Unit 3

Emotional development- goodness of fit,

attachment theories and styles- Bowlby, Ainsworth, Melanie Klein,and Winnicott;
factors that affect attachment-quality time and opportunity for attachment,
infant characteristics, parents internal working model,
family environment;
Caregiving and Parenting-Diana Baumrind, impact of parenting,
issues- co-sleeping, disciplining, abuse, resilience
the role of culture;
Bronfenbernner’s Ecosystems model and
importance of having a developmental lens

Emotional development
Goodness of fit and temperament
- Pdf

Attachment theories and styles- Bowlby, Ainsworth, Melanie Klein,and Winnicott;

Attachment refers to the emotional bond formed between a child and their primary caregiver,
which provides a sense of sense of security and influences the child’s development.

Bowlby’s Theory
The ethological perspective of British psychiatrist John Bowlby (1969, 1989) also stresses the
importance of attachment in the fi rst year of life and the responsiveness of the caregiver.
Bowlby maintains both infants and their primary caregivers are biologically predisposed to form
attachments. He argues that the newborn is biologically equipped to elicit attachment behavior.
The baby cries, clings, coos, and smiles. Later, the infant crawls, walks, and follows the mother.

The immediate result is to keep the primary caregiver nearby; the long-term effect is to increase
the infant’s chances of survival. Attachment does not emerge suddenly but rather develops in a
series of phases, moving from a baby’s general preference for human beings to a partnership with
primary caregivers.

Bowlby believed that the human infant, like the young of other animal species, is endowed with
a set of built-in behaviors that help keep the parent nearby to protect the infant from danger and
to provide support for exploring and mastering the environment (Waters & Cummings, 2000).
Contact with the parent also ensures that the baby will be fed, but Bowlby pointed out that
feeding is not the basis for attachment. Rather, attachment can best be understood in an
evolutionary context in which survival of the species—through ensuring both safety and
competence—is of utmost importance.
According to Bowlby, the infant’s relationship with the parent begins as a set of innate signals
that call the adult to the baby’s side. Over time, a true affectionate bond forms, supported by new
cognitive and emotional capacities as well as by a history of warm, sensitive care. Attachment
develops in four phases:
1. Preattachment phase (birth to 6 weeks). Built-in signals— grasping, smiling, crying, and
gazing into the adult’s eyes— help bring newborn babies into close contact with other humans,
who comfort them. Babies of this age recognize their own mother’s smell, voice, and face (see
Chapters 3 and 4). But they are not yet attached to her, since they do not mind being left with an
unfamiliar adult.
2. “Attachment-in-the-making” phase (6 weeks to 6–8 months). During this phase, infants
respond differently to a familiar caregiver than to a stranger. For example, at 4 months, Timmy
smiled, laughed, and babbled more freely when interacting with his mother and quieted more
quickly when she picked him up. As infants learn that their own actions affect the behavior of
those around them, they begin to develop a sense of trust—the expectation that the caregiver will
respond when signaled—but they still do not protest when separated from her.
3. “Clear-cut” attachment phase (6–8 months to 18 months– 2 years). Now attachment to the
familiar caregiver is evi dent. Babies display separation anxiety, becoming upset when their
trusted caregiver leaves. Like stranger anxiety (see page 186), separation anxiety does not always
occur; it depends on infant temperament and the current situation. But in many cultures,
separation anxiety increases between 6 and 15 months. Besides protesting the parent’s departure,
older infants and toddlers try hard to maintain her presence. They approach, follow, and climb on
her in preference to others. And they use the familiar caregiver as a secure base from which to
explore.
4. Formation of a reciprocal relationship (18 months to 2 years and on). By the end of the
second year, rapid growth in representation and language permits toddlers to understand some of
the factors that influence the parent’s coming and going and to predict her return. As a result,
separation protest declines. Now children negotiate with the caregiver, using requests and
persuasion to alter her goals. For example, at age 2, Caitlin asked Carolyn and David to read a
story before leaving her with a babysitter. The extra time with her parents, along with a better
understanding of where they were going (“to have dinner with Uncle Charlie”) and when they
would be back (“right after you go to sleep”), helped Caitlin withstand her parents’ absence.

According to Bowlby (1980), out of their experiences during these four phases, children
construct an enduring affection and tie to the caregiver that they can use as a secure base in the
parents’ absence. This image serves as an internal working model, or set of expectations about
the availability of attachment figures and their likelihood of providing support during times of
stress. The internal working model becomes a vital part of personality, serving as a guide for all
future close relationships (Bretherton & Munholland, 2008). Consistent with these ideas, as early
as the second year, toddlers form attachment-related expectations about parental comfort and
support.
In one study, securely attached 12- to 16-month-olds looked longer at a video of an
unresponsive caregiver (inconsistent with their expectations) than a video of a responsive
caregiver. Insecurely attached toddlers, in contrast, did not distinguish between the two (Johnson,
Dweck, & Chen, 2007; Johnson et al., 2010). With age, children continually revise and expand
their internal working model as their cognitive, emotional, and social capacities increase and as
they interact with parents and form other bonds with adults, siblings, and friends.
Critical period- 0-2 years for forming secure attachment.

Importance
● Foundation of relationships: early attachment impacts future bonds
● Emotional development: supports emotional regulation
● Disruption risks: broken attachment can lead to emotional and mental health issues.

Mary Ainsworth’s attachment theory

Some infants appear relaxed and secure in the presence of the caregiver; they know they can
count on her for protection and support. Others seem anxious and uncertain.

The strange situation

A widely used laboratory procedure for assessing the quality of attachment between 1 and 2
years of age is the Strange Situation. In designing it, Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues (1978)
reasoned that securely attached infants and toddlers should use the parent as a secure base from
which to explore an unfamiliar playroom. In addition, when the parent leaves, an unfamiliar
adult should be less comforting than the parent. The Strange Situation takes the baby through
eight short episodes in which brief separations from and reunions with the parent occur.
Attachment styles
Observing infants’ responses to these episodes, researchers identified a secure attachment
pattern and three patterns of insecurity; a few babies cannot be classified. Although separation
anxiety varies among the groups, the baby’s reunion responses define attachment quality.
 ● Secure attachment. These infants use the parent as a secure base. When separated, they
may or may not cry, but if they do, it is because the parent is absent and they prefer her to
the stranger. When the parent returns, they actively seek contact, and their crying is
reduced immediately.
● Avoidant attachment. These infants seem unresponsive to the parent when she is present.
When she leaves, they usually are not distressed, and they react to the stranger in much
the same way as to the parent. During reunion, they avoid or are slow to greet the parent,
and when picked up, they often fail to cling.
● Resistant attachment. Before separation, these infants seek closeness to the parent and
often fail to explore. When the parent leaves, they are usually distressed, and on her
return they combine clinginess with angry, resistive behavior, sometimes hitting and
pushing. Many continue to cry after being picked up and cannot be comforted easily.
Disorganized/disoriented attachment. This pattern reflects the greatest insecurity. At
reunion, these infants show con fused, contradictory behaviors—for example, looking
away while the parent is holding them or approaching the parent with flat, depressed
emotion. Most display a dazed facial expression, and a few cry out unexpectedly after
having calmed down or display odd, frozen postures.

Maternal sensitivity
Emphasised caregiver’s responsiveness to the child’s signals as the key to debveloping a secure
attachment. sensitive , attuned caregiving promotes security.

Ainsworth's study linked attachment types to caregiving during the baby's first year. Secure
attachment resulted from sensitive caregiving, while insecure attachment was associated with
insensitive caregiving. The study inspired extensive research on attachment, highlighting its
importance in developmental psychopathology. Attachment involves complex biological,
psychological, and behavioral processes, including neurophysiological developments, hormonal
systems (e.g., oxytocin), and the right orbitofrontal cortex's role in social bonding and emotion
regulation.
Sensitive parenting promotes secure social bonds, while insensitive parenting, whether neglectful
or intrusive, can lead to insecure attachments. Physiological studies reveal differences in infants
of depressed mothers, emphasizing the impact of caregiving on brain activity. Even within the
normal range of caregiving behaviors, variations in sensitivity influence infants' emotional
outcomes. Subtle emotional insensitivity can have lasting effects, potentially more damaging
than physical neglect alone.
In summary, Ainsworth's study identified attachment patterns, linking them to caregiving quality
and inspiring research on the biological and behavioral aspects of attachment. It emphasized the
critical role of sensitive parenting in promoting secure attachments and highlighted the long-term
impact of early caregiving on emotional development.
Melanie Klein’s
Object relations theory
Object relations theory is based on the assumption that all individuals have within them an
internalized and primarily unconscious realm of relationships. These relationships refer not only
to the world around the individual, but more specifically to other individuals surrounding the
subject.
Object relation theory is largely concerned with how people interact with others, how those
interactions are internalized, and how these newly internalized object relations impact one’s
psychological framework. The term “object” alludes to the possible manifestation of fear, want,
envy, or other similar emotions. The object and subject are separated, enabling a more simplistic
approach to addressing the deprived areas of need when used in the clinical setting.]
Klein suggested that the infant could relate – from birth – to its mother, who was deemed either
“good” or “bad” and internalized as archaic part-object, thereby developing a phantasy life in the
infant. Because of this supposition, Klein’s beliefs required her to proclaim that an ego exists
from birth, enabling the infant to relate to others early in life.
Positions
- Paranoid schizoid position
The paranoid-schizoid position is a developmental stage occurring in the first few months
of life. During this phase, the infant perceives objects as either entirely good or bad. This
splitting serves as a defense mechanism against anxiety.
The infant projects aggressive impulses onto external objects, leading to persecutory
anxiety. Simultaneously, the infant introjects good experiences, creating idealized internal
objects.
Key features of this position include:
● Splitting of good and bad objects
● Projection of aggressive impulses
● Introjection of good experiences
● Persecutory anxiety
This position helps the infant manage overwhelming emotions and lays the groundwork for later
psychological development.

Depressive position
The depressive position emerges around 3-4 months of age. It marks a significant shift in the
infant’s perception of objects. The infant begins to integrate good and bad aspects of objects,
recognizing them as whole entities.
This integration leads to:
● Decreased splitting and projection
● Increased ability to tolerate ambivalence
● Development of concern for the object
The infant experiences guilt and anxiety about potentially harming the loved object. This concern
motivates reparative impulses, fostering the capacity for love and empathy.
The depressive position is not a fixed stage but a psychological state that individuals may revisit
throughout life.
The anxieties associated with the depressive position change from a fear of being destroyed to a
dread of harming others. In reality or phantasy, one now realizes the ability to injure or drive
away someone one ambivalently loves. Depressive defenses include manic defenses,
suppression, and reparation.
The manic defenses are the same defenses evidenced in the paranoid-schizoid position, but now
mobilized to protect the mind from depressive anxiety. As the depressive position brings about
an increasing integration in the ego, earlier defenses change in character, becoming less intense
and allowing for an increased awareness of psychic reality.
Klein contended that those who fail to overcome their depressive state in childhood will continue
to deal with it in adulthood. For example, the root of a person’s continued suffering from deep
guilt feelings over the death of a loved one could be discovered in an unworked-through
depressive state.
The guilt is there because of a lack of differentiation between phantasy and reality. It also
functions as a defense mechanism to defend the self against unbearable feelings of sadness and
sorrow, and the internal object of the loved one against the unbearable rage of the self, which, it
is feared, could destroy the internal object foreve

Internal Objects and Part-Objects

Klein emphasized the importance of internal objects in psychological development. These are
mental representations of external objects, primarily based on the infant’s fantasies and
experiences.
Part-objects refer to fragmented perceptions of objects, typically focused on specific aspects or
functions. The breast, for instance, may be seen as a part-object representing nourishment or
frustration.
Key points about internal objects and part-objects:
● They shape the infant’s internal world
● They influence relationships with external objects
● They can be good or bad, idealized or persecutory
As development progresses, part-objects gradually integrate into whole objects. This process is
crucial for achieving a more realistic and nuanced understanding of the world and others.

Melanie Klein proposed:

- Play techniques: Introduced the technique of children’s play as a way of understanding
their unconscious thoughts, and feelings. Through play, children express their anxieties
and wishes, offering insights into their mental states.
She acknowledged that some psychoanalytic work had been done with children prior to
1920, particularly by Dr. Hug-Hellmuth (Klein, 1955/1986). Dr. Hug-Hellmuth used
some drawings and play during psychoanalysis, but she did not develop a specific
technique and she did not work with any children under the age of 6. Although Klein
believed that even younger children could be psychoanalyzed in the same manner as
adults, that doesn’t mean they have the same ability to communicate as adults. Klein’s
interest in play analysis began with a 5 year-old boy known as ‘Fritz.’ Initially Klein
worked with the child’s mother, but when his symptoms were not sufficiently relieved,
Klein decided to psychoanalyze him. During the course of psychoanalysis, she not only
listened to the child’s free associations, she observed his play and considered that to be an
equally valuable expression of the child’s unconscious mind (Klein, 1955/1986). In The
Psycho-Analysis of Children (1932/1963), she described the basics of the technique:
On a low table in my analytic room there are laid out a number of small toys of a
primitive kind - little wooden men and women, carts, carriages, motor-cars, trains,
animals, bricks and houses, as well as paper, scissors and pencils. Even a child that is
usually inhibited in its play will at least glance at the toys or touch them, and will soon
give me a first glimpse into its complexive life by the way in which it begins to play with
them or lays them aside, or by its general attitude toward them.
Piaget’s theory of play
Piaget’s (1962) theory of play specifes three types of play—the behavioral categories of
sensorimotor, symbolic, and games with rules mentioned above—corresponding to the
frst three stages of his theory of human development. Each type of play behavior refects
the underlying mode of thought in its stage. Besides their behavioral forms, what
particularly makes these behaviors play for Piaget is that they are engaged in for pleasure.
- Sensorimotor play: In the sensorimotor period, Piaget observed that children
play by actively using their sensory and motor skills to interact with the
environment, which he considered essential for cognitive development (Piaget,
1962; influenced by Montessori, see Lillard, 2005). For instance, in Observation
59, Piaget noted Laurent, at nearly 3 months old, repeatedly throwing his head
back to view the world from a new angle, enjoying this novel perspective. As they
grow, children’s play evolves: by the third substage, they begin engaging with
objects, as seen in Observation 63, where 12-month-old Jacqueline experimented
with splashing water to create different sounds. Such repetitive or “ritualized”
actions pave the way for symbolic play, where objects take on representational
meaning, a foundation for symbolic thought. For example, at 19 months,
Lucienne mimicked drinking from an empty box, treating it like a
cup—illustrating a transition into symbolic thought that bridges the sensorimotor
and preoperational stages.
- Symbolic Play: In pretend play, Piaget noted that assimilation—shaping reality to
fit the child's desires—dominates, while accommodation—adjusting to
 reality—remains minimal. For instance, a child may imagine a box is a cup, with
minor adjustments to how they hold it. Piaget believed that while symbolic play
prepares children for imaginative abilities, it primarily serves egoistic needs,
enabling them to reshape reality to match their wishes, such as pretending to be a
powerful figure like a king or queen. He saw this as a phase that children outgrow
as they develop a capacity for accommodation to reality. Piaget’s stance aligned
with thinkers like Freud and Montessori, who also viewed pretend play as limited
in developmental value (Lillard, 2013). Critics like Sutton-Smith (1966) famously
described Piaget’s view as considering pretend play "a buttress to an inadequate
intelligence," a point Piaget didn’t dispute directly in his responses (Piaget, 1966).
- Games with rules: Games with rules start to develop in the Preoperational stage
but are most prevalent in the Concrete Operational stage and beyond, with
examples like chess, cards, and sports. These games involve competition and set
regulations, arising from social contracts that can be institutionalized, like scoring
in tennis, or spontaneously created, as in Piaget's (1962) Observation 94, where
shepherd boys invented a game with branches symbolizing cows that "fought"
according to rules they made up. Playing games with rules balances assimilation
and accommodation, as players not only enjoy sensory or intellectual stimulation
but also adapt to agreed-upon rules, fostering social development. For Piaget, this
adaptation in structured play encourages development as children learn to
accommodate others' rules, promoting social and cognitive growth.

- Phantasy: Melanie Klein’s theories emphasized the interplay between internal fantasies
and external reality in child development. Her work explored how unconscious
phantasies shape a child’s perception of the world and relationships.
Klein believed that unconscious phantasy plays a crucial role in a child’s inner world.
These phantasies are not mere daydreams, but powerful psychological forces that
influence behavior and emotions.
In Klein’s view, infants experience primitive phantasies from birth. These early
phantasies often involve the mother’s breast as an object of both love and aggression.
Through play therapy, Klein observed children expressing complex phantasy lives. She
interpreted their play as a window into their unconscious thoughts and feelings.
Klein argued that helping children work through their phantasies in analysis could lead to
healthier psychological development.

- Aggression and death drive: Klein’s work highlighted the importance of aggressive
phantasies in child development. She believed these phantasies were a normal part of
psychological growth, not necessarily tied to real-life trauma.
According to Klein, children naturally experience aggressive impulses towards loved
ones. These impulses can lead to feelings of guilt and anxiety.
 Klein theorized that unresolved aggressive phantasies could contribute to psychological
difficulties later in life. She emphasized the importance of working through these
phantasies in therapy.
While Klein acknowledged the impact of real-world trauma, she focused more on internal
psychological processes. This approach differed from other theorists who placed greater
emphasis on external events.

Winnicott’s objects relations theory

Factors that affect attachment-
Quality time
Research shows that sensitive caregiving—prompt, consistent, and gentle responses—promotes
attachment security across cultures and socioeconomic groups (Belsky & Fearon, 2008; De
Wolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997). Insecurely attached infants, however, often experience less
physical contact and even resentment or rejection from caregivers, especially in response to
distress (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Interactional synchrony, a synchronized emotional “dance”
where caregiver and infant align in emotional states, also supports secure attachment in Western
cultures (Bigelow et al., 2010). Nonetheless, cultural differences exist: Gusii mothers in Kenya
are highly responsive but avoid physical affection, yet Gusii infants often form secure
attachments (LeVine et al., 1994). Puerto Rican mothers, valuing obedience, limit infants' actions
physically, which is linked to attachment security in their culture, whereas in Western cultures,
this predicts insecurity (Carlson & Harwood, 2003).
Attachment styles reflect caregiving patterns: avoidant infants often receive overstimulating care,
leading them to withdraw, while resistant infants experience inconsistent responses, becoming
overly dependent and frustrated (Cassidy & Berlin, 1994). Severely inadequate care, such as
neglect or abuse, is a strong predictor of disorganized attachment, marked by confused or
disoriented behaviors (van IJzendoorn et al., 1999). Disorganized attachment is also more likely
among infants of persistently depressed mothers, those with low marital satisfaction, or parents
facing trauma (Campbell et al., 2004). Mothers of disorganized infants may engage in
frightening or contradictory behaviors, such as teasing, handling roughly, or seeking reassurance
from the distressed infant (Abrams et al., 2006).

Opportunity for attachment

When infants lack a stable caregiver, their attachment development can be disrupted. Research
on British institution-raised children, who experienced frequent caregiver turnover (an average of
50 caregivers by age 4½), showed that even though many formed deep attachments with
adoptive parents after age 4, they were more likely to face attachment challenges, such as
seeking excessive adult attention, being overly friendly with strangers, not checking back with
parents in stressful situations, and struggling with friendships (Hodges & Tizard, 1989; Tizard &
Rees, 1975). Similarly, children from deprived Eastern European orphanages, despite bonding
with adoptive parents, often show high rates of attachment insecurity and are at greater risk for
emotional and social difficulties. They may be overly friendly or withdrawn, and these issues are
linked to long-term mental health problems in middle childhood and adolescence, including
cognitive deficits, inattention, hyperactivity, depression, and social or aggressive behavior
(Kreppner et al., 2007, 2010; Rutter et al., 2007, 2010). By 7 months, institutionalized infants
exhibit reduced brain responses to emotional expressions, indicating potential disruption in brain
areas related to emotion processing (Parker et al., 2005). In children with longer institutional
stays, amygdala size is abnormally large, correlating with difficulties in emotion understanding
and regulation (Tottenham et al., 2011). These findings underscore that secure emotional
development relies on early, stable attachment to a caregiver.

Infant characteristics
Since attachment forms through a relationship between two partners, infant characteristics can
impact how easily it develops. Prematurity, birth complications, and illness can make caregiving
more challenging, leading to attachment insecurity in stressed families (Poehlmann & Fiese,
2001). However, at-risk newborns with patient, attentive caregivers often secure strong
attachments (Brisch et al., 2005). Difficult temperaments increase the likelihood of insecure
attachments, especially if caregivers are anxious or inconsistent, leading to “disharmonious
relationships” by age 2 (Symons, 2001). Gene-environment interactions also play a role: infants
with a gene linked to poor self-regulation are more prone to disorganized attachment if their
mothers experience unresolved trauma (van IJzendoorn & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2006).
Although temperament influences attachment, its heritability is low, as most parents adapt their
caregiving to meet each child's needs (Roisman & Fraley, 2008).

The "goodness of fit" perspective suggests attachment security can be achieved with sensitive
caregiving that matches the child’s needs, even in challenging cases (Seifer & Schiller, 1995).
Parent training interventions have proven effective in enhancing both caregiving sensitivity and
attachment security, especially for difficult-to-care-for infants (Velderman et al., 2006). However,
when parents face personal or environmental stressors, infants with health issues or challenging
temperaments are at higher risk for attachment problems.

Parents internal working model

Parents’ attachment history influences their parenting through internal working models—mental
frameworks that shape how they bond with their children. For example, Monica, who felt her
mother was tense and distant, might worry about her own relationship with her daughter, Grace.
Research shows that parents who discuss their childhood experiences objectively, whether
positive or negative, tend to have securely attached children. In contrast, parents who dismiss or
express anger about early relationships often have insecurely attached children and are less warm
and supportive (Behrens et al., 2007; Coyl et al., 2010).
However, a direct link between parents' childhood experiences and their children's attachment is
not guaranteed. Internal working models are shaped by various factors like personality, life
experiences, and current satisfaction. Longitudinal studies show that negative life events can
weaken the connection between early attachment and adult attachment security. Insecurely
attached adults often face family crises (Waters et al., 2000; Weinfield et al., 2000). Ultimately,
how parents view their childhoods and their ability to integrate and cope with past experiences is
more important than their early caregiving history in determining their parenting style
(Bretherton & Munholland, 2008).

Family Environment
After Timmy’s birth, his parents divorced, and his father moved away. Vanessa, stressed and
working long hours, placed 1-month-old Timmy in Ginette’s child-care home. Often working
late, she relied on a babysitter to pick Timmy up and put him to bed, and she rarely picked him
up herself. By his first birthday, Timmy didn’t respond to Vanessa like other children did with
their parents.

Timmy’s behavior reflects a repeated finding: Job loss, a failing marriage, and financial
difficulties can undermine attach ment by interfering with parental sensitivity. These stressors
can also affect babies’ sense of security directly, by altering the emotional climate of the family
(for example, exposing them to angry adult interactions) or by disrupting familiar daily routines
Social support fosters attachment security by reducing parental stress and improving the quality
of parent–child communication. Ginette’s sensitivity was helpful, as was the parenting advice
Vanessa received from Ben, a psychologist. As Timmy turned 2, his relationship with his mother
seemed warmer.

Caregiving and Parenting-Diana Baumrind,

Diana Baumrind (1971) argues parents should be neither punitive nor aloof. Rather, they should
develop rules for their children and be affectionate with them. She has described four types of
parenting styles:
● Authoritarian parenting is a restrictive, punitive style in which parents exhort the child
to follow their directions and respect their work and effort. The authoritarian parent
places fi rm limits and controls on the child and allows little verbal exchange. For
example, an authoritarian parent might say, “You do it my way or else.” Authoritarian
parents also might spank the child frequently, enforce rules rigidly but not explain them,
and show rage toward the child. Children of authoritarian parents are often unhappy,
fearful, and anxious about comparing themselves with others, fail to initiate activity, and
have weak communication skills.
● Authoritative parenting encourages children to be independent but still places limits
and controls on their actions. Extensive verbal give-and-take is allowed, and parents are
warm and nurturant toward the child. An authori tative parent might put his arm around
the child in a comforting way and say, “You know you should not have done that. Let’s
talk about how you can handle the situation better next time.” Authoritative parents show
plea sure and support in response to children’s constructive behavior. They also expect
mature, independent, and age-appropriate behavior by children. Children whose parents
are authoritative are often cheerful, self-controlled and self-reliant, and
achievement-oriented; they tend to maintain friendly relations with peers, cooperate with
adults, and cope well with stress.
● Neglectful parenting is a style in which the parent is very uninvolved in the child’s life.
Children whose parents are neglectful develop the sense that other aspects of the parents’
lives are more important than they are. These children tend to be socially incompetent.
Many have poor self-control and don’t handle independence well. They frequently have
low self-esteem, are immature, and may be alienated from the family. In adolescence,
they may show patterns of truancy and delinquency. Accepting, responsive Demanding,
controlling Undemanding, uncontrolling Authoritative Rejecting, unresponsive
Authoritarian
● Indulgent parenting is a style in which parents are highly involved with their children
but place few demands or controls on them. Such parents let their children do what they
 want. The result is that the children never learn to control their own behavior and always
expect to get their way. Some parents deliberately rear their children in this way because
they believe the combination of warm involvement and few restraints will pro duce a
creative, confi dent child. However, children whose parents are indulgent rarely learn
respect for others and have diffi culty controlling their behavior. They might be
domineering, egocentric, noncompliant, and have diffi culties in peer relations.

These four classifications of parenting involve combinations of acceptance and responsiveness

on the one hand and demand and control on the other (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). How these
dimensions combine to produce authoritarian, authoritative, neglectful, and indulgent parenting
is shown in Figure 8.2.

Impact of Parenting,
Researchers have found that aspects of the authoritarian parenting style can sometimes lead to
positive child outcomes in certain ethnic groups, contrary to Baumrind's predictions (Parke &
Buriel, 2006). The meaning and effects of authoritarian practices may vary by cultural context.

For instance, some Asian American parents follow traditional practices that may appear
authoritarian, exerting substantial control over their children’s lives. However, Ruth Chao (2001,
2005, 2007; Chao & Tseng, 2002) argues that this style differs from strict authoritarianism, as it
reflects concern and involvement in children’s lives and can be understood as a form of
“training.” This parenting approach is believed to contribute to Asian American children's high
academic achievement (Stevenson & Zusho, 2002).
In Latino families, an emphasis on respect and obedience, often seen as authoritarian, can be
constructive rather than controlling. Rather than restricting development, it fosters a self and
identity rooted in family values (Harwood et al., 2002).

Even physical punishment, typically linked to the authoritarian style, has varying effects across
contexts. African American parents are more likely than non-Latino White parents to use
physical punishment (Deater-Deckard & Dodge, 1997). However, while it is associated with
increased aggression and behavioral issues in non-Latino White children, it does not have the
same effects in African American families. This difference may be due to African American
parents’ need to enforce rules in dangerous environments (Harrison-Hale, McLoyd, & Smedley,
2004). Nonetheless, using physical punishment for discipline remains a point of concern.

(another book)
Parenting style has been found to predict child well-being in the domains of social competence,
academic performance, psychosocial development, and problem behavior. Research in the
United States, based on parent interviews, child reports, and parent observations consistently
finds:
● Children and adolescents whose parents are authoritative rate themselves and are rated
by objective measures as more socially and instrumentally competent than those whose
parents are nonauthoritative (Baumrind, 1991; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996; Miller et al.,
1993).
● Children and adolescents whose parents are uninvolved perform most poorly in all
domains.
● In general, parental responsiveness predicts social competence and psychosocial
functioning, while parental demandingness is associated with instrumental competence
and behavioral control (i.e., academic performance and deviance). These findings
indicate:
● Children and adolescents from authoritarian families (high in demandingness, but low in
responsiveness) tend to perform moderately well in school and be uninvolved in
problem behavior, but they have poorer social skills, lower self-esteem, and higher
levels of depression.
● Children and adolescents from indulgent homes (high in responsiveness, low in
demandingness) are more likely to be involved in problem behavior and perform less
well in school, but they have higher self-esteem, better social skills, and lower levels of
depression.

Issues-
Co-parenting
The relationship between marital confl ict and the use of punish ment highlights the importance
of coparenting, which is the support that parents provide one another in jointly raising a child.
Poor coordination between parents, undermining of the other parent, lack of cooperation and
warmth, and disconnection by one parent are conditions that place chil dren at risk for problems
(McHale & Sullivan, 2008). A recent study revealed that coparenting predicted young children’s
effortful control above and beyond maternal and paternal parenting (Karreman & others, 2008).
Parents who do not spend enough time with their children or who have problems in child rearing
can benefi t from counseling and therapy. To read about the work of marriage and family
counselor Darla Botkin, see Connecting With Careers .
Disciplining,
A research review concluded that corporal punishment by parents is associated with higher levels
of immediate compliance and aggression by the children (Gershoff, 2002). The review also
found that corporal punishment is linked to lower levels of moral internalization and men tal
health (Gershoff, 2002). A recent study also discovered that a his tory of harsh physical
discipline was related to adolescent depression and externalized problems, such as juvenile
delinquency (Bender & others, 2007).
reasons for avoiding spanking or similar punish ments? The reasons include:
● When adults punish a child by yelling, screaming, or spanking, they are presenting
children with out-of-control models for handling stressful situations. Children may
imitate this aggressive, out-of control behavior.
● Punishment can instill fear, rage, or avoidance. For example, spanking the child may
cause the child to avoid being around the parent and to fear the parent.
● Punishment tells children what not to do rather than what to do. Children should be given
feedback, such as “Why don’t you try this?”
● Punishment can be abusive. Parents might unintentionally become so aroused when they
are punishing the child that they become abusive (Knox, 2010).

Most child psychologists recommend handling misbehavior by reasoning with the child,
especially explaining the consequences of the child’s actions for others. Time out , in which the
child is removed from a setting that offers positive reinforce ment, can also be effective. For
example, when the child has misbehaved, a parent might take away TV viewing for a specifi ed
time.
Some experts (including Diana Baumrind) argue that much of the evidence for the negative
effects of physical punishment are based on studies in which parents acted in an abusive manner
(Baumrind, Larzelere, & Cowan, 2002). She con cludes from her research that when parents used
punishment in a calm, reasoned manner (which she says characterized most of the authoritative
parents in her studies), children’s development benefi tted. Thus, she emphasizes that physical
punishment does not need to present children with an out-of-control adult who is yelling and
screaming, as well as spanking.
Abuse (Child Maltreatment)
Unfortunately, punishment sometimes leads to the abuse of infants and children. Whereas the
public and many professionals use the term child abuse to refer to both abuse and neglect,
developmentalists increasingly use the term child maltreatment (Cicchetti, 2011; Cicchetti &
Toth, 2011; Cicchetti & others, 2010a, b) . This term does not have quite the emotional impact of
the term abuse and acknowledges that maltreatment includes diverse conditions.
Types of Child Maltreatment
● Physical abuse is characterized by the infl iction of physical injury as a result of
punching, beating, kicking, biting, burning, shaking, or otherwise harming a child. The
parent or other person may not have intended to hurt the child; the injury may have
resulted from excessive physical punishment (Milot & others, 2010).
● Child neglect is characterized by failure to provide for the child’s basic needs (Newton &
Vandeven, 2010; Thompson, 2010). Neglect can be physical (aban donment, for
example), educational (allowing chronic truancy, for example), or emotional (marked
inattention to the child’s needs, for example). Child neglect is by far the most common
form of child maltreatment. In every country where relevant data have been collected,
neglect occurs up to three times as often as abuse.
● Sexual abuse includes fondling a child’s genitals, intercourse, incest, rape, sodomy,
exhibitionism, and commercial exploitation through prostitution or the production of
pornographic materials (Bahali & others, 2010; Leventhal, Murphy, & Asnes, 2010).
● Emotional abuse (psychological/verbal abuse/mental injury) includes acts or omissions
by parents or other caregivers that have caused, or could cause, serious behavioral,
cognitive, or emotional problems (van Harmelen & others, 2010; Wekerle & others,
2009).
Although any of these forms of child maltreatment may be found separately, they often occur in
combination. Emotional abuse is almost always present when other forms are identifi ed.
Consequences of Abuse
Among the consequences of child maltreatment in childhood and adolescence are poor emotion
regulation, attach ment problems, problems in peer relations, diffi culty in adapting to school,
and other psychological problems such as depression and delinquency. Maltreated young
children in foster care were more likely to show abnormal stress hormone levels than
middle-SES young children living with their birth family. In this study, the abnormal stress
hormone levels were mainly pres ent in the foster children who were neglected, best described as
“institutional neglect”. Abuse also may have this effect on young children.
Adolescents who experienced abuse or neglect as children are more likely than adolescents who
were not maltreated as children to engage in violent romantic relationships, delinquency, sexual
risk taking, and substance abuse.
Later, during the adult years, individuals who were maltreated as children often have difficulty in
establishing and maintaining healthy intimate relationships. As adults, maltreated children are
also at higher risk for violent behavior toward other adults—especially dating partners and
marital partners—as well as for substance abuse, anxiety, and depression.
In one study of maltreating mothers and their 1-year-olds, two treatments were effective in
reducing child maltreatment:
(1) home visitation that emphasized improved parenting, coping with stress, and increasing
support for the mother; and
(2) parent-infant psychotherapy that focused on improving maternal-infant attachment.

Resilience;

The role of culture

Culture plays a significant role in shaping caregiving and parenting styles, influencing practices,
values, and family dynamics across various contexts. According to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
theory, cultural, ethnic, and socioeconomic factors form part of the macrosystem, representing
broader societal influences on a child’s development.
Cross-Cultural Variations in Parenting
Parenting practices vary widely between cultures and often reflect different societal expectations
about family roles and discipline. For example, in many rural cultures worldwide, authoritarian
parenting is common, while other cultures emphasize more permissive or child-centered
approaches. Globalization and cultural change—driven by factors like international travel, digital
communication, and economic shifts—are also reshaping family structures and resources.
Increasing family mobility, urban migration, and smaller family sizes affect children's access to
extended family support, yet smaller families may allow for more open communication between
parents and children.

Influence of Ethnicity in Family Structure and Support

In the United States, families from different ethnic backgrounds vary in size, structure, and
reliance on extended family. Ethnic minority families, such as African American and Latino
families, are more likely to have larger, extended family networks than White families, offering
children more interaction with a broader kinship network. Single-parent households are more
common among African American and Latino families, often accompanied by limited resources
of time, money, and energy. Ethnic minority parents are more likely to live in low-income
environments and may face additional stressors, which can affect family dynamics. However,
many minority families, despite economic challenges, raise competent children by finding
strength within their communities and kinship networks. The level of adaptation to the dominant
culture and the degree of acculturation also influence ethnic minority families’ parenting styles,
as they often incorporate values from both their heritage and the surrounding culture.

Socioeconomic Status (SES) and Parenting Approaches

SES further influences parenting practices. Lower-SES parents tend to emphasize obedience and
conformity to social expectations, are more likely to use physical punishment, and often hold a
more directive and authoritative role in the family. In contrast, higher-SES parents usually focus
on fostering children’s independence and delaying gratification, favor open discussions rather
than authoritarian directives, and often avoid physical punishment. They are also more
conversational, supporting their children’s curiosity and self-expression.

Bronfenbernner’s Ecological Model

While ethological theory stresses biological factors, ecological theory emphasizes envi
ronmental factors. One ecological theory that has important implications for under standing
life-span development was created by Urie Bronfenbrenner (1917–2005). Bronfenbrenner’s
ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1986, 2004; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998, 2006) holds
that development refl ects the infl uence of several envi ronmental systems. The theory identifi es
five environmental systems: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and
chronosystem.
● The microsystem is the setting in which the individual lives. These contexts include the
person’s family, peers, school, and neighborhood. It is in the microsystem that the most
direct interactions with social agents take place—with parents, peers, and teachers, for
example. The individual is not a passive recipient of experiences in these settings, but
someone who helps to construct the settings.
● The mesosystem involves relations between microsystems or connections between
contexts. Examples are the relation of family experiences to school experiences, school
experiences to religious experiences, and family experiences to peer experiences. For
example, children whose parents have rejected them may have diffi culty developing
positive relations with teachers.
● The exosystem consists of links between a social setting in which the individual does not
have an active role and the individual’s immediate context. For example, a husband’s or
child’s experience at home may be infl u enced by a mother’s experiences at work. The
mother might receive a promotion that requires more travel, which might increase confl
ict with the husband and change pat terns of interaction with the child. S h t f m e m o t
Family Health services
● The macrosystem involves the culture in which individuals live. Remember from ear lier
in the chapter that culture refers to the behavior patterns, beliefs, and all other prod ucts
of a group of people that are passed on from generation to generation. Remember also
that cross-cultural studies—the compar ison of one culture with one or more other
cultures—provide information about the generality of development.
● The chronosystem consists of the pattern ing of environmental events and transitions
over the life course, as well as sociohistori cal circumstances. For example, divorce is one
transition. Researchers have found that the negative effects of divorce on children often
peak in the first year after the divorce (Hetherington, 1993, 2006). By two years after the
 divorce, family interaction is more stable. As an example of sociohistorical
circumstances, consider how the opportu nities for women to pursue a career have
increased since the 1960s.
Bronfenbrenner (2004; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) subsequently added biological infl
uences to his theory, describing it as a bioecological theory. Nonethe less, it is still dominated by
ecological, environmental contexts

Importance of having a developmental lens