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Playground Games 1st Edition Tracy Nelson Maurer
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Tracy Nelson Maurer
ISBN(s): 9781615904730, 1615904735
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 2.47 MB
Year: 2011
Language: english
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Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and expe-
rience broaden our knowledge, changes in practice, treatment and drug therapy may become
necessary or appropriate. Readers are advised to check the most current information provided
(i) on procedures featured or (ii) by the manufacturer of each product to be administered, to
verify the recommended dose or formula, the method and duration of administration, and
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damage to persons or property arising out of or related to any use of the material contained
in this book.
The Publisher
Ragosta, Michael.
Textbook of clinical hemodynamics / Michael Ragosta. – 1st ed.
p. ; cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4160-4000-2
1. Hemodynamics. 2. Cardiovascular system–Diseases–Diagnosis. I. Title.
[DNLM: 1. Hemodynamic Processes. 2. Heart Diseases–diagnosis.
3. Heart Function Tests. WG 106 R144t 2008]
RC670.5.H45R34 2008
616.10 0754–dc22
2007022989
Printed in China.
Last digit is the print number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contributors
D. SCOTT LIM, MD
Assistant Professor of Pediatrics
University of Virginia Health System
Charlottesville, VA
v
Acknowledgments
This book originated from a desire to deepest gratitude goes also to the many
assemble the wisdom I gained from patients suffering from cardiovascular
two of the most remarkable mentors disorders who I had the distinct privi-
I had as a cardiology fellow and young lege of serving and whose hemody-
faculty member at the University of Vir- namic waveforms are included in this
ginia. Over the many years I worked text from which future generations can
with these talented individuals, first learn. Most importantly, I want to thank
as a student and then as a colleague, my wife, Kiyoko, and my three marvel-
Dr. Eric R. Powers and Dr. Ian J. Sarem- ous children, Nick, Tony, and Sachi, for
bock taught me a deep appreciation their support and patience and for the
of the value of careful hemodynamic precious time I stole from them while
assessment in understanding cardiovas- writing this text.
cular pathophysiology, and I wish to
thank them for all they taught me. My Michael Ragosta, MD, FACC, FSCAI
vii
Preface
ix
Table of Contents
Index 239
series of complicated biochemical steps,
CHAPTER 1 and muscle cells exert their cumulative
toil through the elegant dance of com-
Introduction to plex protein molecules. The latter secrets
eluded physicians and scientists, until
Hemodynamic only recently, when highly sophisticated
Assessment in the tools became available to reveal the intri-
cate and minute processes.
Cardiac Many of the mechanical processes
Catheterization inherent to cardiac physiology can be
understood by measuring changes in
Laboratory blood pressure and blood flow; the term
MICHAEL RAGOSTA, MD hemodynamics refers to this discipline.
Numerous brilliant investigators over
many years applied the study of hemo-
dynamics to collectively expand our
‘‘Look into any man’s heart you please, knowledge of cardiovascular physiology
and you will always find, in every one, in both normal and pathologic condi-
at least one black spot which he has to tions. The lessons learned from these
keep concealed.’’ generations of researchers rapidly became
Pillars of Society, act III assimilated into the contemporary prac-
Henrik Ibsen, 1877 tice of clinical cardiology. Currently,
hemodynamics is considered indispens-
Despite the exhortations of poets and able to the clinician managing patients
philosophers, the heart is, after all, sim- with cardiovascular disease and forms
ply a pump. The ability to ‘‘look into the foundation of invasive diagnostic
any man’s heart’’ with the goal of under- cardiology.
standing the function of this mysterious
organ circumvented early generations of
scientists and physicians. It would not A Brief History of
take long, however, for science to garner Hemodynamic Assessment
the tools needed to peer into the hearts
of men. Many of the major functions of All important human endeavors possess
the cardiovascular system important to histories replete with colorful anecdotes
our understanding of health and disease and legendary characters. The saga of
states are based on mechanical processes. cardiac catheterization is no exception.
Cardiac chambers contract and relax, The practical measurement of hemody-
valves open and close, and blood ebbs namics in humans required several crucial
and flows based upon elementary princi- developments. These included the inven-
ples of hydraulics. Contrast this with tion of safe and reliable catheterization
most other organ systems that exploit techniques to access and study the right
complex cellular and biochemical pro- and left sides of the heart, the ability to
cesses to accomplish their designated image catheter position, and the creation
functions. For example, the kidneys bal- of devices to convert pressure changes
ance fluid and electrolytes and excrete into an interpretable graphic form.
waste via an elaborate cellular array; Insertion of tubes into the bladders and
the liver, pancreas, and intestinal cells rectums of living persons and the blood
digest food and absorb nutrients by a vessels of cadavers had been achieved
1
2 Textbook of Clinical Hemodynamics
since primitive times.1 The first cardiac be the first to record intracardiac pressure
catheterization and pressure measure- using an early pressure recording system
ment performed on a living animal is connected to the end of a glass tube
attributed to the English physiologist inserted into a dog’s right ventricle.
Stephen Hales early in the 1700s and Later in the 1800s, in an attempt to
reported in the book Haemastaticks in address the controversy regarding the
1733. By accessing the internal jugular nature and timing of the cardiac apex
vein and carotid artery of a horse, Hales beat, the French veterinarian Jean Bap-
performed his experiments using a brass tiste Auguste Chauveau and physician
pipe as the catheter connected by a flexi- Étienne Jules Marey performed catheter-
ble goose trachea to a long glass column ization using rubber catheters placed
of fluid. The pressure in the white mare’s from a horse’s jugular vein and carotid
beating heart raised a column of fluid in artery. These meticulous scientists recog-
the glass tube over 9 feet high.1 nized the importance of obtaining the
As early as 1844, the famous French highest quality data and recorded pres-
physiologist Claude Bernard performed sures in various cardiac chambers with
numerous animal cardiac catheterizations clever mechanical devices invented by
designed to examine the source of meta- others but modified to suit their needs.2
bolic activity. Many prominent scientists The graphic recordings obtained from
theorized that ‘‘combustion’’ occurred in these early transducers and physiologic
the lungs. Using a thermometer inserted recorders appear remarkably similar to
in the carotid artery, Bernard2 compared those obtained in today’s cardiac cathe-
the temperature of blood in a living terization laboratories (Figure 1-1).
horse’s left ventricle to blood in the right From these early explorations of car-
ventricle, accessed from the internal diac pressure measurement evolved an
jugular vein, and showed slightly higher interest to quantify blood flow. In 1870,
right-sided temperatures, indicating that the German mathematician and physiol-
metabolism occurred in the tissues, not ogist Adolph Fick3 published his famous
in the lungs. Bernard2 also appeared to formula for calculating cardiac output
Or D
'''
Vent D D
''''
Vent G D'
FIGURE 1-1. Early pressure recordings obtained from the cardiac chambers of a horse by Marey and Chauveau. (Repro-
duced with permission, Mueller RL, Sanborn TA. The history of interventional cardiology: Cardiac catheterization, angio-
plasty, and related interventions. Am Heart J 1995;129:146–172.)
Chapter 1—Introduction to Hemodynamic Assessment 3
proved highly dangerous. Proposed and and massaged. This resulted in the
attempted methods to access the left restoration of a sinus rhythm, but the
ventricle included direct apical puncture, ventricular contractions were feeble and
retrograde access from puncture of the fifteen minutes after the onset of ventricular
thoracic or abdominal aorta, and a sub- fibrillation the heart ceased beating.9
xiphoid entry first into the right ventricle
and then followed by puncture of the With a failure rate of 100% in normal
interventricular septum. Methods to patients and an initial procedural mor-
directly access the left atrium included tality of nearly 10%, it is a wonder that
a transbronchial approach via a broncho- further attempts at retrograde left-heart
scope and a direct, posterior paraverte- catheterization were made. However,
bral left atrial puncture. It is interesting perseverance improved the safety and
that reports of experiments involving success at retrograde left-heart catheteri-
self-catheterization similar to Werner zation to its currently recognized form.
Forssmann’s involving the left heart are Additional advances included the devel-
noticeably absent from the literature. opment of trans-septal catheterization
Henry Zimmerman et al.9 reported the techniques, simultaneous right- and
first series of retrograde left-heart cathe- left-heart catheterization, and, of course,
terizations from a left ulnar artery cut- angiography. By the end of the 1950s,
down. This report noted failure to pass right- and left-heart catheterization had
a catheter across the aortic valve from become firmly established clinical tech-
a retrograde approach in five normal sub- niques for the evaluation of valvular,
jects, theorizing that the normal aortic structural, and congenital heart disease.
valve prevented ‘‘against the stream’’ With most of the basic elements of
passage of the catheter so they turned catheterization techniques in place,
their attention to patients with aortic investigators turned to refinement in
insufficiency. Zimmerman successfully equipment and techniques. Catheter
entered the left ventricle in 11 patients design represented one of the first impor-
with syphilitic aortic insufficiency. How- tant refinements. The stiff, unwieldy
ever, in a single patient with rheumatic catheters available to earlier generations
aortic insufficiency, the attempt proved of cardiovascular researchers required
fatal. Present-day cardiologists engaged substantial manipulative skill to position
in the regular performance of left-heart and often caused significant arrhythmia.
catheterization would find their account The invention of the balloon flotation
shocking. While attempting to pass the catheter exemplified by the Swan-Ganz
catheter into the left ventricle: catheter represented the innovation lead-
ing to the universal acceptance and
. . . the subject suddenly complained of widespread practical application of hemo-
substernal chest pain and the dynamic assessment. The balloon flota-
electrocardiogram which was being recorded tion catheter became a clinical reality
showed the abrupt appearance of from the desire of Dr. Harold JC Swan,
ventricular fibrillation. The catheter was professor of medicine at the University of
immediately withdrawn. Nine cubic California, Los Angeles, and director of
centimeters of 1 percent solution of procaine cardiology at Cedars-Sinai Medical Cen-
with 0.5 cc of a 1:1000 solution of ter, to apply cardiac catheterization tech-
adrenalin were injected directly into the niques to study the physiology of acute
heart without effect on the cardiac myocardial infarction (Figure 1-5). In the
mechanism. The heart was then exposed early 1960s, cutting-edge hospitals began
Chapter 1—Introduction to Hemodynamic Assessment 7
right atrium and the balloon inflated, the Roentgen’s discovery of X-rays or Werner
catheter quickly migrated across the tri- Forssmann’s audacious self-experiments.
cuspid valve and out the pulmonary We take for granted the formidable task
artery to the wedge position, confirming of translating a pressure wave sampled at
Swan’s notion. The catheters were tried the tip of the catheter to a graphic repre-
in humans with similar success and led sentation plotted as pressure versus time.
to the landmark publication in the New The early pioneers of heart catheteriza-
England Journal of Medicine.12 The group tion recorded intracardiac pressures in
further refined the catheter’s design, and animals with primitive transducers
Ganz added a thermistor to measure car- consisting of elastic membranes attached
diac output by the thermodilution tech- to the catheter and using water-filled
nique. Swan recognized that the catheter manometers that recorded pressure via
and procedure’s success as a universally a system of levers to a chart recorder
accepted bedside tool required that the (sphygmograph).2 Springs and other clever
technique be safe, easy to use, and not mechanical adaptations to the devices
interfere with routine nursing care in the improved their performance. Early in
intensive care unit. According to Swan11: the 20th century, several individuals
made key contributions in this field.
. . . right heart catheterization became so Carl J. Wiggers13 represents one of the
routine and simple that the then Director of key innovators in the development of
the Diagnostic Catheterization Laboratory, high-fidelity pressure recording instru-
Dr. Harold Marcus, stated that he would ments. He is credited with the invention
ban the device because it was impossible to of the Wiggers manometer, the first
train the cardiac fellows in the appropriate optical manometer. The optical manom-
manipulations of right heart catheters. eter was based on work originally
conceptualized by Otto Frank. Wiggers
The core elements of diagnostic car- spent time in Frank’s Munich lab but
diac catheterization and hemodynamic was quite taken aback by Frank’s secretive
assessment have changed little since nature. Wiggers noted13:
the 1970s. Innumerable additional con-
tributors have refined catheterization Such a restrictive attitude in sharing newly
techniques and expanded our knowl- developed apparatus was contrary to my
edge of hemodynamics in health and scientific upbringing and threatened to
disease; the valuable contributions of frustrate my future use of them. Therefore,
these notable leaders will be presented I connived with the laboratory mechanic
in subsequent chapters of this book. who could use some extra money to make
While the bulk of attention is paid copies for me. In a sense, therefore, I
to the colorful pioneers of cardiac cathe- smuggled the equipment I needed out of
terization, the important role of the the laboratory.
unglamorous physiologic recorder in
the advancement of the science of hemo- The configuration of Wiggers’s optical
dynamics is often ignored. In fact, the manometer consisted of the catheter
development of accurate physiologic attached to a fluid-filled chamber. At the
recording equipment provided substan- end of small side arm from this chamber
tial challenges. The contributions made was an elastic membrane. A small mirror
by mostly anonymous geniuses are easily attached to this membrane reflected
forgotten but were as crucial to the a light focused onto a light-sensitive
development of cardiac catheterization as recording paper. In this way, pressure
Chapter 1—Introduction to Hemodynamic Assessment 9
changes from the catheter would be be captured with a handheld mirror and
transmitted to the fluid-filled chamber adjusted to strike the paper. Researchers
and then to the membrane. The light could then record intravascular pressures.
beam essentially functioned as a weight-
less lever arm and a very sensitive Advances in electronics changed
method of reproducing rapid pressure the physiologic recorder. Oscilloscopes
changes. This innovation allowed the replaced the Hamilton manometer; the
first high-fidelity measurements of intra- new systems converted catheter pre-
cardiac pressure (Figure 1-6). Subsequent ssure to an electrical output displayed
modifications by William F. Hamilton14 on cathode ray tubes. Many of us still
provided the essential equipment used recall the old-fashioned chart recorders
in Cournand and Richards’s laboratory that used mechanical stylets to trace
at Bellevue. Measuring and recording the pressure contour onto heat-sensitive
hemodynamics in that era required great paper for later analysis and storage
patience and effort as demonstrated in (Figure 1-7). These apparatuses have
this description14: been replaced by tiny, cheap, and dis-
posable table-mounted pressure transdu-
Once the catheter was in place, all lights cers capable of converting a mechanical
in the room were turned off, and the force to an electrical one, with sub-
Hamilton manometer (which focused a sequent conversion of this electrical sig-
light on sensitive paper to record the nal in the ‘‘black box’’ of an advanced
pressure contour) was attached to the computer to the colorful graphic display
catheter and manipulated in absolute to that we have become accustomed
darkness so that its light output could (Figure 1-8).
D
A
E
1 2 3 4 5
10 Textbook of Clinical Hemodynamics
a careful right-heart catheterization. Pati- analyze, print, and store the hemody-
ents under evaluation for heart or lung namic waveforms generated.
transplantation often undergo right-heart A variety of catheters are available for
catheterization to identify pulmonary pressure sampling (Figure 1-9). The opti-
hypertension and, if present, a determina- mal catheter for hemodynamic measure-
tion of reversibility by pharmacologic ments is stiff to transmit the pressure
administration of a vasodilator agent. wave to the transducer without absorp-
Common indications for the bedside tion by the catheter, is easy and safe to
use of right-heart catheterization in position, and has a relatively large lumen
patients with cardiac disease include the opening to an end hole. The use of an
differentiation of cardiogenic from non- end-hole catheter is especially important
cardiogenic causes of pulmonary edema, when sampling pressures within small
profound hypotension or shock and the chambers or when discerning pressure
guidance of therapy in patients with gradients over relatively small areas. An
heart failure, pulmonary edema, pulmo- end-hole catheter may lead to damping
nary hypertension or shock particularly or other artifact if the end-hole comes
if there is renal impairment. Detailed into contact with the wall of the cardiac
recommendations on the indications chamber. The commonly used ‘‘pig-tail’’
and use of bedside right-heart catheteriza- catheter has multiple side-holes and sam-
tion have been provided.15 ples pressure at each of these openings,
resulting in a tracing representing a mix-
ture of the pressure waves collected at
Equipment each opening. Such catheters are ade-
quate if sampling pressure in a large,
The essential components of a hemo- uniform chamber such as the aorta or left
dynamic monitoring system include a ventricle. It will not, however, have the
catheter, a transducer, fluid-filled tubing required resolution to discern pressure
to connect the catheter to the transdu- gradients within the left ventricle. Cathe-
cer, and a physiologic recorder to display, ters with an end-hole and side-holes at
A B
FIGURE 1-9. Catheters used for collecting hemodynamic measurements. A, The popular Swan-Ganz catheter. This
model has four ports consisting of a proximal lumen (a), a distal lumen (b), and the balloon port (c), which inflates the
balloon mounted at the tip of the catheter. There is an extra infusion port (d) on this model. The thermistor for perfor-
mance of thermodilution cardiac outputs connects to the computer via a connecting plug (e). The catheter has 10-cm
increments marked by lines (arrow). B, Example of a Berman catheter. This is used for hemodynamics but also for angi-
ography. There is a port connecting to the distal lumen (a) and a balloon inflation port (b). There are multiple side-holes
to allow angiography at the tip of the catheter (c).
12 Textbook of Clinical Hemodynamics
just the tip prevent damping or artifac- balloon flotation to assist in catheter posi-
tual waveforms due to positioning of tioning and must be directed carefully
the catheter tip against the chamber wall through the cardiac chambers under fluo-
and are useful for collecting samples for roscopic guidance by the operator. These
oxygen saturation. The Swan-Ganz cath- include the Layman catheter and Cour-
eter is the most commonly used catheter nand catheter consisting of an end-hole,
for measuring right-heart pressures. In the NIH catheter that contains multiple
addition to the balloon at the tip for flo- side-holes near the tip but no end-hole,
tation, it consists of an end-hole (distal and the Goodale-Lubin catheter consist-
port), a side-hole 30 cm from the cathe- ing of an end-hole and two single side-
ter tip (proximal port), and a thermistor holes near the tip and used mostly for
for measurement of thermodilution car- blood sampling.
diac output. This catheter is used exten- Transducers and tubing constitute
sively in modern cardiac catheterization the next important component of the
laboratories as well as at the bedside for hemodynamic measurement system.
invasive monitoring. Other balloon flo- Table mounted, fluid-filled transducers
tation catheters include the Berman currently used by most catheterization
catheter, which is constructed of multi- laboratories and intensive care units are
ple side-holes near the tip and no end- inexpensive and disposable (Figure 1-10).
hole or thermistor and is used principally The pressure wave is transmitted through
for performance of angiography, and the the fluid-filled catheter to a membrane in
balloon-wedge catheter, which contains the transducer and deforms the mem-
an end-hole similar to the Swan-Ganz brane resulting in a change in electrical
catheter but no thermistor for cardiac resistance. This electrical signal is trans-
output measurement or additional infu- mitted to the analyzing computer and
sion or pressure monitoring ports. Other converted to a graphic representation of
catheters rarely used today for pressure the pressure wave. These relatively inex-
measurement or for blood sampling dur- pensive transducers are factory calibrated
ing right-heart catheterization do not use but require ‘‘zeroing.’’ They sometimes
FIGURE 1-10. Setup for a table-mounted transducer used for pressure measurement in the cardiac catheterization lab-
oratory. A, The general configuration. The catheter used to sample pressure is connected to a high-pressure tubing
(arrow). A close-up view of the transducer is shown in B (arrow). The high-pressure tubing connecting to the patient
attaches by a stopcock to the transducer (a). Another stopcock allows flushing and equilibration with air (b). The trans-
ducer connects by a cable to the hemodynamic computer (c).
Chapter 1—Introduction to Hemodynamic Assessment 13
16
Chapter 2—Normal Waveforms, Artifacts, and Pitfalls 17
180
Under-damped
160 Correct waveform
Over-damped
140
120
100
mmHg
80
60
40
20
0
FIGURE 2-1. Schematic representation of the effects of over- or under-damping on the pressure waveform. An under-
damped waveform will overestimate systolic pressure and underestimate diastolic pressure, whereas over-damping will
have the opposite effects. In addition, the over-damped waveform obscures subtle hemodynamic findings, such as the
dicrotic notch.
18 Textbook of Clinical Hemodynamics
A B
FIGURE 2-2. A, Demonstration of the ‘‘zero’’ position or phlebostatic axis representing a point midway in the antero-
posterior chest dimension at the fourth intercostal space. B, Table-mounted transducers are positioned at this point using
a level to ensure accuracy.
The tradition of using the midaxillary in patients who are unable to lie flat or
line as the zero position has been called who are at the extremes of body weight.
into question. Because of the influence A transducer placed above the true
of hydrostatic pressure, in the supine posi- zero position will furnish a measured
tion, and use of fluid-filled transducers, pressure lower than the actual pressure;
some physicians believe that setting the a transducer placed below the true zero
zero position as the upper border of the position will result in a pressure measure-
left ventricle is more accurate.1 The dif- ment higher than the actual pressure.
ference between this location and the These small pressure changes caused
conventional location provides greatest by improper zeroing may lead to signifi-
accuracy in diastolic pressure measure- cant errors in diagnosis and, perhaps,
ments. However, most routine labs find inappropriate therapy.
this approach impractical because it Transducer drift refers to either the
requires the use of echocardiography to loss of calibration or loss of balance after
determine the precise location; it is more initially setting the zero level. This is
applicable to research investigations. not uncommon. Many patients have
A major advantage of the midchest posi- been started on pressors for hypoten-
tion is that it has been shown to correlate sion or a patient falsely diagnosed with
with the position of the left atrium by mitral stenosis because of inaccurate
magnetic resonance imaging studies transducer balancing, improper zero
regardless of the patient’s age, gender, positioning, or transducer drifting. Care-
body habitus, or presence of chronic lung ful attention to this aspect is important
disease.2 Frequently, busy catheterization for proper interpretation.
laboratories might position the trans-
ducer at the same level for all patients or Normal Physiology and
from a measured, fixed distance from Waveform Characteristics
either the table or from the top of the
patient’s chest, without taking into con- Interpretation of pressure waveforms
sideration the variations in patient posi- requires a consistent and systematic
tion or body habitus. This practice will approach (Table 2-1). After confirming
lead to marked inaccuracies, particularly the zero level, the scale of the recording
Chapter 2—Normal Waveforms, Artifacts, and Pitfalls 19
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Phase
Dicrotic
notch
Aortic
Left V
A C
ventricular
Left
atrial
FIGURE 2-3. Timing of the major electrical and mechanical events during the cardiac cycle. Phase 1 ¼ atrial contraction;
Phase 2 ¼ isovolumic contraction; Phase 3 ¼ rapid ejection; Phase 4 ¼ reduced ejection; Phase 5 ¼ isovolumic relaxation;
Phase 6 ¼ rapid ventricular filling; and Phase 7 ¼ reduced ventricular filling.
20 Textbook of Clinical Hemodynamics
a
v v
a v v
a a
0.19 mmHg/mm
1 2 3 4 5 6
FIGURE 2-8. Example of a normal right ventricular FIGURE 2-10. An example of a normal pulmonary
waveform. artery waveform. Note the dicrotic notch (arrow).
FIGURE 2-9. Right ventricular waveform obtained in a FIGURE 2-11. Respiratory variation in a pulmonary
patient with pulmonary hypertension and right ventricular artery pressure wave.
hypertrophy, demonstrating prominent a waves.
indicates decreased compliance from pul- other arterial waveforms, with a rapid
monary hypertension, right ventricular rise in pressure, systolic peak, a pressure
hypertrophy, or volume overload. decay associated with a well-defined
dicrotic notch from pulmonic valve clo-
sure, and a diastolic trough. Peak sys-
Pulmonary Artery Waveform tolic pressure occurs within the T wave
on the surface ECG.
The normal pulmonary artery systolic The pulmonary artery waveform, like
pressure is 20–30 mmHg, and the nor- other right heart chamber pressure wave-
mal diastolic pressure is 4–12 mmHg forms, is subject to respiratory changes
(Figure 2-10). A systolic pressure differ- (Figure 2-11). Inspiration decreases in-
ence should not exist between the right trathoracic pressure, and expiration
ventricle and the pulmonary artery increases intrathoracic pressure. The pres-
unless there is pulmonary valvular or sure changes associated with respiration
pulmonary artery stenosis. The pulmo- transmitted to the cardiac chambers are
nary artery pressure tracing is similar to often small and of little consequence.
Chapter 2—Normal Waveforms, Artifacts, and Pitfalls 23
Shorter delays are observed when the to reflect. In general, the mean PCWP is
PCWP is obtained with the catheter tip within a few millimeters of mercury of
in a more distal location. Typically, the the mean left atrial pressure, especially if
peak of the a wave follows the P wave the wedge and pulmonary artery systolic
on the ECG by about 240 msec rather pressures are low.6 High pulmonary
than 80 msec, as seen in the right atrial artery pressure creates difficulty in
tracing.5 Similarly, the peak of the v obtaining a true ‘‘wedge,’’ falsely elevat-
wave occurs after the T wave has already ing the pulmonary capillary wedge pres-
been inscribed on the ECG. The relation sure relative to the left atrial pressure.
between a true left atrial pressure and Obtaining an accurate and high-qual-
the PCWP is shown in Figure 2-14. Note ity PCWP tracing is not always easy or
the time delay between the same physi- possible. An existing uninterrupted fluid
ologic events and the ‘‘damped’’ nature column between the catheter tip and
of the PCWP relative to the left-atrial the left atrium is important. However,
(LA) waveform, with a pressure slightly the lung consists of three distinct physio-
lower than the left atrium it is meant logic pressure zones with a different rela-
tion between the alveolar, pulmonary
artery, and pulmonary venous pressures
(the lung zones of West) (Figure 2-15).7
Zone 1 is typically present in the apex of
the lungs, where the alveolar pressure is
greater than the mean pulmonary artery
and pulmonary venous pressures. Zone
2 is located in the central portion of
the lung, and pulmonary artery pressure
exceeds alveolar pressure, which, in turn,
is greater than the pulmonary venous
pressure. These zones are not acceptable
for estimation of the PCWP because cap-
FIGURE 2-14. Relationship between the left atrial (LA)
and pulmonary capillary wedge pressure (PCWP) wave- illary collapse is present based on these
forms. Note the time delay on the PCWP for the same pressure relations, and a direct column
events and the relatively ‘‘damped’’ appearance of the
PCWP tracing with a slightly lower pressure compared of blood does not exist between the
with the LA pressure. left atrium and the wedged catheter tip.
large and prominent a waves, the pres- Central Aortic Pressure Waveform
sure just after the a wave represents the
LVEDP (Figure 2-18). Intrathoracic pres- The normal aortic systolic pressure is
sure changes due to the respiratory phases 90–140 mmHg, and the normal diastolic
can also affect LVEDP, the pressure at pressure is 60–90 mmHg. Central aortic
end-expiration (Figure 2-19). waveforms have a rapid upstroke, a sys-
tolic peak, and a clearly defined dicrotic
notch due to closure of the aortic valve
during pressure decay (Figure 2-20).
The peak systolic pressure equals the
peak left ventricular systolic pressure,
unless there is obstruction within the
left ventricle, at the aortic valve, or
within the proximal aorta. An anacrotic
notch may be apparent during the sys-
tolic pressure rise (Figure 2-21), as a
result of turbulent flow during ejection, peripheral vascular disease, aortic or ilio-
and indicates an abnormality in the aor- femoral obstruction, or tortuosity and
tic valve or proximal aorta. arterial vasoconstriction. Factors asso-
The measured central aortic pressure ciated with diminished reflected waves
is composed of two components: the include vasodilation, hypovolemia, and
pressure wave generated from forward hypotension. The reflected wave is typi-
flow from left ventricular ejection and cally apparent late in the aortic wave-
the summation of pressure waves gener- form due to the time delay from its
ated from ‘‘reflected’’ waves. Reflected generation to its summation with the
waves result because as blood is ejected forward waves.
forward, it meets areas of resistance such The effect of reflected waves is particu-
as branch points or tortuous vessels. larly notable in peripheral arterial wave-
When the pressure wavefront strikes forms (brachial, femoral, and radial)
these areas, additional pressure waves are (Figure 2-22). Peak systolic press-
generated and directed back to the heart. ure exceeds central aortic pressure by
These pressure waves strike the aortic 10–20 mmHg due to peripheral amplifi-
valve, generating additional, forward- cation from reflected waves. The contour
directed, smaller pressure waves. There- of the waveform changes further from
fore, the sampled pressure waveform the aortic valve, with a steeper upstroke,
represents a summation of all of the narrower systolic portion (spiked appear-
forward impulses. ance), and markedly diminished or
This phenomenon is less apparent absent dicrotic notch.
when pressure is sampled closer to the
aortic valve. The effect increases further
from the aortic valve but is usually Measurement of
negligible. Under some circumstances, Simultaneous Pressures in
however, the reflected waves may be Two or More Chambers
of significant dimension. Factors that
increase the effect of reflected waves Cardiac catheterization protocols col-
include heart failure, aortic regurgita- lect simultaneous pressure in two
tion, systemic hypertension, increased or more chambers for the purpose of
aortic stiffness from advanced age or screening for several specific conditions.
FIGURE 2-22. A, A simultaneous central aortic pressure and femoral artery sheath pressure obtained in a patient with
aortic stenosis. Compared to the central aortic pressure, the femoral artery pressure wave exhibits a time delay, peripheral
amplification with higher systolic pressure, and a ‘‘damped’’ appearance with loss of the dicrotic notch. B, A simultaneous
central aortic and radial artery pressure showing the typical ‘‘spiked’’ appearance of a peripheral waveform.
Chapter 2—Normal Waveforms, Artifacts, and Pitfalls 29
A B
C
FIGURE 2-24. Effect of conduction abnormalities on simultaneous right and left ventricular pressure waveforms.
A, Normally, the right ventricular pressure wave sits within the left ventricular pressure contour. B, In the presence of a
right bundle branch block, the right ventricular wave is shifted to the right. Note how a premature ventricular contraction
returns the right ventricular tracing to a more normal appearance. C, A left bundle branch block or intraventricular con-
duction delay interrupts left ventricular contraction relative to the right ventricle, causing the right ventricular waveform
to shift to the left.
Common Errors and Artifacts kink, or blood clot anywhere along the
line from the catheter tip to the sensing
Most errors in the collection and inter- membrane. Similarly, a loose connec-
pretation of hemodynamic data are tion or stopcock can cause inaccuracy.
related to one of the reasons listed in Transducers may be defective or poorly
Table 2-2. Erroneous data due to calibrated, which should be considered
an improper zero level or unbalanced when there is difficulty maintaining
transducer might lead to patient mis- transducer balance or if the data obtained
management. With the commonly used appear inconsistent. The frequency res-
fluid-filled systems, artifacts and errors ponse of most clinically used systems
may be caused by a small air bubble, may be exceeded in the presence of
marked tachycardia, preventing the col-
lection of high-fidelity tracings. Mech-
Common Sources of Error or anical ventilators and extreme changes
TABLE 2-2. Inaccuracy in Hemodynamic in intrathoracic pressure can make inter-
Assessment pretation difficult. Finally, several arti-
1. Improper zero level or transducer balancing facts frequently thwart an unsuspecting
2. Air bubbles, clots, or kinks in the system clinician.
3. Loose connections
4. Defective transducers
Probably the most commonly observed
5. Tachycardia and loss of frequency response artifacts relate to an improper degree
6. Mechanical ventilators and excessive of damping. The over-damped tracing
intrathoracic pressure changes
7. Artifacts: (Figure 2-28) indicates the presence of
Over-damping excessive friction absorbing the force of
Overshoot or ‘‘ring’’ artifact
Catheter whip or ‘‘fling’’ the pressure wave somewhere in the line
Catheter entrapment from the catheter tip to the transducer.
Hybrid waveforms
The tracing lacks proper fidelity and
FIGURE 2-28. A, A damped aortic pressure waveform due to the presence of an air bubble in the catheter. This tracing
has poor fidelity, a smooth appearance, and lacks a dicrotic notch. B, Following vigorous flushing and removal of the
offending air bubble, a high-fidelity tracing is apparent with return of a dicrotic notch.
Chapter 2—Normal Waveforms, Artifacts, and Pitfalls 33
appears smooth and rounded because pressure during the systolic pressure rise
of loss of frequency response. This will with similar, negatively directed waves
result in loss of data and will falsely lower overshooting the true pressure contour
peak pressures. Typically, the dicrotic during the downstroke. This artifact
notch on the aortic or pulmonary artery may lead to overestimation of the peak
waveforms is absent, and the right atrial
or PCWP waveforms will lack distinct a
and v waves. The diastolic pressure tracing
on an over-damped ventricular waveform
will be smooth, preventing recognition of
an a wave and making determination of
end-diastolic pressure difficult. This arti-
fact is usually caused by sloppy operators
or air bubbles in the tubing, catheter, or
transducer, or a loose connection any-
where in the system. The operator should
also be aware that a thrombus or kink in
the catheter may also cause this artifact
as well as the presence of high viscosity
radiographic contrast agents in the cathe-
ter. For the latter reason, hemodynamic
data should always be collected with
saline, and not contrast, in the catheter.
Under-damping causes overshoot or FIGURE 2-29. ‘‘Ring’’ artifact is a very common artifact,
usually due to the presence of a small bubble somewhere
ring artifact (Figures 2-29 and 2-30). This in the system between the catheter tip and the transducer.
artifact typically appears as one or more The small bubble oscillates, causing the high-frequency,
spiked artifact shown here (arrow). This can usually be
narrow ‘‘spikes’’ overshooting the true corrected by flushing the catheter or introducing a filter.
A B
FIGURE 2-30. A commonly seen ‘‘overshoot’’ artifact in a right ventricular pressure tracing. A, The overshoot portion
(arrow) may provide the false impression that (B) the right ventricular pressure exceeds pulmonary artery pressure, lead-
ing to an erroneous diagnosis of pulmonary artery or pulmonic valve stenosis.
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the contest really lay; and again the duke proved victorious. The
conqueror made his “joyous entry” into Le Mans, and sent for the
little Margaret to be kept under his own protection until her marriage
could take place. But before the wedding-day arrived she lay in her
grave at Fécamp; Walter and Biota had already come to a
mysterious end; and the one gallant Cenomannian who held out
when Walter and all else had yielded—Geoffrey of Mayenne—was at
length compelled to surrender.[505] Thenceforth William ruled Maine
as its Conqueror, and as long as he lived, save for one brief moment,
the homage due to Anjou was heard of no more.
[519] Ord. Vit. (Duchesne, Hist. Norm. Scriptt.), pp. 723, 818.
He makes it thirty years, but the dates are undoubtedly 1068–
1096.
That time was a time of shame and misery such as the Marchland
had never yet seen. Eight years of civil war had fostered among the
barons of Anjou and Touraine a spirit of turbulence and lawlessness
which Fulk, whose own intrigues had sown the first seeds of the
mischief, was powerless to control. Throughout the whole of his
reign, all southern Touraine was kept in confusion by a feud among
the landowners at Amboise;[520] and it can hardly have been the
only one of its kind under a ruler who, instead of putting it down with
a strong hand, only aggravated it by his undignified and violent
intermeddling. Nor were his foreign relations better regulated than
his home policy. For a moment, in 1073, an opportunity seemed to
present itself of regaining the lost Angevin overlordship over Maine.
Ten years of Angevin rule had failed to crush out the love of
independence among the Cenomannian people; ten years of
Norman rule had just as little effect. While their conqueror was
busied with the settlement of his later and greater conquest beyond
sea, the patriots of Maine seized a favourable moment to throw off
the Norman yoke. Hugh of Este or of Liguria, a son of Herbert Wake-
the-dog’s eldest daughter Gersendis, was received as count under
the guardianship of his mother and Geoffrey of Mayenne. But
Geoffrey, who in the hour of adversity ten years before had seemed
little short of a hero, yielded to the temptations of power; and his
tyranny drove the Cenomannians to fall back upon the traditions of
their old municipal freedom and “make a commune”—in other words,
to set up a civic commonwealth such as those which were one day
to be the glory of the more distant Cenomannian land on the other
side of the Alps. At Le Mans, however, the experiment was
premature. It failed through the treachery of Geoffrey of Mayenne;
and the citizens, in the extremity of despair, called upon Fulk of
Anjou to save them at once from Geoffrey and from William. Fulk
readily helped them to dislodge Geoffrey from the citadel of Le
Mans;[521] but as soon as William appeared in Maine with a great
army from over sea Fulk, like his uncle, vanished. Only when the
conqueror had “won back the land of Maine”[522] and returned in
triumph to Normandy did Fulk venture to attack La Flèche, a castle
on the right bank of the Loir, close to the Angevin border, and held by
John, husband of Herbert Wake-dog’s youngest daughter Paula.[523]
At John’s request William sent a picked band of Norman troops to
reinforce the garrison of La Flèche; Fulk at once collected all his
forces and persuaded Hoel duke of Britanny to bring a large Breton
host to help him in besieging the place. A war begun on such a scale
as this might be nominally an attack on John, but it was practically
an attack on William. He took it as such, and again calling together
his forces, Normans and English, led them down to the relief of La
Flèche. Instead, however, of marching straight to the spot, he
crossed the Loir higher up and swept round to the southward
through the territories of Anjou, thus putting the river between
himself and his enemies. The movement naturally drew Fulk back
across the river to defend his own land against the Norman invader.
[524] The two armies drew up facing each other on a wide moor or
heath stretching along the left bank of the Loir between La Flèche
and Le Lude, and overgrown with white reindeer-moss, whence it
took the name of Blanchelande. No battle however took place; some
clergy who were happily at hand stepped in as mediators, and after a
long negotiation peace was arranged. The count of Anjou again
granted the investiture of Maine to Robert of Normandy, and, like his
predecessor, received the young man’s homage to himself as
overlord.[525] Like the treaty of Alençon, the treaty of Blanchelande
was a mere formal compromise; William kept it a dead letter by
steadily refusing to make over Maine to his son, and holding it as
before by the right of his own good sword. A few years later Fulk
succeeded in accomplishing his vengeance upon John of La Flèche
by taking and burning his castle;[526] but the expedition seems to
have been a mere border-raid, and so long as William lived neither
native patriotism nor Angevin meddlesomeness ventured again to
question his supremacy over Maine.
[532] Gregor. VII. Epp., l. ix. ep. 22. Fulk’s violence to the
archbishop of Tours had also something to do with his
excommunication; see ib. ep. 23; Chron. Turon. Magn. a. 1081
(Salmon, Chron. Touraine, vol. i. p. 126), and Narratio
Controversiæ in Rer. Gall. Scriptt., vol. xii. p. 459. So too had his
imprisonment of his brother; Rer. Gall. Scriptt. as above, p. 664,
note.
By that time Maine was again in revolt. The leader of the rising
was young Elias of La Flèche, a son of John and Paula; but his place
was soon taken by the veteran Geoffrey of Mayenne, whose
treasons seem to have been forgiven and forgotten, and who now
once more installed Hugh of Este as count at Le Mans. Hugh proved
however utterly unfit for his honourable but dangerous position, and
gladly sold his claims to his cousin Elias.[534] For nearly six years the
Cenomannians were free to rejoice in a ruler of their own blood and
their own spirit. We must go to the historian of his enemies if we
would hear his praises sung;[535] his own people had no need to
praise him in words; for them he was simply the incarnation of
Cenomannian freedom; his bright, warm-hearted, impulsive nature
spoke for itself. The strength as well as the charm of his character
lay in its perfect sincerity; its faults were as undisguised as its
virtues. In the gloomy tale of public wrong and private vice which
makes up the history of the time—the time of Fulk Rechin, Philip I.
and William Rufus—the only figure which shines out bright against
the darkness, except the figure of S. Anselm himself, is that of Count
Elias of Maine.
[546] Ord. Vit. (Duchesne, Hist. Norm. Scriptt.), pp. 784, 785.
Nearly nine months before the death of Fulk Rechin, Louis VI. had
succeeded his father Philip as king of France.[558] His accession
marks an era in the growth of the French monarchy. It is a turning-
point in the struggle of the feudataries with the Crown, or rather with
each other for control over the Crown, which lay at the root of the
rivalry between Anjou and Blois, and which makes up almost the
whole history of the first three generations of the kingly house
founded by Hugh Capet. The royal authority was a mere name; but
that name was still the centre round which the whole complicated
system of French feudalism revolved; it was the one point of
cohesion among the various and ill-assorted members which made
up the realm of France, in the wider sense which that word was now
beginning to bear. The duke or count of almost any one of the great
fiefs—Normandy, Flanders, Burgundy, Aquitaine—was far more
really powerful and independent than the king, who was nominally
the lord paramount of them all, but practically the tool of each in turn.
In this seemingly ignominious position of the Crown there was,
however, an element of hidden strength which in the end enabled it
to swallow up and outlive all its rivals. The end was as yet far distant;
but the first step towards it was taken when Louis the Fat was
crowned at Reims in August 1109. At the age of thirty-two he
ascended the throne with a fixed determination to secure such an
absolute authority within the immediate domains of the Crown as
should enable him to become the master instead of the servant of
his feudataries.
[561] Suger, Vita Ludov., c. 15 (Rer. Gall. Scriptt., vol. xii. pp.
27, 28).
The accession of Fulk V., no less than that of Louis VI., began a
new era for his country. The two princes were in some respects not
unlike each other: each stands out in marked contrast to his
predecessor, and in Fulk’s case the contrast is even more striking
than in that of Louis, for if little good was to be expected of the son of
Philip I., there might well be even less hope of the child of Fulk
Rechin and Bertrada. As a ruler and as a man, however, young Fulk
turned utterly aside from the evil ways of both his parents.[563] Yet he
was an Angevin of the Angevins; physically, he had the ruddy
complexion inherited from the first of his race and name;[564] while in
his restless, adventurous temper, at once impetuous and wary,
daring and discreet, he shows a strong likeness to his great-
grandfather Fulk the Black. But the old fiery spirit breaks out in Fulk
V. only as if to remind us that it is still there, to shew that the demon-
blood of Anjou still flows in his veins, hot as ever indeed, but kept
under subjection to higher influences; the sense of right that only
woke now and then to torture the conscience of the Black Count
seems to be the guiding principle of his great-grandson’s life. The
evil influences which must have surrounded his boyhood, whether it
had been passed in his father’s house, or, as seems more probable,
in the court of Philip and Bertrada, seem, instead of developing the
worse tendencies of his nature, only to have brought out the better
ones into more active working by sheer force of opposition.
Politically, however, there can be no doubt that the peculiar
circumstances of his early life led to important results, by reviving
and strengthening the old ties between Anjou and the Crown which
had somewhat slackened in Fulk Rechin’s days. The most trusted
counsellor of the new king, the devoted supporter and not
unfrequently the instigator of his schemes of reform or of aggression,
was Almeric of Montfort, the brother of Bertrada. She herself, after
persecuting Louis by every means in her power so long as his father
lived, changed her policy as soon as he mounted the throne and
became as useful an ally as she had been a dangerous enemy.
Almeric’s influence, won by his own talents, seems to have been
almost all-powerful with the king; over the count of Anjou, far
younger and utterly inexperienced, natural ties had given a yet more
complete ascendency to him and his sister, Fulk’s own mother. Their
policy was to pledge Anjou irrevocably to the side of the French
crown by forcing it into a quarrel with Henry I.
The means lay ready to their hands. Aremburg of Maine, once the
plighted bride of Geoffrey Martel, was still unwed; Fulk, by his
mother’s counsel, sought and won her for his wife.[565] Her marriage
crowned the work of Elias. The patriot-count’s mission was fulfilled,
his task was done; and in that very summer he passed to his well-
earned rest.[566] Fulk, as husband of the heiress, thus became count
of Maine, and the immediate consequence was a breach with Henry
on the long-vexed question of the overlordship of the county.
Whether Elias had or had not recognized any right of overlordship in
Fulk Rechin or Geoffrey Martel II. is not clear; he certainly seems to
have done homage to Henry,[567] and their mutual relations as lord
and vassal were highly honourable to both; but it was hardly to be
expected that Fulk, whose predecessors had twice received the
homage of Henry’s elder brother for that very county, should yield up
without a struggle the rights of the count of Anjou. He refused all
submission to Henry, and at once formed a league with the French
Crown in active opposition to the lord of England and Normandy.
[565] Ord. Vit. (Duchesne, Hist. Norm. Scriptt.), pp. 785, 818.
Gesta Cons. (Marchegay, Comtes), p. 143. Will. Tyr., l. xiv. c. 1.
[567] “Eac thises geares forthferde Elias eorl, the tha Mannie
of tham cynge Heanri geheold, and on cweow.” Eng. Chron. a.
1110. Nobody seems to know what “on cweow” means; Mr.
Thorpe (Eng. Chron., vol. ii. p. 211) suggests that it may stand for
“Angeow.”
The war began in 1111, and the danger was great enough to call
Henry himself over sea in August and keep him on the continent for
nearly two years. The leading part was taken by the count of Anjou,
whose marriage enabled him to add the famous “Cenomannian
swords” to the forces of Touraine and the Angevin March.[568]
Moreover, treason was, as usual, rife among the Norman barons;
and the worst of all the traitors was Robert of Bellême. One after
another the lesser offenders were brought to justice; at last, in
November 1112, Robert himself fell into the hands of his outraged
sovereign, and, to the joy of all men on both sides of the sea, was
flung into a lifelong captivity.[569] Then at last Henry felt secure in
Normandy; the capture of Robert was followed by the surrender of
his fortress of Alençon, and the tide of fortune turned so rapidly that
Fulk and Louis were soon compelled to sue for peace. Early in Lent
1113 Fulk and Henry met at Pierre-Pécoulée near Alençon; the count
submitted to perform the required homage for Maine, and his infant
daughter was betrothed to Henry’s son, the little Ætheling William. In
March the treaty was confirmed by the two kings at Gisors; and as
the first-fruits of their new alliance there was seen the strange
spectacle of a count of Anjou and a count of Blois fighting side by
side to help the lord of Normandy in subduing the rebels who still
held out in the castle of Bellême.[570]
Henry’s next step was to exact, first from the barons of Normandy
and then from the Great Council of England, a solemn oath of
homage and fealty to his son William as his destined successor.[571]
This ceremony, not unusual in France, but quite without precedent in
England, was doubtless a precaution against the chances of the war
which he foresaw must soon be renewed. This time indeed he was
himself the aggressor; Louis had made no hostile movement, and
Fulk was troubled by a revolt at home, whose exact nature is not
clearly ascertained. The universal tendency of feudal vassals to
rebel against their lord had probably something to do with it; but
there seems also to have been another and a far more interesting
element at work. “There arose a grave dissension between Count
Fulk the Younger and the burghers of Angers.”[572] In this
provokingly brief entry in one of the Angevin chronicles we may
perhaps catch a glimpse of that new spirit of civic freedom which
was just springing into life in northern Europe, and which made some
progress both in France and in England during the reigns of Louis VI.
and Henry I. One would gladly know what were the demands of the
Angevin burghers, and how they were met by the son-in-law of Elias
of Le Mans; but the faint echo of the dispute between count and
citizens is drowned in the roar of the more imposing strife which
soon broke out anew between the rival kings. Its ostensible cause
was now Count Theobald of Blois, whose wrongs were made by his
uncle a ground for marching into France, in company with Theobald
himself and his brother Stephen, in the spring of 1116. Louis
retaliated by a raid upon Normandy; the Norman barons
recommenced their old intrigues;[573] and they were soon furnished
with an excellent pretext. After the battle of Tinchebray, Duke
Robert’s infant son William had been intrusted by his victorious uncle
to the care of his half-sister’s husband, Elias of Saint-Saëns. Elias
presently began to suspect Henry of evil designs against the child; at
once, sacrificing his own possessions to Henry’s wrath, he fled with
his charge and led him throughout all the neighbouring lands,
seeking to stir up sympathy for the fugitive heir of Normandy, till he
found him a shelter at the court of his kinsman Count Baldwin of
Flanders.[574] At last the faithful guardian’s zeal was rewarded by
seeing the cause of his young brother-in-law taken up by both
Baldwin and Louis. In 1117 they leagued themselves together with
the avowed object of avenging Duke Robert and reinstating his son
in the duchy of Normandy; and their league was at once joined by
the count of Anjou.[575]
[571] Eng. Chron. a. 1115. Flor. Worc. (Thorpe), vol. ii. p. 69.
Eadmer, Hist. Nov. (Rule), p. 237.
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