bishopsgate-street, at
seven o’clock, P. M., and the next morning arrived at St.
Edmundsbury.
CHAPTER IX.
Account of my Situation at Bury St. Edmunds.—Obstinately determine to relinquish
it, and return to London.—Defraud several Tradesmen.—Quit the Town, and
arrive in the Metropolis.—Obtain a quantity of Wearing Apparel under false
Pretences.
I found Mr. Dalton to be a gentleman of high respectability in his

profession, and of the most prepossessing manners. He gave me a
very kind and polite reception, and after some conversation,
conducted me himself to the best inn in the town, where he ordered
that I should be entertained at his expense, until I could provide
myself a convenient residence. Mr. Dalton had a very handsome
house, and kept several servants, but, being a bachelor and a good
deal from home, it was not convenient for me to reside with him. The
day after my arrival, he, therefore, advised me to make inquiry for
board and lodging in some regular and decent family, and to consult
him on the eligibility before I made any engagement. I accordingly
began my inquiries, and at length found accommodation in the family
of a tradesman of whom Mr. Dalton approved. Here I was to be
lodged and boarded very comfortably at nine shillings per week! This
charge, to me, who had been accustomed to the expenses of
London, appeared moderate in the extreme: however, being willing
to make the best bargain I could, I informed the good woman, that as
I should receive my salary quarterly from Mr. Dalton, I could only
undertake to pay her at the like period, to which proposal she
therefore readily consented. My motive in this proceeding was, that
in case I quitted Bury before the end of the first quarter, I might
decamp without coming to a settlement, and by this means have my
weekly pay of twenty shillings entire for other purposes.
Having removed from the inn to my new abode, I was instructed
by Mr. Dalton in the nature of my employment, which was chiefly to
copy or engross deeds in conveyancing, and other similar
documents, peculiar to country practitioners. In a few days I had a
correct idea of what was necessary to be done, and Mr. Dalton
perceiving I required no instruction from him, gave me sole charge of
the office, which was detached from his house, and left it to my
discretion as to the hours or duration of my attendance. This liberty I
did not abuse, but kept every thing in such exact order that I had
soon the pleasure of giving him entire satisfaction.
Mr. Dalton kept a gig, and two blood-horses: as he had a good
deal of public business, relating to county matters, and was one of
the commissioners for the redemption of the land-tax, which
sometimes obliged him to attend meetings at the several market-
towns round about Bury, he often took me with him in his gig,
attended by his servant on horseback. On these occasions there
were usually public dinners at the principal inns, provided at the
expense of the county, or the persons interested. The fare was
always sumptuous, and there was no stint of the best wines. At other
times I was detached on horseback, accompanied by the servant as
a guide, to transact business with different clients, in various parts of
the county. I was not limited in my expenses, and the account I
presented on my return, was freely liquidated by Mr. Dalton.
Upon the whole, this was one of the most agreeable employments
I ever engaged in, and had I prudently retained it for a few years,
there is no doubt but I should have met with the most liberal
encouragement from my employer. But my natural inconstancy still
prevailed; and I had been but a few weeks at Bury, before I grew
tired of the country, and thought of nothing but returning to London,
with such spoil as I could obtain from the credulity of the tradesmen
in the town. With this view, I bespoke clothes, boots, linen, and other
articles at various shops, informing the parties that I should expect
credit till the expiration of my quarter, to which, on account of the
respectable gentleman I served, they readily consented. As soon as
any of these goods were brought home, I immediately packed them
up in small portable parcels, which I sent up to London by the coach,
consigned to a pawnbroker with whom I was on intimate terms;
desiring him to receive and keep them safe, until he saw me. I also
coached off in the same clandestine manner, such of my own
apparel, &c., as I had in my trunk, in which, to prevent discovery, I
deposited stones or bricks to preserve its gravity. By these means I
had nothing to impede my sudden departure, when rendered
necessary by the arrival of the expected quarter-day.
I must here observe, to meet any surprise the reader might feel on
the subject, that as I had never at this time been connected with
downright thieves, so I had never yet committed an actual theft, save
the embezzlement of money at Liverpool; (which indeed the law has
lately made a felonious taking;) though I therefore scrupled not at
practising a fraud, I was not yet sufficiently depraved to commit a
robbery. This will account for my not robbing the premises of Mr.
Dalton, which at a subsequent period of my life, would have been my
primary object, as I had access to every part of the house, and have
frequently viewed with longing eyes, the servant cleaning a
handsome service of plate in the pantry.
I had now been about two months at Bury, and had no intention of
absconding till the expiration of the third; when an accidental event
induced me to hasten my departure. One afternoon Mr. Dalton had
written several letters in the office, and the footman being elsewhere
engaged, he requested me to drop them in the post-office, in my way
home. I accordingly brought them out in my hand, and happening
inadvertently to cast my eye on the superscriptions, I perceived that
one was addressed to Mr. Lyne, tailor, Cecil-street, Strand, London.
Being curious to know what correspondence Mr. Dalton could have
with a tailor, I opened this letter, and found the contents to the
following effect: “Mr. Lyne,—By the waggon which goes from hence
on Monday next, and arrives at the Blue Boar in Bishopsgate-street
on Wednesday night, I shall send you a portmanteau corded and
sealed, but not locked, containing two coats, sixteen waistcoats,
fourteen pair of breeches, and a suit of uniform of the city Light
Horse[15]. Most of these articles are nearly as good as new, but as
they have now become unfashionable, I desire you will dispose of
them to the best advantage, on my account, and send me down by
the same conveyance, two suits made in the present taste,” &c.
It immediately struck me, that if I took measures accordingly, I
might arrive in town time enough to intercept and obtain this trunk
from the inn; for which purpose I put this letter in my pocket, and the
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This book presents multidimensional socio-economic transformations taking place

Waldemar Cudny is an Associate Professor at The University of Lodz, Faculty of

Josef Kunc Ph.D., is an Associate Professor at Masaryk University, Faculty of

Series edited by Sharmistha Bagchi-Sen, Professor, Department of Geography

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Edited by Waldemar Cudny and

List of Contributors vii

1 Conceptualising urban transition in Central Europe 1

2 Post-socialist urban change and its spatial patterns: the

3 The university as the creative hub: the case of the city

4 In the shadow of Karl Marx: the case of Chemnitz and its

5 Young people’s life plans and their impact on the demographic

6 Manufacturing in the post-industrial city: the role of a

7 Socio-economic development in Bratislava during

8 Brno in transition: from industrial legacy towards modern

10 Łódź: a multidimensional transition from an industrial

11 The socio-economic transformation of the Katowice

12 Population ageing processes in towns and cities situated in

13 Hallmark features of post-socialist urban development in

Martin Boltižiar, Ph.D., is Slovak geographer and landscape ecologist. He is vice-

Research problem and aims

Figure 1.1 Location of Central European countries.

Cities in the transition stage. They are characterized by dynamic processes of

Liszewski (2001, p. 304) defined the post-socialist city as

The study area

Figure 2.2 Changes in land cover between 1990 and 2019.

Changes of physical, functional and socio-demographic

Urban land-cover change analysis

Areas of urban change Characteristics of post-­socialist urban change

Land cover in the year 2019

1. Universities in Europe and elsewhere have recently undergone a restructuring

The changing role of universities

After the first transports of our meeting had subsided, it was

I found Mr. Dalton to be a gentleman of high respectability in his

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

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Figure 2.2 Changes in land cover between 1990 and 2019.

Areas of urban change Characteristics of post-socialist urban change