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I extend a warm welcome to you all to the esteemed Lok Sabha. It is an honor to address such a
distinguished assembly of young leaders. My name is Ethan Sequeira, and at just 15 years old, I
am deeply passionate about our nation's political landscape and its dynamic history.
India, as you know, has faced numerous struggles. From gaining independence in 1947 to
navigating economic challenges, social inequalities, and the ongoing battle against corruption,
our nation has shown remarkable resilience.
Personally, witnessing the efforts to improve education and healthcare has left a lasting impact
on me. The digital divide and the quest for quality education for all are challenges I see as crucial
for our future.
As we gather here today, let us remember the importance of democratic values and work
collectively towards a brighter, more inclusive India. I look forward to our discussions and the
innovative ideas that will emerge from this assembly.
Regards,
The Executive Board of Lok Sabha
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This analysis will delve into the intricacies of these interlinked issues. We will examine:
Key Terms
In the following sections, we will explore how these elements intersect and influence India's
current state.
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BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The Birth of Indian Democracy
India's journey to becoming the world's largest democracy is a remarkable tale of struggle, vision,
and perseverance. While the roots of democratic principles can be traced back to ancient India,
the modern democratic system was established post-independence.
Ancient India: The concept of 'Sabha' and 'Samiti' in ancient Indian republics exhibited
elements of democratic governance, with assemblies playing a crucial role in decision-
making.
British Colonial Rule: While colonial rule was authoritarian, it inadvertently introduced
democratic concepts like representative government and elections. The Indian National
Congress, formed in 1885, emerged as a platform for nationalist aspirations and
democratic ideals.
Independence Struggle: The struggle for independence under the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi was deeply rooted in democratic principles, emphasizing non-violence,
equality, and self-determination.
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In essence, India's democracy is a product of a long historical evolution, marked by the fusion of
ancient traditions, colonial experiences, and the vision of its founding fathers. The country's
commitment to democratic principles has endured despite various challenges, making it a beacon
of hope for democracies worldwide.
Concerns about the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leading India toward dictatorship and
threatening democracy stem from several actions and policies perceived to centralize power,
undermine democratic institutions, and restrict civil liberties. Here are some detailed reasons
behind these apprehensions:
1. Centralization of Power
Critics argue that the BJP, particularly under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has
increasingly centralized decision-making power within the Prime Minister's Office
(PMO), marginalizing other branches of government and key institutions.
Judiciary:
Media:
There are concerns about media freedom being curtailed through pressure on journalists,
media houses, and regulatory bodies. Instances of raids on media offices and attacks on
journalists have been cited as efforts to stifle dissenting voices.
Parliament:
The BJP has been accused of bypassing parliamentary procedures by passing significant
legislation without adequate debate and scrutiny. The frequent use of ordinances and the
passage of bills without thorough discussion are seen as undermining the legislative
process.
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Laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and sedition laws have
been used to detain activists, journalists, and political opponents, raising concerns about
the suppression of dissent.
Crackdowns on protests, such as those against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)
and the farmers' protests, have involved police action and restrictions on public
gatherings, leading to accusations of suppressing democratic expression.
4. Electoral Practices
Electoral Bonds:
The introduction of electoral bonds, which allow anonymous donations to political parties,
has been criticized for reducing transparency in political funding and potentially
benefiting the ruling party disproportionately.
Campaign Conduct:
Accusations of using state machinery for electoral gains, such as through extensive use of
public resources for political campaigning and the alleged misuse of law enforcement
agencies against political rivals, have been made.
Communal Polarization:
The BJP's emphasis on Hindu nationalism and policies perceived to favor the majority
community have been seen as deepening societal divisions and marginalizing minorities.
Incidents of communal violence and hate speech have exacerbated these concerns.
Legislative Actions:
Laws like the CAA, which provides a pathway to citizenship for non-Muslim refugees
from neighboring countries, have been criticized for undermining the secular principles
of the Constitution.
6. Handling of Dissent
The government has been accused of using surveillance technologies to monitor and
intimidate political opponents, activists, and journalists. Concerns over privacy violations
have been heightened by incidents like the Pegasus spyware controversy.
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There have been instances of law enforcement agencies, such as the Enforcement
Directorate and the Central Bureau of Investigation, being used to target political
opponents, which critics argue is an attempt to silence dissent and consolidate power.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has defended itself against accusations of leading India toward
autocracy and undermining democracy by presenting various justifications. Here are the key
arguments the BJP has used to support its position:
1. Democratic Mandate
Electoral Victories:
The BJP emphasizes its strong electoral mandate, having won substantial majorities in
national and state elections. They argue that their repeated electoral success reflects
popular support for their policies and governance style.
Economic Growth:
The BJP claims to focus on economic development, citing initiatives like the Goods and
Services Tax (GST), Make in India, and the promotion of foreign direct investment (FDI).
They argue these reforms are necessary for modernizing India's economy and creating
jobs.
Infrastructure Development:
3. Anti-Corruption Measures
The BJP points to its efforts to combat corruption, including the implementation of direct
benefit transfer (DBT) schemes, the introduction of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code
(IBC), and measures to reduce black money. They argue these steps are designed to
increase transparency and accountability in government.
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Security Measures:
The BJP defends its strong stance on national security, including the abrogation of Article
370 in Jammu and Kashmir and actions against terrorism. They argue that these measures
are necessary to ensure national security and integrity.
The party justifies its strict law enforcement policies as essential for maintaining law and
order, preventing violence, and ensuring the safety and security of citizens.
Welfare Schemes:
The BJP highlights various social welfare schemes, such as the Pradhan Mantri Awas
Yojana (housing for all), Swachh Bharat Abhiyan (clean India mission), and the Jan
Dhan Yojana (financial inclusion). They argue these programs are aimed at improving
the quality of life for the poor and marginalized.
6. Democratic Engagement
Citizen Participation:
The BJP emphasizes its efforts to engage citizens directly through initiatives like the
MyGov platform and Mann Ki Baat, a radio program where Prime Minister Modi
addresses the nation. They argue these initiatives promote democratic engagement and
transparency.
7. Judicial Reforms
The party argues that its efforts to streamline judicial processes and reduce pendency of
cases are aimed at improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the legal system, thereby
strengthening the rule of law.
Media Freedom:
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The BJP denies allegations of curbing press freedom, arguing that India has a vibrant and
diverse media landscape. They point to critical media coverage and the presence of
opposition voices as evidence of a free press.
Inclusive Policies:
The BJP claims to pursue policies aimed at the welfare of all communities, including
minorities. They cite initiatives such as scholarships for minority students and schemes
for the economic development of minority communities.
Electoral Integrity:
The party defends the introduction of electoral bonds as a means to ensure cleaner
political funding by reducing cash donations and encouraging bank transactions. They
argue that this system is more transparent and accountable than previous practices.
Conclusion
The BJP justifies its actions and policies by emphasizing its electoral mandate, economic and
social development initiatives, anti-corruption measures, and efforts to enhance national security.
The party argues that these actions are intended to strengthen democratic institutions, promote
transparency, and improve governance. While acknowledging the criticisms, the BJP maintains
that its policies are necessary for India's progress and stability, positioning itself as a party
committed to democratic principles and the nation's development.
Previous incidents:
Background: The Emergency Period in India (1975-1977)
The most significant instance when India experienced autocratic rule was during the Emergency
period from June 25, 1975, to March 21, 1977. This 21-month period marked a substantial
deviation from democratic governance, leading to widespread political and social ramifications.
1. Political Instability:
o Economic Struggles: The early 1970s saw economic challenges, including high
inflation, unemployment, and food shortages, which led to public discontent.
o Political Unrest: Growing political opposition, student movements, and labor
strikes across the country challenged the government’s authority.
2. Judicial Verdict:
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o Indira Gandhi's Conviction: On June 12, 1975, the Allahabad High Court found
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral malpractices and invalidated her
1971 election. This judgment threatened her position as Prime Minister.
3. Call for Resignation:
o Opposition Movements: Prominent leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan called for
nationwide protests demanding Indira Gandhi's resignation. The increasing
momentum of these protests added to the political pressure.
Declaration of Emergency
Proclamation: On June 25, 1975, President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, on the advice of
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, declared a state of Emergency under Article 352 of the
Indian Constitution, citing internal disturbances.
Suspension of Civil Liberties: Fundamental rights, including freedom of speech and
expression, were suspended. Censorship of the press was imposed, and political
opponents were arrested.
1. Censorship:
o Media Control: The press was heavily censored, and publications critical of the
government were banned. Journalists were arrested, and newspaper offices were
raided.
2. Political Repression:
o Arrests: Thousands of opposition leaders, activists, and dissenters were detained
without trial under preventive detention laws like the Maintenance of Internal
Security Act (MISA).
o Abuse of Power: Reports of police brutality and human rights abuses became
common during this period.
3. Forced Sterilizations:
o Population Control: A controversial family planning program led by Sanjay
Gandhi, Indira Gandhi’s son, resulted in forced sterilizations, particularly
targeting poor and marginalized communities.
4. Constitutional Amendments:
o Changes to the Constitution: The government passed several amendments,
including the 42nd Amendment, which curtailed judicial review and increased the
power of the executive.
Political Pressure: Growing domestic and international criticism, combined with the
resilience of the Indian democratic spirit, put pressure on the government.
General Elections: In January 1977, Indira Gandhi announced elections to be held in
March. The Emergency was officially lifted on March 21, 1977.
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Electoral Defeat: The Congress Party, led by Indira Gandhi, suffered a crushing defeat
in the general elections, and the Janata Party, a coalition of opposition parties, came to
power. Morarji Desai became the Prime Minister.
The Emergency period remains a crucial chapter in Indian history, demonstrating the fragility of
democratic institutions and the potential for autocratic rule. It serves as a stark reminder of the
importance of safeguarding democratic values, civil liberties, and the rule of law. The legacy of
the Emergency continues to influence political discourse and governance in India, underscoring
the need for vigilance against any attempts to undermine democratic principles.
Justification of the 1975 Emergency by Indira Gandhi and the Congress Party
(Brief)
When Indira Gandhi and the Congress Party declared the Emergency on June 25, 1975, they
provided several justifications for this move:
1. Internal Disturbances:
o Law and Order: The government claimed a breakdown of law and order due to
widespread strikes, protests, and social unrest, which threatened to disrupt the
functioning of the state.
o Economic Stability: Strikes and protests were said to be paralyzing the economy,
necessitating strong measures to restore stability.
2. National Security:
o Conspiracies: Allegations were made that opposition leaders were involved in
conspiracies to destabilize the country, working with external forces against
India's sovereignty.
o Naxalite Threat: The rise of the Naxalite insurgency was cited as a significant
threat that required decisive action.
3. Political Instability:
o Opposition Movements: The government argued that opposition movements,
especially those led by Jayaprakash Narayan, were creating political instability
and attempting to overthrow a democratically elected government.
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These justifications were disseminated through controlled media and propaganda, while political
repression and legislative changes aimed to neutralize opposition and legalize the government's
actions during the Emergency.
Electoral Bonds
1. Purchase:
o Electoral bonds can be purchased by any Indian citizen or company incorporated
in India.
o They are available for purchase in denominations of ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹1,00,000,
₹10,00,000, and ₹1,00,00,000.
o Bonds can only be bought from specified branches of the State Bank of India
(SBI).
2. Conditions:
o Buyers must fulfill Know Your Customer (KYC) norms at the time of purchase.
o The bonds are valid for 15 days from the date of issuance, within which they can
be donated to any political party.
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3. Redemption:
o Political parties can redeem the bonds within the 15-day validity period by
depositing them into their designated bank accounts.
o Only parties registered under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act,
1951, and those that secured at least 1% of the votes polled in the last general or
state election are eligible to receive donations through electoral bonds.
4. Tax Benefits: Donations through electoral bonds qualify for tax deductions.
1. Transparency in Funding:
o The use of banking channels ensures that the transactions are traceable,
potentially reducing the flow of black money in political funding.
o Donors have to comply with KYC norms, making the sources of funds traceable.
2. Reduction in Cash Donations:
o By providing a formal mechanism for political donations, electoral bonds can
reduce the reliance on cash donations, which are often unaccounted for.
3. Privacy for Donors:
o Electoral bonds provide anonymity to donors, protecting them from potential
political retribution or coercion.
4. Simplified Process:
o The bond system simplifies the process of donating to political parties, making it
easier and more streamlined.
5. Level Playing Field: Theoretically, electoral bonds can create a more level playing field
for political parties by reducing the dependence on large, undisclosed donations.
o The anonymity provision can reduce accountability, as neither the public nor
regulatory authorities can easily scrutinize the relationship between donors and
political parties.
Impact on India
1. Political Landscape:
o The electoral bond system could change the dynamics of political funding,
making it more institutionalized but also raising concerns about fairness and
influence.
o Larger political parties may have an advantage due to their ability to attract
significant donations, potentially leading to a concentration of power.
2. Electoral Integrity:
o The impact on electoral integrity depends on the balance between transparency
and privacy. While the system aims to reduce black money, the lack of public
disclosure can raise questions about the integrity of the funding process.
3. Public Trust:
o Transparency is key to public trust in the political process. The current opacity
regarding donor identities could undermine public confidence in the electoral
system.
4. Economic Implications:
o Electoral bonds can formalize political donations and potentially lead to cleaner
election finance, positively impacting the overall economic environment by
reducing corruption.
o However, if misused, they could perpetuate crony capitalism, where businesses
donate in expectation of favorable policies or contracts.
Recent Developments
The Supreme Court of India has struck down the electoral bond scheme as unconstitutional,
citing concerns about transparency and the disproportionate influence of corporate donors. This
decision has significant implications for political funding in India.
In conclusion, electoral bonds were introduced with the intention of cleaning up political
funding, but their implementation raised concerns about transparency and accountability. The
Supreme Court's ruling reflects the ongoing debate about the balance between facilitating
political donations and ensuring public scrutiny of political funding.
Introduction
The idea of One Nation, One Election (ONOE) means conducting the Lok Sabha, and all Vidhan
Sabha (state assemblies) elections together, once in five years. This excludes elections of
panchayats, state municipalities and by-elections. The initiative will need a constitutional
amendment, which will require ratification by 50% of the states.
PM Modi is one of the main proponents of the ONOE concept, but it is not a new one: India has
followed ONOE in the past, with elections in the year 1952, 1957, 1962 and 1967 based on this
concept. A Law Commission Report (1999) by Justice BP Jeevan Reddy first brought this
concept to parliament, now considered in a discussion paper for NITI Aayog (2017) by Bibek
Debroy and Kishore Desai.
These results have indicated two things: first, a dominant party at the Centre can carry
momentum to states, but it’s not easy to maintain it for a long period. And second, given
individual state dynamics, it’s not easy for India to persist with simultaneous elections. Forcing
elections into synchronicity is not just a technical matter of adjusting legislative terms, but it
involves significantly curtailing the rights of the states.
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At present, there are a few that vote for a new state government at the same time as the country
selects a new union government. These few are Andhra Pradesh, Sikkim, and Odisha, who are
scheduled to vote at the same time as the April/May Lok Sabha election.
Maharashtra and Haryana will vote later this year (2024), as will Jharkhand, while the Union
Territory of Jammu and Kashmir must hold its first Assembly election in six years before
September 30(2024), in line with the recent Supreme Court order on restoration of statehood.
The rest follow a non-synced five-year cycle; Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and
Telangana, for example, were among those voting at different times last year (2023).
Simultaneous elections have been drawing the attention of political parties and their leaders for
quite some time now. The argument in favor of simultaneous elections is that frequent elections
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Considering the feasibility of conducting elections for both the House of the People and State
Legislative Assemblies simultaneously, it is worthwhile to examine the current provisions in the
Constitution and other laws pertaining to elections and government stability in general.
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The Council of States shall not be subject to dissolution, but as nearly as possible one-third of the
members thereof shall retire as soon as may be on the expiration of every second year in
accordance with the provisions made in that behalf by Parliament by law.
(2) The House of the People, unless sooner dissolved, shall continue for 1 [five years] from the
date appointed for its first meeting and no longer and the expiration of the said period of 1 [five
years] shall operate as a dissolution of the House:
Provided that the said period may, while a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation, be
extended by Parliament by law for a period not exceeding one year at a time and not extending in
any case beyond a period of six months after the Proclamation has ceased to operate.
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intervene between its last sitting in one session and the date appointed for its first sitting in the
next session.
Clause (2) The Governor may from time to time
(a) Prorogue the House or either House;
(b) Dissolve the Legislative Assembly
Report supported holding simultaneous election due to reduced expenditure, effective use
of manpower and Human Resource, continuous elections also affects the day to day
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functioning of the govt. both at state and the centre creating hardships for common
people as the entire administrative machinery freezes.
Separate election also result in duplication of expenditure.
The Elections Commission in the report suggested that a stage has come for evolving a
system by convention, if it was not possible or feasible to bring about a legislation for
holding election simultaneously.
170th Report of the Law Commission of India, Reform of Electoral Laws (1999)
The report highlighted that elections after 1967 got disturbed due to frequent use of
Article 356 of the Constitution, the dissolution of the State Assembly by the Governor on
recommendation of the Chief Minister of the State which was a case of exception instead
became a norm.
Working paper titled “Analysis of Simultaneous elections: the What, Why and
How” by Niti Ayog highlighted the importance of simultaneous election which focused
on heterogeneous needs of the nation as the national parties will focus on regional issues
and regional parties will fight for national issues
.
There are many more reports such as
Report of the National Commission to Review the Working of the
Constitution, 2002 (NCRWC Report)
255th Report of the Law Commission of India "Electoral Reforms", (2015)
79th Report of Parliamentary Standing Committee, 2015
South Africa- elections to national as well as provincial legislatures are held simultaneously for
five years and municipal elections are held two years later.
Sweden- elections to the national legislature (Riksdag) and provincial legislature/county council
(Landsting) and local bodies/municipal Assemblies (Kommunfullmaktige) are held on a fixed
date i.e. second Sunday in September every fourth year.
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Germany-Bundestag (i.e. Lower House) cannot simply remove the Chancellor with a vote of
no-confidence, as the opponents must not only disagree with his or her governance but also agree
on a replacement (constructive vote of no-confidence).
This Basic law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949 set up has provisions with regard to
elections and stability of the Government, which are definitely imitable.
United Kingdom (Fixed Term Parliament)-Parliament of Westminster introduced a fixed term
for the Parliament by enacting Fixed Term Act 2011, which provides a term of 5 years for
general elections.
The Act 2011 specifies that early elections can be held only if a motion for it is agreed either by
at least two-thirds of the whole House or without division; or if a motion of no confidence is
passed and no alternative government is confirmed by the Commons within 14 days thereof.
One of the objections to simultaneous elections is that they may conflict with the democratic and
federal principles outlined in the Constitution.
SC in Kihoto Hollohan v/s Zachichu 1993 and In Kuldip Nayar v/s Union Of India 2006
calls 'Democracy as a part of the basic structure of our Constitution; and rule of law and free and
fair elections are basic features of democracy’ and observed that “Parliamentary democracy and
multi-party system are an inherent part of the basic structure of Indian Constitution’’.
'Basic Structure' is a judicial innovation which was used for the first time in the case of
Kesavananda Bharati & Ors. V/s State of Kerala 1973.
Principle of basic structure has evolved over the years. Features were added over time through
various SC verdicts which gave progressive judgment and innovated to preserve the basic
substance of the constitution. Cases that led to these amendments
Sajjan Kumar vs. State of Rajasthan 1965
Minnerva mills v/s Union of India 1980
Indira Gandhi v/s Raj Narain case 1975
In S.R. Bommai v. Union of India, 1994
I.R. Coelho V/s. State of T.N, 2007
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Cost Savings- Holding all elections together would save a significant amount of money. India
spends a substantial sum on conducting elections. India’s 2019 Lok Sabha election was
estimated to cost around ₹60,000 crore (approximately $8 billion).
1. Cost Savings- Holding all elections together would save a significant amount of money.
India spends a substantial sum on conducting elections. India’s 2019 Lok Sabha election
was estimated to cost around ₹60,000 crore (approximately $8 billion).
2. Better utilisation of financial resources by political parties- Simultaneous elections
will reduce the campaign expenditure of political parties and the candidates. This
will help smaller regional parties in better management of financial resources.
3. Reduced duration of ‘model code of conduct’-Frequent imposition of the Model Code
of Conduct (MCC) during polls stalls all development work for months at a time. It
will reduce ‘policy paralysis’ that results from the imposition of the Model Code of
Conduct during election time.
4. Focus on governance instead of being in ‘election mode’- One nation one election”
will ensure continuity of policies and programmes of the central and state governments. It
will reduce disruption of normal public life as political rallies will be kept to a minimum.
It will improve the delivery of essential services to public.
5. Increase of administrative efficiency- During elections the entire state machinery as
well as high-ranking officers from other States who also deputed as observers in the poll-
bound State focuses on conducting a free and fair electoral process which impacts the
everyday administration because officials are engaged in polling duties. ‘One nation one
election’ will increase efficiency of administrative system.
6. Improvement of Internal security- Frequent Deployment of security forces during
elections is use a considerable size of armed police forces which can otherwise be better
deployed for better management of internal security problems like naxalism.
7. Reduced use of ‘black money’- Elections involve considerable expenditure by
prospective candidates most of which is black money. ‘One nation one election’
will reduce the circulation of black money in economy.
8. Reduction of populist measures-Frequent elections forces the political class to think in
terms of immediate electoral gains rather than focus on long-term programs and
policies which impacts the focus of governance and policymaking. Simultaneous
elections would reduce the populist measures.
9. Increase of voter turnout- According to the Law Commission, simultaneous elections
will increase voter turnout because it will be easier for people to cast many votes all at
once.
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10. Improvement in social harmony- Frequent elections perpetuate caste, religion, and
communal issues across the country as elections are polarising events that have
accentuated casteism, communalism, and corruption. Simultaneous elections would
reduce the fault lines between communities created due to multiple elections.
1. Simultaneous elections are against the federal structure of the Constitution. It forces the
voter to think of national and state issues at the same plane, and will take away the gains
made by regional parties over the years and favour national parties, they say.
2. Amending Articles 174 and 356 – which deals with ‘Provisions in case of failure of
constitutional machinery in State’, or President’s rule – will alter the basic structure of
the Constitution and will impinge on federalism.
3. The international examples given by those pro-ONOE – like Sweden, Belgium and South
Africa – cannot be compared to a country like India, whose population and area is many
times that of the smaller countries.
4. Dilution of Tenth Schedule – the anti-defection law – will lead to horse trading.
5. ONOE is not feasible: if a central government that is made up of a coalition faces a
situation where an ally pulls out, and the government falls, elections will have to be
conducted in all state governments, too, within six months, even if there is no issue in
those states. And vice-versa.
6. Argument about MCC paralysing policy making is overstated and untrue – it only stops
ruling parties from using the government machinery for electoral gains.
Articles 83 and 172 of the Constitution, which guarantees five years to every elected Lok
Sabha and Assembly respectively, ‘unless sooner dissolved’ will have to be amended.
Articles 85(1) and 174(1) stipulate that the intervening period between the last session of
the House of the People / State Legislative Assemblies and the first Session of the
subsequent House / Assemblies shall not exceed six months. So if ONOE comes in –
what happens if there is a hung Assembly/Parliament situation? What if a government
falls due to a no-confidence motion? What if a representative dies one year into their
tenure?
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Article 356, which deals with President’s rule, may need to be amended. Article 356
comes into force only if there is a failure of constitutional machinery in a state – so for
President’s rule to be put in place for the sake of simultaneous elections is problematic.
The Tenth Schedule of the Constitution – which is the anti-defection law – will have to
be reconsidered if Assemblies and the Lok Sabha must ensure continuous governance for
five years, if the ruling party does not have a large mandate.
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Origin of census-
The origin of the Census in India goes back to the colonial exercise of 1881.
Census has evolved and been used by the government, policymakers, academics, and others to
capture the Indian population, access resources, map social change, delimitation exercise, etc.
However, as early as the 1940s, W.W.M. Yeatts, Census Commissioner for India for the 1941
Census, had pointed out that “the census is a large, immensely powerful, but blunt instrument
unsuited for specialized inquiry.”
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Economic status, so as to allow Central and State authorities to come up with a range of
indicators of deprivation, permutations, and combinations of which could be used by each
authority to define a poor or deprived person.
It is also meant to ask every person their specific caste name to allow the government to re-
evaluate which caste groups were economically worst off and which were better off. SECC has
the potential to allow for a mapping of inequalities at a broader level.
First Phase:
During this phase, the number of all households in Bihar were counted and recorded.
Enumerators were given a set of 17 questions which were to be mandatorily answered by the
respondent.
Second Phase:
During this phase data on people living in the households, their castes, sub-castes, and socio-
economic conditions were collected.
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However, filling the Aadhaar number, caste certificate number and ration card number of the
head of the family, were optional.
Historical Background
The idea of caste-based reservations was initially conceived by William Hunter and Jyotirao
Phule in 1882. However, it was formalized in 1933 with the introduction of the “Communal
Award” by British Prime Minister Ramsay Macdonald, which provided separate electorates for
various religious and caste groups, including Dalits. Post-independence, the reservation system
initially focused on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) but expanded to include
Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in 1991 based on the recommendations of the Mandal
Commission.
Mandal Commission
In December 1978, the President of India appointed the Mandal Commission under the
chairmanship of B. P. Mandal. The commission was tasked with identifying socially and
educationally backward classes and recommending measures for their advancement. The Mandal
Commission found that approximately 52% of India’s population belonged to Other Backward
Classes (OBCs). Based on its findings, the commission recommended that 27% of government
jobs be reserved for OBCs. The Mandal Commission’s recommendations sparked widespread
debate and protests across the country.
Constitutional Amendments
The 77th Amendment Act of 1995 introduced a new clause, Article 16(4A), enabling the
state to provide reservation in promotions for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled
Tribes (STs) in public services if they are not adequately represented.
The 81st Amendment Act of 2000 inserted Article 16(4B), allowing states to carry
forward unfilled vacancies reserved for SCs/STs to the succeeding year, thereby
bypassing the 50% reservation cap.
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The 85th Amendment Act of 2001 modified Article 16(4A) to provide consequential
seniority to SCs and STs Candidates promoted by reservation.
These amendments expanded the scope of reservation policies and addressed issues
related to promotions, seniority, and unfilled vacancies for SCs and STs.
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Strengthen demands for further reservations- Caste census may increase demand for
larger or separate quotas. For instance, Patels, Gujjars, Jats and other castes are
demanding reservations. The caste census might induce more such demands in future.
The census would put pressure on the SC to lift the 50% ceiling.
Collection of caste data is not an easy task- Enumerating the caste numbers in India is a
complex task as the same caste is spelt in different ways in different states. Also one
caste maybe extremely backward in one state and can be backward in the other state.
Conclusion
While the proposal of One Nation One Election was one of the targets in the manifesto of BJP in
the year 2019, there still exist many challenges to the system. These challenges are conceptual,
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financial, constitutional, and even logistical. The struggle is to implement the proposal to a
country as vast as India; a country that holds great cultural and topographical differences. A caste
census may not sit well with the goal of a casteless society, but it may serve as a means of
addressing inequities in society.
Bibliography
https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/caste-census
https://forumias.com/blog/upsc-current-affairs-news/caste-based-census-in-india/
https://lawandotherthings.com/caste-census-and-sub-classification-within-reservations/
https://www.studyiq.com/articles/indian-reservation-system/
https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/caste-census-in-bihar-1
https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-editorials/decoding-one-nation-one-
election
https://www.civilsdaily.com/story/one-nation-one-election-prospects-and-challenges/
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