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Praise for RESTful Web API Patterns and Practices
Cookbook
Creating scalable and reliable web APIs and efficiently consuming
them is challenging, maybe even more challenging than you think.
This cookbook is full of recipes and principles to help you face
those known and unknown challenges.
Arnaud Lauret, API Handyman, OpenAPI Lead, Postman
This book does an excellent job of making good API design more
accessible. Look up the challenge you’re facing, and you’ll find a
recipe with a solution and an explanation of how it works.
Erik Wilde, Catalyst, Axway
Mike Amundsen did it again with excellent best practices and
examples of best of breed API patterns. Easy to read, understand,
and apply.
Vicki Reyzelman, Director of Platform and Governance
Amundsen has delivered a valuable resource that addresses
common and complex API design choices in an easy-to-
understand format. The book contains plenty of examples and
diagrams to demonstrate the purpose and application of each
recipe. Along the way, he helps the reader tap into the power of
the HTTP protocol and hypermedia. Anyone faced with designing
evolvable web-based APIs that will stand the test of time should
read this book.
James Higginbotham, Author of Principles of Web API Design,
Executive API Consultant, LaunchAny
More Books by Mike Amundsen
API Strategy for Decision Makers (2022) with Derric Gilling

Continuous API Management, 2nd ed. (2021) with Medjaoui, Wilde,

and Mitra

Design and Build Great Web APIs (2020)

What Is Serverless? (2020)

API Traffic Management 101 (2019)

Continuous API Management, 1st ed. (2018) with Medjaoui, Wilde,

and Mitra

RESTful Web Clients (2017)

Microservice Architecture (2016) with Nadareishvili, Mitra, and

McLarty

RESTful Web APIs (2013) with Leonard Richardson

Building Hypermedia APIs with HTML5 and Node (2011)

 RESTful Web API Patterns
and Practices Cookbook
Connecting and Orchestrating Microservices and Distributed Data

Mike Amundsen
RESTful Web API Patterns and Practices Cookbook
by Mike Amundsen
Copyright © 2023 Amundsen.com, Inc. All rights reserved.
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The views expressed in this work are those of the author, and do not
represent the publisher’s views. While the publisher and the author
have used good faith efforts to ensure that the information and
instructions contained in this work are accurate, the publisher and
the author disclaim all responsibility for errors or omissions,
including without limitation responsibility for damages resulting from
the use of or reliance on this work. Use of the information and
instructions contained in this work is at your own risk. If any code
samples or other technology this work contains or describes is
subject to open source licenses or the intellectual property rights of
others, it is your responsibility to ensure that your use thereof
complies with such licenses and/or rights.
978-1-098-10674-4
[LSI]
Dedication
This book is dedicated to the memory of architect and design
theorist
Christopher Alexander (1936–2022).
Thanks for helping me see the big picture while I continue to focus
on the possible.
Foreword
Oh, what a tangled web we’ve woven!
I started my career in technology when the World Wide Web was
first being used in the business arena. In fact, the common thread
throughout my career has been applying the lessons of the web to
the complex world of enterprise architecture and digital business
strategy, especially those web APIs that seem to be at the center of
everything.
In 2012, I had the pleasure of teaming up with Mike Amundsen.
We’ve partnered on many API-themed endeavors since, and I’ve
never stopped learning from him. It was Mike who taught me the
fundamental principles of the web and so much more. It never
ceases to amaze me how Mike is able to find insights I overlooked
that seem so obvious in hindsight. RESTful Web API Patterns and
Practices Cookbook puts many of these principles and insights into
one very practical package.
When the internet first hit the mainstream back in the early ’90s, I
was at a small undergraduate school getting a mathematics degree.
My professors were the ones most excited at first, which makes
sense, I guess, given the web’s academic roots. I used to have to
pry them away from reading other people’s movie reviews to get
back to our algebra lessons. In those musty, book-laden campus
offices, it wasn’t obvious at all that the World Wide Web would
become the most transformative human invention of my lifetime,
and arguably of all time.
So how did we go from pixelated bulletin boards of personal
interests to a world where 70% of business transactions take place
digitally? A lot of the credit has to go to the fact that the web was
cooked up using a fairly simple set of ingredients: clients, servers,
networks, open protocols, and, of course, APIs. No matter how
complex and ubiquitous the web gets, those ingredients remain at
its core.
Hyperlinks—or hypermedia, as a more encompassing term—have
had a particularly profound impact on technology. Originally modeled
after academic citations (the professors again), not only were
hyperlinks the ingredient that brought the network effect to the web,
but they have also shaped user expectations for all technology since.
There was no user manual for the web, just some blue underlined
text that encouraged users to rely on intuition. This “follow your
nose” principle is something Mike has always emphasized, and it
provides an important perspective when considering APIs and the
role of hypermedia.
So the world may not need a user manual for the web, but it
certainly needs a developer guide. On this topic, Mike has already
authored or coauthored a number of essential books: RESTful Web
APIs, RESTful Web Clients, Microservice Architecture, and
Continuous API Management to name a few. RESTful Web API
Patterns and Practices Cookbook continues this work. Here, you will
not only learn how the technologies of the web are foundational to
current computing, but also how the way that the web works is
fundamental to scalable architecture in current software ecosystems.
Mike parallels the principles of the web with de rigueur API design,
illustrating how these principles can be applied successfully. Most of
all, you will learn how to architect and build systems that are
resilient to change and last the test of time.
Every organization is compounding the complexity of their software
landscapes on a continual basis, and increasingly connecting with
partners and suppliers in a digital ecosystem. If you want the recipes
to thrive in that reality, this is the cookbook for you.
Matt McLarty, Global Field CTO of MuleSoft at Salesforce Vancouver,
August 2022
Preface

Welcome to the world of the RESTful Web API Patterns and Practices
Cookbook.
That’s quite a moniker—one worth explaining and exploring. And
that’s what we’ll be doing in this preface. I will tell you now that I’m
going to break the rules a bit and include a substantial amount of
pertinent text in the front matter of this book (front matter is all
these pages with roman numerals as page numbers). I’ll save the
details for the next section (Part I). Let’s first take care of some
logistics.

About This Book

The goal of this book is to enable software designers, architects,
developers, and maintainers to build service interfaces (APIs) that
take advantage of the strengths of the web, while lowering the costs
and risks of creating reliable high-level services that hold
dependencies on other APIs and services reachable only over the
network.
To do that, I’ve gathered a collection of more than 70 recipes and
patterns that I’ve learned and used over the several decades I’ve
spent helping clients design, build, and deploy successful business
services on the open web. I suspect you will be familiar with at least
some of the recipes you’ll find here—possibly by other names or in
different forms. I also hope that you will find novel approaches to
similar problems.
 NOTE
Over the years, I’ve found that the challenges of software design rarely change.
The solutions to those problems change frequently based on technology
advances and fashion trends. We’ll focus on the challenges in this book, and I’ll
leave the up-to-date technology and fashion choices to you, the reader.

Since this is a cookbook, there won’t be much runnable code. There

will, however, be lots of diagrams, code snippets, and network
message examples along with explanations identifying the problems.
The challenges and discussion will always be technology and
platform agnostic. These recipes are presented in a way that will let
you translate them into code and components that will work within
your target environment.

Who Should Read This Book

The primary audience for the book is the people tasked with
planning, architecting, and implementing service interfaces that run
over HTTP. For some, that will mean focusing on creating enterprise-
wide service producers and consumers. For others, it will mean
building services that can live on the open web and run in a scalable
and reliable way for consumers across the globe. For all, it will mean
creating usable application programming interfaces that allow
programmers to solve the challenges before them.
Whether you are hosting your solutions locally on your own
hardware or creating software that will run in the cloud, the recipes
here will help you understand the challenges and will offer a set of
techniques for anticipating problems and building in recovery to
handle cases where the unanticipated occurs.
What’s Covered
Since the book is meant to be useful to a wide audience, I’ve divided
it into chapters focused on related topics. To start, Chapters 1 and 2
make up Part I of the book, where we explore the background and
foundations of shared services on the web. To stretch the cookbook
analogy, consider Part I as the story behind the “hypermedia cusine”
we’ll be exploring in Part II. Like any good cookbook, each of the
main chapters in Part II contains a set of self-contained recipes that
you can use to meet particular challenges as you design, build, and
deploy your web API “dishes.”

ONLINE RESOURCES
The book has a number of associated online resources, including a GitHub
repository and related web pages, some examples, and the latest updates to
the recipe catalog. You can reach all these resources via
http://WebAPICookbook.com.

Here is a quick listing of the chapters and what they cover.

Part I: Understanding RESTful Hypermedia

The opening chapters (Chapters 1 and 2) describe the foundation
that underpins all the recipes in the book. They are a mix of history,
philosophy, and pragmatic thinking. These are the ideas and
principles that reflect the lessons I’ve learned over my years of
designing, building, and supporting network software applications
running on the web.
Chapter 1, Introducing RESTful Web APIs
This is a general overview of the rationale behind the selected
recipes in this book. It includes a section answering the question
“what are RESTful web APIs (RWAs)?,” reasons hypermedia plays
such an important role in the creation of RWAs, and some base-
level shared principles that guide the selection and explanation of
 the recipes in this book. This chapter “sets the table” for all the
material that follows.
Chapter 2, Thinking and Designing in Hypermedia
This chapter explores the background of hypermedia-driven
distributed systems that form the foundation for web
applications. Each recipe collection covered in Part II (design,
clients, services, data, and workflow) is explored with a mix of
history, philosophy, and pragmatic thinking. Reading this chapter
will help you understand some of the key design ideas and
technical bases for all the patterns and practices outlined in the
rest of the book.

Part II: Hypermedia Recipe Catalog

Part II holds all the recipes I’ve selected for this volume. You’ll notice
that most of the chapters start with the word “hypermedia.” This
should give you a clue to the overall approach we’ll be taking
throughout the book.
Chapter 3, Hypermedia Design
Reliable and resilient services start with thoughtful designs. This
chapter covers a set of common challenges you’ll need to deal
with before you even get to the level of coding and releasing
your services. This chapter will be particularly helpful to
architects as well as service designers, and helps set the tone for
the various recipes that follow.

Chapter 4, Hypermedia Clients

This chapter focuses on challenges you’ll face when creating
service/API consumer applications. I made a point of discussing
client apps before talking about recipes for service interfaces
themselves. A common approach for creating flexible and
resilient service consumers is necessary for any program that
plans on creating a stable and reliable platform for open services
that can live on the web as well as within an enterprise.
Chapter 5, Hypermedia Services
With a solid foundation of design principles and properly
architected client applications, it can be easier to build and
release stable service producers that can be safely updated over
time without breaking existing API consumers. This set of recipes
focuses not only on principles of solid service interface design but
also on the importance of supporting runtime error recovery and
reliability patterns to make sure your solutions stay up and
running even when parts of your system experience failures.
Chapter 6, Distributed Data
This chapter focuses on the challenges of supporting persisted
data in an online, distributed environment. Most of the recipes
here are aimed at improving the responsiveness, scalability, and
reliability of your data services by ensuring data integrity—even
when changing internal data models and implementations at
runtime.

Chapter 7, Hypermedia Workflow

The last set of recipes focuses on creating and managing service
workflow on the web. The key challenge to face for open services
workflow is to create a safe and reliable set of solutions for
enlisting multiple unrelated services into a single, resilient
workflow to solve a problem none of the individual services
knows anything about. I saved this chapter for last since it relies
on many of the recipes covered earlier in the book.

Chapter 8, Closing Remarks

The final chapter is a short wrap-up of the material as well as a
“call-forward” to help you decide on your own “next steps” as
you set out to apply these recipes to your environment.
Appendices
There are a series of appendices for the book that you can use as
additional support materials. These are sometimes referred to in the
text but can also be treated as stand-alone references.
Appendix A, Guiding Principles
This appendix is a short “motivational poster” version of the
single guiding principle behind the selected recipes, as well as
some secondary principles used to shape the description and,
ultimately, the implementation of these patterns in general.

Appendix B, Additional Reading

Throughout the book, I’ll be recommending additional reading,
quoting from books and articles, and calling out presentations
and videos that are the source of much of the advice in the book.
This appendix contains a self-standing list of reading and viewing
materials that you can use as references and a guide when
working through the recipes.
Appendix C, Related Standards
Since the goal of this book is to create services that can
successfully live “on the web,” the recipes depend upon a number
of important open web standards. This appendix contains a list of
the related standards documents.
Appendix D, Using the HyperCLI
In several places in the book, I reference a command-line
interface tool called HyperCLI. You can use this tool to interact
with hypermedia-aware services. This appendix provides a short
introduction to the tool and some pointers to other online
resources on how to take advantage of HyperCLI and HyperLang.
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 CHAP. XXIII.
KING HENRY OF ENGLAND IS DISSATISFIED WITH THE
PEACE BETWEEN THE DAUPHIN AND THE DUKE OF
BURGUNDY.—THE ENGLISH CAPTURE THE TOWN OF
PONTOISE FROM THE LORD DE L'ISLE-ADAM.—THE
CONSEQUENCES THEREOF.
WE must now return to the king of England. When king Henry
heard of a peace being concluded between the dauphin and the
duke of Burgundy, he was not very well pleased, for he was aware
how much stronger they would be by their union than when divided.
Notwithstanding this, he determined to pursue his enterprise in spite
of all obstacles, and considered, that if he could gain Pontoise, it
would be very advantageous to him.
He summoned his most trusty captains, and those who had attended
the late embassy to Pontoise, and declared to them his intentions:
they replied, that in whatever he should be pleased to command
them, they would exert themselves to the utmost, without regarding
their lives or fortunes, or the difficulties and hardships they might
have to encounter. The king then nominated those who were to be
of the expedition against Pontoise.
They arrived on the last day of July, between day-break and sun-
rise, at one of the gates of Pontoise, and might be about three
thousand combatants. The gate was not open, and some of them
scaled the walls by means of ladders, without alarming the guard,
and instantly opened the gate, so that their whole army entered,
shouting 'Saint George!' 'The town is taken!'
At this cry, there was a general alarm, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam
awakened, who, without delay, armed himself, mounted his horse,
and, with some of his men, hastened to where the shoutings came
from; but when he saw the English so numerous within the place, he
speedily returned to his quarters to pack up his effects and money,
and, with many of the principal inhabitants, went to the gate leading
to Paris, which was still closed,—but he had it forced open, and, with
about ten thousand of the townsmen, in despair and affliction, took
the road toward Paris. Several of them carried away their most
precious articles, such as plate and jewels, and, having separated
from the others to go toward Beauvais, were robbed of their effects
by Jean de Guigny and Jean du Clau.
The English, meeting with no resistance, treated the place as a
conquered town, and did innumerable mischiefs: they gained great
riches, for the town was full of wealth. The principal commander of
this expedition was the captal de Buch, brother to the count de Foix.
The whole country of France, more particularly those parts nearer to
Paris were infinitely alarmed at this conquest; and the inhabitants
within the Isle de France began to quit their dwellings in all haste.
When the news of it was brought to St Denis, where the king of
France and the duke of Burgundy held their court, they instantly
departed, and, by way of Provins, hastened to Troyes in Champagne,
accompanied by the queen, the lady Catherine, and many others of
the nobility. They left in Paris, for its government, the count de St
Pol, master Eustace de Lactre chancellor, and the lord de l'Isle-Adam
marshal of France.
This last, so soon as he could assemble a sufficient body of men at
arms, posted himself with them in garrison at Beauvais, to oppose
the English in that quarter, where they were daily making inroads.
The lord de l'Isle-Adam was, however, greatly blamed for having
kept so negligent a guard at Pontoise; and the ministers of the
dauphin were particularly dissatisfied with him.
 CHAP. XXIV.
THE DUKE OF CLARENCE BESIEGES GISORS, AND TAKES
IT.—THE SIEGE OF SAINT MARTIN LE GAILLART,—AND
OTHER MATTERS BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH.
SHORTLY after, the king of England caused the town of Gisors to be
besieged by his brother the duke of Clarence, in which as governors
were Lyonnet de Bournouville and Daviod de Gouy. When the siege
had lasted for three weeks, the town, being in want of provisions,
surrendered to the duke of Clarence, on condition that the garrison
should march away with all their baggage, and that the inhabitants
should place themselves under the obedience of the king of England,
and take the oaths of fidelity to him. The garrison departed, and
joined the lord de l'Isle-Adam at Beauvais.
The English who had gained Gisors, within a few days, laid siege to
St Martin le Gaillart, in which place were Regnault de Fontaines, sir
Karados de Quesnes, and some others, who had always been
attached to the party of the dauphin and the duke of Orleans: a
valiant captain, named sir Philip Les, was the governor.
Sir Karados left the town one night very secretly, and went to the
lord de Gamaches in Compiegne, who at that time was its governor,
and earnestly entreated him to assemble a body of men to raise the
siege of Saint Martin. The lord de Gamaches collected a large force
in as short a time as he could, and summoned the brothers Anthony
and Hugh de Beaussault, and many other gentlemen, partisans of
the dauphin, as well as of the duke of Burgundy, so that they
amounted to near sixteen hundred combatants. With this army he
marched for St Martin, and about sun rise came near to the place,
when, drawing up his men in battle-array, he detached four hundred
of them to attack and win the barriers which the English had
erected.
About sixty English were on guard at these barriers, and defended
them manfully; but they were defeated, and put to death, except a
few who saved themselves by flight. The lord de Gamaches, at the
head of his army, now attacked the town, but the greater part of the
English had retired with their horses within a large church, and
fought valiantly. The lord de Gamaches, apprehensive that the
enemy might be soon reinforced, as the English were spread over
the country, set fire to the castle, and carried the garrison safely
away.
On this occasion, Anthony de Beaussault, Gilles de Rouvroy, and
some others, were created knights.
Within eight days after the earl of Huntingdon, governor of Gournay
in Normandy, assembled about two thousand English from the
troops on the borders, and led them to a considerable village named
Poix, where they quartered themselves and did much damage.
Thence they marched to Bretueil, to make a grand attack on the
abbey; and because some of their men were killed, they set fire to
the town, which was very strongly built, and retreated toward
Clermont. They won the tower of Vendueil, and burnt it; and after
destroying the country with fire and sword, they marched back to
Gournay, carrying with them many prisoners and much plunder.
On the other hand, sir Philip Les, before mentioned, had fixed his
quarters at Eu and Monchaulx, and made excursions from Abbeville
to Pont de Remy, over the whole of Vimeu, so that the country was
greatly desolated. Sir James de Harcourt, who resided at Crotoy, and
Hector de Saveuses, with the garrison of Pont de Remy, put a check
to these excursions as much as in them lay; as did also sir Louis de
Thiembronne and those with him in garrison at Gamaches.
 CHAP. XXV.
THE KING OF ENGLAND HAS THE FORTRESSES OF
CHASTEAU-GAILLARD AND OF LA ROCHE-GUYON
BESIEGED.—THEY ARE CONQUERED.—OTHER MATTERS.
THE king of England, about this time, ordered the castles of
Château Gaillard and of La Roche-Guyon to be besieged, which are
the two strongest places in Normandy, and were garrisoned by the
party of the dauphin.
At the end of two months, La Roche-Guyon surrendered, with the
consent of the lady who was within it, to king Henry, who
immediately gave it to sir Guy Bouteiller, and was desirous of giving
him also the lady in marriage; but she would not consent, and
marched away from that country with all her men.
Château-Gaillard held out for the king of France sixteen months, and
then surrendered in consequence of the cords being worn out with
which they drew up their water. Sir Olivier de Manny was the
governor, having with him six score gentlemen at the utmost; and
the siege was carried on by the earls of Huntingdon and Kyme.
While these things were passing, many of the Dauphinois and
Burgundians had frequent intercourse with each other since the
peace, hoping that it would last for ever, and often assembled in
parties to attempt to drive the English, the ancient enemies of
France, from their conquests; but dame Fortune provided in such
wise that, within a very few days, a more rancorous hatred arose
between them than ever, as shall be fully related hereafter.
 CHAP. XXVI.
THE DAUPHIN COMES TO MONTEREAU-FAUT-YONNE
WITH A POWERFUL ARMY, AND SUMMONS THITHER THE
DUKE OF BURGUNDY, WHO IS CRUELLY MURDERED.
WHEN Charles duke of Touraine and dauphin had visited his duchies
of Berry and Touraine, he marched to Montereau-faut-Yonne with
about twenty thousand combatants. Soon after his arrival, he
dispatched sir Tanneguy du Châtel, with others of his confidential
servants, to Troyes in Champagne, with letters written by himself to
the duke of Burgundy. In them he addresses the duke most
affectionately on the affairs of the realm, and concludes by desiring
that he would come to him at Montereau, where they could more
fully discuss what related to public affairs.
The duke for some days deferred giving any answer, saying, that the
dauphin ought to come to his father the king, and the queen at
Troyes, and often remonstrated with Tanneguy how much more
proper it would be for him to come thither to discuss all that related
to the good of the realm. Sir Tanneguy, upon this, returned to the
dauphin with the answer he had received; but in the end, the
dauphin and his ministers resolved to remain at Montereau.
Sir Tanneguy returned to Troyes, and at length prevailed on the duke
to come as far as Bray sur Seine, whither many messages were sent
from both sides. The dauphin dispatched to the duke the bishop of
Valence, brother to the bishop of Langres, who was one of the
duke's principal advisers: his name was Charles de Poitiers. The
bishop of Valence, on his arrival at Bray, frequently conversed with
the duke, and admonished him to wait on the dauphin, saying, that
he need not have any fears or suspicions of mischief happening to
him. His brother supported him in these remonstrances, adding, that
he might loyally go, and that he would act unwisely if he refused so
to do. This bishop, however, was perfectly ignorant of what
happened afterward, and gave his advice with the most upright
intentions.
At length, in consequence of these remonstrances, and the
assurances of sir Tanneguy du Châtel, the duke ordered preparations
to be made for his departure, and set out from Bray to wait on the
dauphin, attended by the bishop of Langres and his council on
Sunday the 10th day of September 1419. He was escorted by about
five hundred men at arms and two hundred archers, under the
command of sir Charles, de Lens admiral of France, and James de la
Barne master of the cross-bows. There were many lords in his
company, such as Charles eldest son to the duke of Bourbon, the
lord de Nouaille brother to the count de Foix, John son to the count
de Fribourg, the lord de St George, sir Anthony du Vergy, the lord de
Joinville, the lord d'Ancre, the lord de Montagu, sir Guy de Pontailler,
and many more.
They rode joyously on until they came near to Montereau, about
three o'clock in the afternoon, when three of the duke's dependants
came thence to meet him, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, Jean d'Ermay
and Saubretier. They told him they were come from the town, and
had noticed on the bridge, where the conferences were to be held,
several new barriers erected much to the advantage of the dauphin's
party, and advised him to take care of himself,—for if he should
enter within them he would be in danger from the dauphin.
The duke, on hearing this, called a council on horseback to know
what were best to be done. The opinions were divided, for many
suspected what might happen, and the reports they had just heard
confirmed them in their fears: others, who imagined no evil, advised
the duke to proceed and wait on the dauphin, saying, they could
never suppose that a prince, son to the king of France, and
successor to his crown, would harbour any thoughts but such as
became his rank.
The duke, hearing such diversity of opinions, declared aloud, that he
would proceed and wait whatever it might please God to ordain,
adding, that he would never suffer his courage to be any way
doubted, and that the peace and reformation of the kingdom and
government might by his failure be delayed; for he well knew that if
any quarrel or dissention should arise between them, the fault would
be all thrown on him.
He continued his march, and dismounted at the gate of the castle of
Montereau—which leads to the open fields; for this castle had been,
by orders of the dauphin's ministers, appointed for the lodgings of
himself and his men, that he might not have any suspicions of
mischief being intended. All the principal lords dismounted with him;
and two hundred men at arms and one hundred archers were
selected as his guard.
The lady of Giac accompanied him, who, as has been said before,
had made some journeys to the dauphin on matters between the
duke and him: she had chiefly persuaded the duke to come to
Montereau, remonstrating that there could not be any fear of
treasonable practices against him. The duke was very much attached
to this lady, and put full confidence in all she said. He gave her in
charge, with part of his jewels, to Philip Josquin, as to the most
faithful of his servants.
As soon as he was within the castle, he ordered Jacques de la
Baume to post all his men at arms at the entrance of the gate
leading to the town, for the better security of his person, and also to
preserve the articles of the convention. In the mean time sir
Tanneguy du Châtel came to him to say that the dauphin was ready
and waiting for him. He replied, that he was going to him; and then
calling to those who were to attend him, forbade all others to follow
excepting such as had been so ordered.
The duke was accompanied by ten persons, namely, Charles de
Bourbon, the lord de Nouaille, John de Fribourg, the lord de St
George, the lord de Montagu, sir Anthony du Vergy, the lord d'Ancre,
sir Guy de Pontailler, sir Charles de Lens, sir Peter de Giac, and a
secretary, named Pierre Seguinat. In company with the above, he
advanced to the front of the first barrier on the bridge, when many
of the dauphin's people came to meet him, and again renewed the
promises and oaths that had been taken before: they said, 'Come to
my lord: he is waiting for you on the bridge;' and then they returned
toward the dauphin.
The duke demanded from his companions if they thought he might
in safety advance to the dauphin, on the securities offered him.
They, having upright intentions, answered, that certainly he might
proceed with safety, considering the promises and assurances given
by so many noble persons on each side, adding, that they were
willing to run the same risk as he should. On this answer, he
advanced, ordering some of his attendants to keep close behind him,
and entered the first barrier, where he found others of the dauphin's
men, who again said, 'Hasten to my lord, for he is waiting for you.'
He replied, 'I am going to him,' and entered the second barrier,
which was instantly closed and locked by those appointed to do it,
so soon as he and his company were within it.
As he advanced, he met sir Tanneguy du Châtel, and, from affection,
slapped him on the shoulder, saying to the lord de St George, 'This is
he in whom I trust.' He then passed on until he approached the
dauphin, who was completely armed and girth with his sword, and
leaning on one of the barriers: when near, to pay him greater
honour, the duke dropped on one knee, and most respectfully
saluted him. The dauphin, however, made no return, nor shewed
him the least sign of affection, but reproached him for not having
kept his promise of discontinuing the war, and for not disbanding his
forces from different garrisons, according to his engagements. At the
same time, sir Robert de Loire, taking him by the right arm, said,
'Rise, for you are too great a man thus to bend.' The duke, as has
been said, was on his knee; and his sword having turned too much
behind him as he knelt down, he put his hand to replace it properly,
when sir Robert cried out, 'What! do you put your hand to your
sword in the presence of my lord the dauphin!!!'
During these words, sir Tanneguy du Châtel approached him on the
opposite side, and making a signal, saying, 'It is now time,' struck
the duke with a small battle-axe he had in his hand so roughly on
the face that he felled him on his knees, and cut off part of his chin.
The duke, on this, put his hand to his sword to draw it, and
attempted to rise to defend himself; but at the instant, Tanneguy
with others repeated their blows, and laid him dead. While he was
on the ground, Olivier Layet, assisted by Pierre Frotier thrust a
sword under the haubergeon into his belly.
The lord de Nouaille, seeing this, drew his sword half out, to defend
the duke; but the viscount de Narbonne held a dagger in his hand,
ready to strike him. The lord de Nouaille now turned toward him,
and vigorously wrested the dagger out of his hand: however, while
he was thus engaged, he received a blow from a battle-axe on the
back part of his head, which put an end to the scuffle and his life.
While these things were passing, the dauphin leant on the barrier,
looking on, but soon drew back, as one much frightened, when he
was immediately conducted to his lodgings by Jean Louvet,
president of Provence, and others his counsellors.
On the other hand, Jean de Fribourg drew his sword, but was soon
forced to drop it by dint of blows. In short, the whole of the ten,
with the secretary who had accompanied the duke of Burgundy,
were without delay made prisoners, excepting the lord de Nouaille,
who was killed, and the lord de Montagu, who escaped over the
barriers to the castle. The lord de St George was wounded in the
side by the point of a battle-axe, and the lord d'Ancre by a cut on
the hand.
The lord de Montagu, when clear of the barriers, loudly cried out, 'To
arms!' upon which, sir Anthony de Toulongeon, sir Symon Othelimer,
Saubertier, and John Demay, with some others, hastened to the
barriers, and began to skirmish with their lances with those within
them. In this conflict, sir Symon was wounded in the head; for their
opponents, and the rest within the town, began to shoot lustily at
them with cross-bows: finding, therefore they could not gain
entrance to the barriers, they retreated to the castle.
Thus was the duke of Burgundy cruelly murdered, trusting to the
promises and securities of the duke de Touraine, dauphin of Vienne,
and his ministers. The act and the manner of perpetrating it were
most horrible; and the hearts of noble and worthy men, natives of
France, must suffer the greatest shame and grief thus to witness the
noble blood of the flower de luces, and princes so nearly allied
destroy each other; and the kingdom, by these and other acts done
prior to this, put to the infinite risk of changing its sovereign, and all
things thrown into confusion and peril.
The principal actors in this conspiracy against the duke of Burgundy
were Jean Louvet, president of Provence, the viscount de Narbonne,
sir Guillaume Batiller, sir Tanneguy du Châtel, sir François de
Grimaulx, sir Robert de Loire, Pierre Frotier, Olivier Layet, sir
Ponchon de Namac, seneschal of Auvergne, and several more. They
had for a considerable time before confederated, and sworn to bring
the matter to the conclusion they had just accomplished; and, as I
have been informed, they intended to have put their plan in
execution at the moment of the meeting of these two princes at
Pouilly le Fort, when peace was made between them,—but were
then forced to abandon it because the duke was too powerful in
arms, and because the armies of each were drawn up so near that
great mischiefs must have ensued.
The lord de Joinville and the others in the castle of Montereau, to
whom the duke had confided the guard, were greatly alarmed, and
not without cause, when they noticed the conduct that was observed
toward their lord, whose real situation they were as yet ignorant of,
and those who had accompanied him. They were likewise very
uneasy as to themselves,—for they were unprovided with any stores
of provision or of ammunition, excepting what they had brought with
them, which were not in any great quantities; and before their
arrival, the castle had been dismantled of artillery, and every other
store carried away. They held many consultations, whether they
should depart or not, but at length determined to remain where they
were until they should receive more certain intelligence respecting
their lord than they had hitherto had. Notwithstanding the lords de
Joinville and de Montagu most earnestly and often begged of the
duke's men to stay with them in the castle, they would not listen to
their words, but set off in haste, and in a most disorderly manner
galloped away for Bray sur Seine, whence they had come that
morning.
However, a large body of the dauphin's army pursued them, and
killed and wounded great numbers without any resistance. The lords
de Joinville and de Montagu remained, as I have said, in the castle,
—and with them sir Robert de Marigny, sir Philip de Servoiles, sir
John de Murat, the lord de Rosmat, John d'Ermay, John de
Caumaisnil, Sabertier, Philip de Montant, Regnault de Chevilly,
Regnault de Rethel, Guillaume de Biere, the lady of Giac and her
woman, Philip Josquin, with about twenty varlets and pages of the
household of the late duke of Burgundy.
 CHAP. XXVII.
THE CONDUCT OF THE DAUPHIN, AND OF THOSE WITH
HIM, AFTER THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—
HE SENDS LETTERS TO DIFFERENT TOWNS.
WHEN the duke of Burgundy had been thus cruelly murdered, the
dauphin's people stripped him of his tabard, his coat of mail, his
rings, and of every thing except his doublet and drawers; and in this
state he remained on the ground until midnight, when he was
carried on a table to a mill near the bridge, and, on the morrow-
morning, was interred in front of the altar of St Louis, in the church
of our Lady at Montereau, in his doublet and drawers, with his
bonnet drawn over his face, and twelve masses were hastily said for
him.
At this moment, there were several noble persons with the dauphin,
who had been kept in ignorance of the plot against the duke, many
of whom were highly displeased at what had happened, considering
the great evils that would probably result from it, as well to the
kingdom in general as to the person of their lord the dauphin. In this
number were John de Harcourt, count d'Aumalle, and the lord de
Barbasan: the last loudly reproached those who had contrived this
murder, saying, that they had ruined their master in honour and
reputation; and that he had rather have been dead than present at
that day, although perfectly ignorant of what was intended to be
done.
The dauphin, however, on his return to his lodgings after the murder,
ordered, by the advice of his ministers, two hundred men at arms to
march to the castle and demand its surrender. On their arrival,
admittance was denied them, for those within had posted a party
over the drawbridge, and another party in the tower facing the
suburbs of the town, where they remained the whole of the night.
The detachment from the dauphin walled up the gate leading to the
town, and continued inactive until the ensuing morning, when they
opened a battery of cannons against one of the gates, and, shortly
after, some four or five knights went from the dauphin to signify that
the castle must be surrendered, otherwise they would win it by
storm, and those that should then be found therein would have their
heads cut off.
The lords de Joinville and de Montagu made answer, that my lord of
Burgundy, their commander, to whom the dauphin had delivered this
castle, had intrusted them with the guard thereof, and that they
would not surrender it but upon some tokens sent them from their
lord. The knights on this went back to the town, and soon returned
with sir Anthony du Vergy, who calling to the two aforesaid lords,
they replied, by asking after his health. He made no answer to this,
but said, 'Brothers, my lord the dauphin bids me tell you, that if you
do not yield the castle to him, and you should be taken within it by
storm, he will have you beheaded; but that if you will surrender it,
and join his party, he will shew you every kindness, and divide
between you very liberally the different offices in the realm.'
On hearing this speech, the two lords asked sir Anthony if he knew
any thing of their lord the duke. To which he made no other reply
than by pointing his finger to the ground, and then said, 'I would
advise you to surrender the castle to my lord the dauphin;' but they
repeated as before, that until they should have some certain
intelligence of their lord the duke, who had intrusted them with its
defence, they would not surrender.
The knights of the dauphin now advanced, and said, 'Put on paper
what terms you expect, and you shall have an answer.' Both parties
withdrew, and those in the castle wrote down as follows:
In the first place, they demanded to restore the castle into the
hands of the duke, who had confided to them the guard of it, or to
have a discharge from the same, signed by the duke.
Item, that all those who had been made prisoners by the dauphin's
party, and those attending the duke, should have their liberties
without paying any ransom.
Item, that all persons, of whatever rank, and of both sexes, now
within the castle, should have permission to depart freely with all
their effects, and be allowed to go whithersoever they should please.
Item, that a delay of fifteen days be granted for them to continue in
the said castle, or until their horses shall arrive.
Item, that passports be given for two hundred men at arms that
shall come to fetch them, and escort them to such places as they
may choose: the said passports to be of force for fifteen days.
When these articles had been examined by the dauphin and his
council, they were returned to the castle by the same knights who
had brought them, who said, that in regard to the person or
signature of the duke of Burgundy nothing need be said, for it could
not be obtained. With respect to the prisoners, they belong to my
lord the dauphin, who will divide among them the several offices in
the kingdom, so that no more need on that subject. As to the effects
in the castle appertaining to the duke of Burgundy, they are the
property of my lord the dauphin, who will receive them according to
an inventory made thereof, and give a receipt conformable to such
inventory, to those who have the charge of them. Those within the
castle shall be permitted to carry away whatever effects they may
have brought thither. With regard to the fifteen days delay required,
it cannot be granted; but my lord the dauphin will have them
escorted as far as Bray-sur-Seine. With respect to the passports for
two hundred men at arms, there will not be any need of them, as
they will have a sufficient escort.
After much parleying, the lords de Joinville and de Montagu
concluded for themselves and their companions a treaty with the
dauphin, on condition that they should freely depart, with all their
baggage, on yielding up the castle,—and that all the effects of the
duke of Burgundy should remain in the possession of the dauphin,
and also the lady of Giac, who, as was commonly reported, was
consenting to this murder of the duke of Burgundy.
Philip Josquin remained behind also: he was afraid to return to the
duchess of Burgundy, or to her son the count de Charolois, for he
was not in their good graces. This Philip Josquin was a native of
Dijon, and son to an armourer of Philip of Burgundy, and for a long
time had been beloved more than any of his other servants by the
late duke John, who even intrusted him with his private signet, and
made him sign his letters, insomuch that there was scarcely any
difference between the handwriting of the duke and that which
counterfeited it.
All this great favour and authority created him many enemies among
the princes and lords who repaired to the duke's court; but
notwithstanding their hatred, from the situation he was in, he
amassed great wealth, and built a very handsome house in Dijon.
On his leaving that place, he disposed of his money in various parts
of Burgundy, Flanders, and elsewhere, which was seized and
confiscated by the count de Charolois and given by him to some of
his servants,—and this Philip was consequently thus deprived of all
his riches.
On Monday, the 11th day of September, after the dauphin had held a
grand council in the town of Montereau on the state of his affairs, he
wrote and dispatched letters to the towns of Paris, Rheims, Châlons
and others, to gloss over his having broken the peace, and having
perjured himself. The contents of that sent to Paris were as follow:
'Dear and well beloved,—we understand that you are fully sensible
how lately we agreed with the duke of Burgundy at a place called
Pouilly on the terms of peace, for the obtaining of which we acceded
to all his demands. To prevent the destruction of my lord the king's
and of our realm, among other articles, the said duke did engage on
his faith and oath, that within one month he would wage war against
the English, the ancient enemies of this kingdom. It had been also
agreed, that in consequence of this, we were to unite our mutual
endeavours to reform the grievances and disorders of the
government and to join in expelling the common enemy out of the
country.
'On this account, we came to the town of Montereau, and waited
there the space of eighteen days for the coming of the duke of
Burgundy, for whose accommodation we had dislodged from, and
assigned to him, the castle, as his residence.
'Afterward, when we did meet on the terms he had demanded, we
amicably remonstrated with him, that notwithstanding his promises,
and that peace was now between us, he had not waged war against
the English, nor had disbanded the troops from the garrisons under
his command, according to his solemn engagement, and which we
now again required him to do.
'The duke of Burgundy, in reply, made use of several foolish
expressions, and even laid his hand on his sword to attack and
disfigure our person, intending, as we were afterward informed, to
seize and keep us under his subjection, but from which, however,
through Divine mercy, and the attachment of our loyal servants, we
were preserved, and he for his mad conduct was put to death on the
spot.
'We signify the above matters to you, well knowing how much you
will rejoice that we have been preserved from such imminent
danger; and we most earnestly entreat and command, on that
loyalty you have alway had for my lord the king and for us, that
whatever events may happen, you do not fail to make a strong
resistance to the enemies of my lord and us; and that you prepare
yourselves for war, in which we will aid and comfort you to the
utmost of our power, and, thanks to the grace of God, that is
sufficiently great.
'We will that every thing that has passed be pardoned and forgotten,
and that no retaliations be made on any one, but that an entire
oblivion may cover the whole, and that the peace be maintained, the
which we promise to keep on the faith and word of the son of a
king. To this effect we have sent our letters to the provost of
merchants, the sheriffs and citizens of Paris, that they may be
proclaimed and published wherever it may be thought necessary:
and for the due observance of what we have said, we are willing to
give such securities as may be demanded.
'We are desirous of preserving the peace with the duke of Burgundy
and his friends, and all of his party, on the terms concluded, without
infringing it in the smallest degree, being anxious to unite all the
faithful subjects of my lord the king to oppose the common enemy.
'We shall in this warfare personally serve: and we will, that you do
proclaim these our intentions in all the towns and villages near to
and within your several jurisdictions.—Dear and well beloved, may
the Lord have you in his holy keeping. Written at Montereau faut
Yonne, the 11th day of September,' and contersigned, 'Charles
Champion.'
This paper was indorsed, 'To our very dear and well beloved the
burghers, clergy, and inhabitants of the town of Paris.'
To these letters, especially from the towns subject to the Burgundian
party, no answer was given.
In like manner, sir Clugnet de Brabant, whose quarters were at Vitry,
wrote to many of the large towns to detatch them from the dauphin;
but, when he found by their answers that he could not succeed, he
made a severe war upon them.
 CHAP XXVIII.
THE LORD DE MONTAGU WRITES LETTERS TO SEVERAL
OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS OF THE KINGDOM OF
FRANCE.—THE PARISIANS RENEW THEIR OATHS OF
FIDELITY AFTER THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF
BURGUNDY.
THE lord de Montagu, instantly on his return from Montereau to
Bray sur Seine, caused letters to be written, charging the dauphin
and his advisers with having committed murder on the person of his
lord the duke of Burgundy,—which letters he dispatched to Troyes,
Rheims, Châlons, and to all the towns attached to the king and the
duke of Burgundy.
In these letters, he humbly begged of them to be on their guard,
and not to pay any attention to the lies and assertions of those who
upheld the dauphin's party, for that their disloyalty was now
discovered, but remain firm to the king and to the count de
Charolois, successor to the duke of Burgundy, from whom, under
God's good pleasure, they should have speedy assistance and
support.
The towns received these letters in great kindness, and strongly
expressed their thanks for them to the lord de Montagu, saying they
were mightily grieved at the unfortunate death of the duke of
Burgundy.
On the 11th of September, the duke's death was known at Paris; and
the inhabitants on hearing the manner of it were thrown into the
utmost consternation and sorrow. On the morrow-morning, the
count de St Pol, lieutenant of the king in Paris, the chancellor of
France, the provosts of the town and of the merchants, together
with the greater part of the king's ministers and officers, great
numbers of nobles and inhabitants assembled as early as they could;
when, after the detail of the manner in which the murder of the
duke of Burgundy had been perpetrated, they renewed their oaths
of fidelity to the count de St Pol, and swore to serve and obey him
with all their forces, in the guard and defence of Paris, and the
preservation of the realm, against the damnable intentions of all
wicked and seditious persons, who have violated the peace; and to
pursue, to the utmost of their power of vengeance, the conspirators
and actors in the murder of the duke of Burgundy, and to denounce
and accuse before the courts of law all who shall any way favour the
aforesaid conspirators and murderers.
They likewise engaged never to surrender the town of Paris, nor to
enter into any treaty whatever without its being made public; and
this they also swore to in the hands of the count de St Pol,—which
oaths were afterward sealed, and sent to Senlis and other places of
their party, to induce them to take similar oaths to their governors.
When these things were done, many persons of both sexes were
arrested in Paris, who were known to be of the dauphin's party, as
well those who had returned in consequence of the peace as others
of whom they had any suspicions. They were confined in different
prisons, and some of them were executed in a summary way of
justice.
 CHAP. XXIX.
THE DAUPHIN DEPARTS FROM MONTEREAU.—THE
DELIVERANCE OF THOSE WHO HAD ACCOMPANIED THE
DUKE OF BURGUNDY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.
THE dauphin having appointed sir Pierre de Guitry (who had been
present at the murder of the duke of Burgundy), governor of
Montereau, departed thence with his whole force. He sent the
prisoners, with the lady of Giac and Philip Josquin, to Bourges in
Berry. Charles de Bourbon and sir Pierre de Giac took oaths of
fidelity to serve the dauphin; but although the other prisoners were
repeatedly solicited by the dauphin and his ministers to turn to their
party, to which they were tempted by the most splendid offers of
wealth and honours, they would never consent, replying to such
solicitations, that they would rather die in prison, or suffer such
death as the dauphin might please to inflict, than do any thing for
which they or their successors might be blamed.
When it was seen that they were firm in their resolution, they were
all set at liberty, on paying certain sums as their ransom, except sir
Charles de Lens, admiral of France, whom they put to death.
On the dauphin's arrival at Bourges, he summoned men at arms on
all sides to join him there, with whom he advanced into Anjou, and
had a conference with the duke of Brittany, who consented that a
part of his nobles should serve the dauphin. He received also great
succours from Scotland, which he caused to be conducted down the
Loire, and thence to Poitiers. He collected likewise men at arms in
Auvergne and in Languedoc, and elsewhere, that he might have
sufficient strength to oppose all who should attempt to injure him or
the kingdom of France.
He caused it to be declared throughout all the towns and countries
under his dependance, that what had been done to the duke of
Burgundy was in his own defence, and that he had been justly put
to death, alledging numerous reasons in his justification for suffering
it, but which it would occupy too much time to relate.
When the king and queen of France heard of all these matters, they
were highly displeased, and to provide a remedy for them, different
royal edicts were published in all parts of the kingdom, under the
king's obedience, containing an account of the death of the duke of
Burgundy, and the disloyalty of the perpetrators of it, commanding
all governors, magistrates, and others, under pain of death, not to
afford any aid, support or advice, to the dauphin or to his party, but
to prepare themselves in all diligence to oppose him and them; in so
doing, they should have steady and effectual support.
 CHAP. XXX.
PHILIP COUNT DE CHAROLOIS IS MADE ACQUAINTED
WITH THE CRUEL MURDER OF HIS FATHER.—HE HOLDS
A GRAND COUNCIL ON THE STATE OF HIS AFFAIRS, AND
CONCLUDES A TRUCE WITH THE ENGLISH.—OTHER
MATTERS.
PHILIP count de Charolois was at Ghent when he was informed of
the cruel death of his father, and was so sorely afflicted by it that it
was some days before his ministers could comfort him. When his
countess, the lady Michelle de France, sister to the dauphin, heard of
it, she was greatly troubled, fearful that her lord would, on this
account, be estranged from her, and hold her less in his affections;
but this did not happen, for within a short time, by the exhortations
and remonstrances of his ministers, he was no way displeased with
her, and shewed her as much kindness as before.
He soon afterward held a council with the principal persons of
Ghent, Bruges and Ypres, and then took possession of the country of
Flanders, without paying any attention to his liege lord. He departed
thence for Mechlin, where he had a conference with the duke of
Brabant his cousin, John of Bavaria his uncle, and his aunt the
countess of Hainault, on several matters; and from Mechlin he went
to Lille. From this day he styled himself duke of Burgundy, and in his
letters assumed all the titles of the late duke John his father.
While he was at Lille, many great lords came thither to offer their
services to him, as they had been the dependants of his father, some
of whom he retained in his household, and promised the others
great advantages hereafter. Master Philip de Morvillers, first
president of the parliament of Paris, came also, with many notable
persons; and in concert with them, and with his own ministers, the
duke resolved to write letters to the different towns attached to the
king's and his party, setting forth, that as they had been the friends
and supporters of his father, he hoped they would in like manner be
his. He added, that he would very shortly request a truce from the
English; and desired them to send him a deputation to Arras on the
17th day of October, with sufficient powers to agree to whatever
terms might be demanded from them by him.
The duke of Burgundy did not delay to send ambassadors to the
king of England at Rouen, to endeavour to obtain a truce for a
certain space of time, for all the countries under the dependance of
the king of France and himself. The ambassadors were the bishop of
Arras, the lord de Toulongeon, sir Guillaume de Champdivers, sir
Guillebert de Launoy and some others; and they obtained the
requested truce, hoping also to proceed further with the English.
During this time the Dauphinois, quartered at or near Compiegne,
recommenced a sharp warfare against such of the Burgundians as
were near to them. In another part of the country, La Hire and
Ponton de Santrailles, with a large force, took the town of Crespy, in
the Laonnois, and the castle of Clarcy; by which conquests, the town
of Laon and the countries of the Laonnois and Vermandois were kept
under great subjection.
When the 17th of October was come, the duke of Burgundy, sir John
de Luxembourg, with numbers of other lords and captains, together
with the deputations from the principal towns, assembled in Arras.
They were very affectionately addressed by the dean of Liege, by
orders of the duke, and particularly those lords and captains who
had served his late father, and requested that in like manner they
would serve him in an expedition which he proposed shortly to
undertake for the good of the king and kingdom. The deputies from
the towns were also required to support his party, and to afford him
every aid and assistance, should there be occasion. To these
requests all present unanimously assented.
 CHAP. XXXI.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY ORDERS A FUNERAL SERVICE
TO BE PERFORMED IN THE CHURCH OF ST VAAST, AT
ARRAS, FOR DUKE JOHN HIS LATE FATHER.—OTHER
MATTERS.
ON the 13th day of this same month of October, the duke of
Burgundy had a solemn service celebrated in the church of St Vaast,
in Arras, for the salvation of the soul of duke John his father. There
were present at it the bishops of Amiens, of Cambray, of Terouenne,
of Tournay, and of Arras,—many abbots from Flanders, Artois and
the adjacent countries,—and there were in the whole twenty-four
crosiers.
The chief mourner, the duke of Burgundy, was supported by sir John
de Luxembourg and sir James de Harcourt. The bishop of Amiens
said mass,—during which friar Pierre Floure, doctor in divinity and of
the order of preaching friars, delivered the sermon. He was also
inquisitor of the faith in the province of Rheims; and he exhorted the
duke most strongly in his discourse not to take vengeance into his
own hands for the death of his father, but to apply to the laws for
reparation of the crime,—and should the laws be insufficient, he
should afford them every assistance, and not think of executing
justice himself, for that belonged to God alone.
Many of the nobles present were not very well pleased with the
preacher for his sermon.
Some days after this service, sir John de Saulx, knight, doctor of
laws, and chancellor to duke John, sir Andrieu de Valines, master
John d'Orle, advocate in the parliament, John de Caumesnil, with
others of the principal citizens of Paris, sent by the count de St Pol
and the Parisians, arrived at Arras, and waited on the duke of
Burgundy, to know what his future intentions and plans might be.
When they had been well entertained by the duke and his ministers,
they were told, that within a few days the duke would form an
alliance with the king of England, by the consent of the king of
France; and that when this was done, he would, with his whole
force, seek for reparation and vengeance on the cruel murderers of
his father.
On receiving this information, and after having concluded several
agreements, the Parisians returned home to carry back the
intelligence, and to keep the citizens and inhabitants of the isle de
France in good obedience. The duke of Burgundy then assembled
some of his most powerful and faithful lords, as well seculars as
ecclesiastics, with whom he held many secret councils, to consider
how he should conduct himself in the present state of his affairs,
more especially respecting the death of his father.
On this subject their opinions were divided; but at length the
majority determined, that since he had permission from the king of
France, he should form a strict alliance with the English. In
consequence of this resolution, an embassy was again sent to the
king of England at Rouen, consisting of the bishop of Arras, sir Actis
de Brimeu, sir Roland de Uniquerke, and others, who, on their arrival
at Rouen, were kindly received by the king and princes; for he was
very desirous of forming a connection with the duke of Burgundy,
well knowing that through his means in preference to all others, he
could obtain the hand of the lady Catherine of France, which he was
so anxious to have.
When the ambassadors had declared the causes of their coming,
and exhibited a sketch of their articles for the proposed alliance, the
king was tolerably satisfied, and told them, that within a few days he
would send ambassadors to the duke, who should declare his final
resolutions. With this answer, they returned to Arras.
About St Andrew's day following, the bishop of Rochester, the earls
of Warwick and of Kyme, with other knights and esquires, arrived at
Arras, as ambassadors from the king of England, to whom the duke
gave a most honourable reception. They laid before him the different
articles of a treaty which the king wished to conclude with Charles
king of France and the duke,—who, in return, gave them other
articles, such as he would abide by. In short, the negotiations were
carried on so effectually that a treaty was agreed on, provided the
king of France and his ministers would consent thereto.
At this time, the king and queen of France, with the lady Catherine
their daughter, resided at Troyes in Champagne, and were under the
guidance of such as had been posted there purposely, who were
strongly attached to the party of Burgundy. In consequence of this
treaty, it was ordered, that the men at arms of the king of France
and of the duke of Burgundy should discontinue their warfare
against the English, who were, on their part, to desist from all
offensive operations. The truces were again renewed and confirmed;
and it was agreed, that the king of England should send
ambassadors, in company with the duke of Burgundy, to the king of
France at Troyes, in Champagne, who intended going thither soon,
to put a finishing hand to this treaty of alliance. When these matters
had been arranged, and the ambassadors had been greatly feasted
and honoured by the duke of Burgundy in Arras, they returned to
the king of England at Rouen.
While this treaty was going on, sir James de Harcourt showed
himself every way strongly attached to the duke of Burgundy. He
was the first called to the private councils of the duke, who paid him
more attention and greater honour than to any other person of his
court; for he loved him most cordially, in consequence of his having
sworn to serve him on the death of duke John. Sir James, in these
days, caused the castle of Crotoy, of which he was governor for the
king of France, to be strongly repaired, and replenished with all sorts
of provision and military stores.
 CHAP. XXXII.
SIR JOHN DE LUXEMBOURG ASSEMBLES A LARGE BODY
OF MEN AT ARMS, AND LEADS THEM BEFORE ROYE.—
OTHER OCCURRENCES THAT HAPPENED AT THIS
PERIOD.
IN conformity to the treaty with the English, the duke of Burgundy
commenced his operations by assembling men at arms in Artois,
Flanders and elsewhere, which he sent with different captains to be
under the general command of sir John de Luxembourg, near to
Peronne, who was to muster them, and lead them to lay siege to the
castle of Muyn, which was strongly garrisoned by the Dauphinois,
who had sorely oppressed the country round Amiens and Corbie.
Several of the nobility joined sir John de Luxembourg, at Peronne,
such as, the lord de l'Isle-Adam, marshal of France, the vidame of
Amiens, Anthony lord of Croy, le borgne de Fosseux knight, John de
Fosseux his brother, the lord de Longueval, Hector and Philip de
Saveuses, the lord de Humbercourt, sir John de Luquerque, the lord
de Cohen, with many other notable knights and esquires, who
marched from Peronne to Lyhons in Santerre, and to the adjacent
villages, intending to besiege the castle of Muyn, but their intentions
were soon changed.
During the time that these men at arms were at Lyhons, and on the
night of the 10th of December, sir Karados de Quesnes, Charles de
Flavy, the bastard de Tournemine, and one called Harbonniers, made
a sally from Compiegne, with about five hundred combatants, to the
town of Roye in the Vermandois, which they attacked, and, from
neglect of the guard, great part of them entered the place. They
assembled in the market-place, shouting out, 'Town won! Long live
the king and dauphin!' The inhabitants were awakened by these
shouts; and, seeing they could not make any resistance, the greater
part escaped over the walls, and fled.
A detachment of the Dauphinois now advanced to the gate, which
they opened to admit the remainder of their forces, and their horses,
into the town. Perceval le Grand, governor of the place for the duke
of Burgundy, having been awakened like the others, and perceiving
that no resistance could be made, escaped as well as he could from
the town, leaving behind his wife, children, and great part of his
wealth. He hastened to Lyhons, and very dolefully related to his
commander, sir John de Luxembourg, the news of the capture of
Roye.
Sir John instantly ordered his trumpets to sound for the assembling
of his men at arms, and led them toward Roye, sending forward a
party of scouts to the town, to gain intelligence, who found the
scaling ladders still reared against the walls by which the enemy had
entered. They were no sooner observed, than the Dauphinois made
preparations for defence, and gave a sharp discharge of cannons,
cross-bows, and bows on them, and on some men at arms, who had
joined the scouts. However, notwithstanding their defence, one of
the suburbs was taken, and in the conflict several were wounded on
each side. On that of sir John de Luxembourg was a valiant man at
arms named Robert de Rebretanges, and who, in consequence of
this wound, died shortly after.
After sir John had posted his men in the different suburbs and
houses round the town, he fixed his own quarters at a village about
half a league distant. He then sent the lord de Humbercourt, bailiff
of Amiens, to that place, and to Corbie, to require that they would
send him cross-bowmen, cannons, and other implements of war, to
enable him to subdue the Dauphinois in Roye, which request was
complied with in the most ample manner. With the same eagerness
were the cross-bowmen of Douay, Arras, Peronne, St Quentin,
Mondidier, Noyon, and other places under the dependance of the
king, sent to Roye in great numbers.
On the arrival of these reinforcements, sir John invested the town on
all sides, and made some vigorous assaults: he also had some
bombards, and other engines, pointed against the walls and gates,
which greatly harrassed the besieged. They made, however, a
handsome defence, and some sallies; but in these they did not gain
much.
At length, the besieged seeing all their efforts vain, and hopeless of
succour, concluded a treaty with sir John, by his commissioners, on
the 18th day of January, to surrender the place, on condition that
they should depart in safety, with their baggage, and with a part of
what they had gained in the town. When this treaty was ratified, the
Dauphinois marched away under passports from sir John de
Luxembourg, who appointed Hector de Saveuses to escort them;
and, when out of the town, they took the road to Compiegne,
marching with great speed.
Very soon after their departure, about two thousand English came to
Roye, under the command of the earl of Huntingdon, and his father-
in law sir John de Cornwall,[4] to assist the Burgundians; for, as I
have said, there was a truce between the English and them,
expecting that this truce would shortly be (as it happened) turned
into a solid peace. The English, hearing of the departure of the
Dauphinois, hastily set out in pursuit of them, and overtook them
about four leagues from Roye. The moment they came near, without
any words, they attacked them lance in hand, although they were
few in number; for, having rode so hard, three parts of their men
were behind.
The English were accompanied by many of the men at arms of sir
John de Luxembourg, the principal of whom were Butor bastard of
Croy, Aubellet de Folleville, the bailiff de Foquesolle, the bastard
Dunon and several other gentlemen. The Dauphinois made no great
resistance, and were therefore soon routed, very many were killed,
taken or robbed; but a few escaped as well as they could, by flying
to the woods and other places.