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Exploratory Data Analysis
with Python Cookbook

Over 50 recipes to analyze, visualize, and extract insights from

structured and unstructured data

Ayodele Oluleye

BIRMINGHAM—MUMBAI
Exploratory Data Analysis with Python Cookbook
Copyright © 2023 Packt Publishing
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case
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To my wife and daughter, I am deeply grateful for your unwavering support throughout this journey.
Your love and encouragement were pillars of strength that constantly propelled me forward. Your
sacrifices and belief in me have been a constant source of inspiration, and I am truly blessed to have
you both by my side.

To my dad, thank you for instilling in me a solid foundation in technology right from my formative
years. You exposed me to the world of technology in my early teenage years. This has been very
instrumental in shaping my career in tech. To my mum (of blessed memory), thank you for your
unwavering belief in my abilities and constantly nudging me to be my best self.

To PwC Nigeria, Data Scientists Network (DSN) and the Young Data Professionals group (YDP),
thank you for the invaluable role you played in my growth and development in the field of data
science. Your unwavering support, resources, and opportunities have significantly contributed to my
professional growth.

Ayodele Oluleye
 Contributors

About the author

Ayodele is a certified data professional with a rich cross functional background that spans across
strategy, data management, analytics, and data science. He currently leads a team of data professionals
that spearheads data science and analytics initiatives across a leading African non-banking financial
services group. Prior to this role, he spent over 8 years at a big four consulting firm working on strategy,
data science and automation projects for clients across various industries. In that capacity, he was a
key member of the data science and automation team which developed a proprietary big data fraud
detection solution used by many Nigerian financial institutions today. To learn more about him, visit
his LinkedIn profile.
About the reviewers
Kaan Kabalak is a data scientist who especially focuses on exploratory data analysis and the implementation
of machine learning algorithms in the field of data analytics. Coming from a language tutor background,
he now uses his teaching skills to educate professionals of various fields. He gives lessons in data science
theory, data strategy, SQL, Python programming, exploratory data analysis and machine learning.
Aside from this, he helps businesses develop data strategies and build data-driven systems. He is the
author of the data science blog Witful Data where he writes about various data analysis, programming
and machine learning topics in a manner that is simple and understandable.
Sanjay Krishna is a seasoned data engineer with almost a decade of experience in the data domain
having worked in the energy and financial sector. He has significant experience developing data models
and analyses using various tools such as SQL & Python. He is also an official AWS Community Builder
and is involved in developing technical content in cloud-based data systems using AWS services and
providing his feedback on AWS products as a Community Builder. He is currently employed by one
of the largest financial asset managers in the United States as a part of their modernization effort to
move their data platform to a cloud-based solution and currently resides in Boston, Massachusetts.
 Table of Contents
Prefacexv

1
Generating Summary Statistics 1
Technical requirements 1 Identifying the standard deviation of
Analyzing the mean of a dataset 2 a dataset 8
Getting ready 2 Getting ready 9
How to do it… 2 How to do it… 9
How it works... 3 How it works... 9
There’s more... 4 There’s more... 10

Checking the median of a dataset 4 Generating the range of a dataset 10

Getting ready 4 Getting ready 10
How to do it… 4 How to do it… 10
How it works... 5 How it works... 11
There’s more... 5 There’s more... 11

Identifying the mode of a dataset 5 Identifying the percentiles of a dataset 11

Getting ready 6 Getting ready 12
How to do it… 6 How to do it… 12
How it works... 7 How it works... 12
There’s more... 7 There’s more... 13

Checking the variance of a dataset 7 Checking the quartiles of a dataset 13

Getting ready 7 Getting ready 13
How to do it… 7 How to do it… 13
How it works... 8 How it works... 14
There’s more… 8 There’s more... 14
viii Table of Contents

Analyzing the interquartile range Getting ready 14

(IQR) of a dataset 14 How to do it… 14
How it works... 15

2
Preparing Data for EDA 17
Technical requirements 17 Categorizing data 33
Grouping data 18 Getting ready 33
Getting ready 18 How to do it… 33
How to do it… 18 How it works... 35
How it works... 20 There’s more... 35
There’s more... 20 Removing duplicate data 36
See also 20
Getting ready 36
Appending data 20 How to do it… 36
Getting ready 21 How it works... 37
How to do it… 21 There’s more... 38
How it works... 23 Dropping data rows and columns 38
There’s more... 23
Getting ready 38
Concatenating data 24 How to do it… 38
Getting ready 24 How it works... 39
How to do it… 24 There’s more... 40
How it works... 26 Replacing data 40
There’s more... 27
Getting ready 40
See also 27
How to do it… 40
Merging data 27 How it works... 41
Getting ready 28 There’s more... 42
How to do it… 28 See also 42
How it works... 30 Changing a data format 42
There’s more... 30
Getting ready 42
See also 30
How to do it… 42
Sorting data 30 How it works... 44
Getting ready 31 There’s more... 44
How to do it… 31 See also 44
How it works... 32
There’s more... 33
 Table of Contents ix

Dealing with missing values 44 How it works... 46

Getting ready 45 There’s more... 46
How to do it… 45 See also 46

3
Visualizing Data in Python 47
Technical requirements 47 How it works... 60
Preparing for visualization 47 There’s more... 61
See also 61
Getting ready 48
How to do it… 48 Visualizing data in GGPLOT 61
How it works... 49 Getting ready 62
There’s more... 49 How to do it… 62
Visualizing data in Matplotlib 50 How it works... 65
There’s more... 66
Getting ready 50
See also 66
How to do it… 50
How it works... 54 Visualizing data in Bokeh 66
There’s more... 55 Getting ready 66
See also 55 How to do it… 67
Visualizing data in Seaborn 55 How it works... 72
There's more... 73
Getting ready 56
See also 73
How to do it… 56

4
Performing Univariate Analysis in Python 75
Technical requirements 75 How to do it… 80
Performing univariate analysis using How it works... 83
a histogram 76 There’s more... 84
Getting ready 76 Performing univariate analysis using
How to do it… 76 a violin plot 84
How it works... 79 Getting ready 85
Performing univariate analysis using How to do it… 85
a boxplot 79 How it works... 88
Getting ready 80
x Table of Contents

Performing univariate analysis using How to do it… 92

a summary table 89 How it works... 94
Getting ready 89
Performing univariate analysis using
How to do it… 89
a pie chart 94
How it works... 91
Getting ready 95
There’s more... 91
How to do it… 95
Performing univariate analysis using How it works... 97
a bar chart 91
Getting ready 91

5
Performing Bivariate Analysis in Python 99
Technical requirements 100 How to do it… 108
Analyzing two variables using a How it works... 110
scatter plot 100 Analyzing two variables using
Getting ready 101 a bar chart 110
How to do it… 101 Getting ready 111
How it works... 103 How to do it… 111
There’s more... 103 How it works... 113
See also... 104 There is more... 114
Creating a crosstab/two-way table on Generating box plots for two
bivariate data 104 variables114
Getting ready 104 Getting ready 114
How to do it… 104 How to do it… 114
How it works... 105 How it works... 116
Analyzing two variables using a pivot Creating histograms on two variables 116
table106 Getting ready 117
Getting ready 106 How to do it… 117
How to do it… 106 How it works... 119
How it works... 107
There is more... 107 Analyzing two variables using a
correlation analysis 120
Generating pairplots on two variables108 Getting ready 120
Getting ready 108 How to do it… 120
How it works... 122
 Table of Contents xi

6
Performing Multivariate Analysis in Python 123
Technical requirements 124 Choosing the number of principal
Implementing Cluster Analysis on components142
multiple variables using Kmeans 124 Getting ready 142
Getting ready 124 How to do it… 142
How to do it… 125 How it works... 145
How it works... 127 Analyzing principal components 146
There is more... 128
Getting ready 146
See also... 128
How to do it… 146
Choosing the optimal number of How it works... 149
clusters in Kmeans 129 There’s more... 150
Getting ready 129 See also... 150
How to do it… 129 Implementing factor analysis on
How it works... 132 multiple variables 150
There is more... 133
Getting ready 150
See also... 133
How to do it… 151
Profiling Kmeans clusters 133 How it works... 154
Getting ready 134 There is more... 154
How to do it… 134 Determining the number of factors 154
How it works... 137
Getting ready 155
There’s more... 138
How to do it… 155
Implementing principal component How it works... 158
analysis on multiple variables 138 Analyzing the factors 159
Getting ready 139
Getting ready 159
How to do it… 139
How to do it… 159
How it works... 141
How it works... 165
There is more... 142
See also... 142

7
Analyzing Time Series Data in Python 167
Technical requirements 168 Using line and boxplots to visualize
time series data 169
xii Table of Contents

Getting ready 169 Performing smoothing – exponential

How to do it… 170 smoothing191
How it works... 172 Getting ready 192
How to do it… 192
Spotting patterns in time series 173
How it works... 196
Getting ready 173
See also... 196
How to do it… 174
How it works... 176 Performing stationarity checks on
time series data 197
Performing time series data
Getting ready 197
decomposition177
How to do it… 197
Getting ready 179
How it works... 199
How to do it… 179
See also… 200
How it works... 184
Differencing time series data 200
Performing smoothing – moving
Getting ready 200
average185
How to do it… 201
Getting ready 186
How it works... 203
How to do it… 186
Getting ready 205
How it works… 191
How to do it… 205
See also... 191
How it works... 208
See also... 209

8
Analysing Text Data in Python 211
Technical requirements 212 Analyzing part of speech 224
Preparing text data 212 Getting ready 225
Getting ready 213 How to do it… 225
How to do it… 214 How it works... 229
How it works... 217 Performing stemming and
There’s more… 218 lemmatization230
See also… 218
Getting ready 230
Dealing with stop words 218 How to do it… 231
Getting ready 219 How it works... 237
How to do it… 219 Analyzing ngrams 237
How it works... 224
Getting ready 238
There’s more… 224
How to do it… 238
 Table of Contents xiii

How it works... 242 How to do it… 252

How it works... 255
Creating word clouds 242
There’s more… 256
Getting ready 242
See also 256
How to do it… 243
How it works... 245 Performing Topic Modeling 257
Getting ready 258
Checking term frequency 246
How to do it… 258
Getting ready 247
How it works... 262
How to do it… 247
How it works... 249 Choosing an optimal number of
There’s more… 250 topics263
See also 251 Getting ready 263
How to do it… 263
Checking sentiments 251
How it works... 267
Getting ready 251

9
Dealing with Outliers and Missing Values 269
Technical requirements 270 Flooring and capping outliers 290
Identifying outliers 270 Getting ready 290
Getting ready 271 How to do it… 290
How to do it… 271 How it works... 293
How it works... 273 Removing outliers 294
Spotting univariate outliers 274 Getting ready 294
Getting ready 274 How to do it… 294
How to do it… 274 How it works... 296
How it works... 277 Replacing outliers 297
Finding bivariate outliers 278 Getting ready 297
Getting ready 278 How to do it… 297
How to do it… 279 How it works... 300
How it works... 281 Identifying missing values 301
Identifying multivariate outliers 282 Getting ready 302
Getting ready 282 How to do it… 302
How to do it… 282 How it works... 305
How it works... 288
See also 289
xiv Table of Contents

Dropping missing values 305 How to do it… 309

Getting ready 306 How it works... 311
How to do it… 307
Imputing missing values using
How it works... 308 machine learning models 312
Replacing missing values 308 Getting ready 313
Getting ready 309 How to do it… 313
How it works... 314

10
Performing Automated Exploratory Data Analysis in Python 315
Technical requirements 316 Getting ready 331
Doing Automated EDA using pandas How to do it… 331
profiling316 How it works... 335
Getting ready 317 See also 336
How to do it… 318 Performing Automated EDA using
How it works... 324 Sweetviz336
See also… 324 Getting ready 336
Performing Automated EDA using How to do it… 336
dtale325 How it works... 339
Getting ready 325 See also 340
How to do it… 325 Implementing Automated EDA
How it works... 330 using custom functions 340
See also 330 Getting ready 340
Doing Automated EDA using How to do it… 340
AutoViz330 How it works... 347
There’s more… 348

Index349

Other Books You May Enjoy 358

 Another Random Document on
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or of their ministers—congresses in fact—should take place, to
consult concerning the great and common interests of the allies, and
the measures that might be considered necessary at the time to
promote the welfare and peace of the nations and of Europe.
It was this treaty which founded and introduced the Congress
policy of the next decade, and it is well to note that France although
a member of the Holy Alliance was excluded from this league, as
was to be expected, and that England which had remained outside
the Holy Alliance, here stood at the head of affairs. The true position
and significance of things are thereby made clear.j

FOOTNOTES

[55] [For the terms of the treaty, see volume XII.]

[56] Gazing from the Kremlin on Moscow in flames, Napoleon
said, “This forebodes the greatest calamity for us.” Journal du
Maréchal Castellane, Paris, 1895.
[57] From the Russian State Archives.
[58] The letter written by Emperor Alexander on the 18th of
March, 1816, to Count Sieven, Ambassador in London, upon the
occasion of the publication of the treaty of the Holy Alliance and
preserved in the Russian State Archives, affords a clear instance
of the direction of politics at that time.

[59] [Skrinel says, however: “For nearly half a century the Holy
Alliance was the keystone of the edifice erected at Vienna, the
hidden chain which linked Russia with the other military powers.”]
 CHAPTER X. ALEXANDER I, MYSTIC AND
HUMANITARIAN
Heaven grant that we may one day attain our aim of making Russia free and of
preserving her from despotism and tyranny. This is my unique desire, and I
willingly sacrifice all my labours and my life to the aim that is so dear to me.—
Alexander I.

THE COMPLEX CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER I

In the preceding chapter, we followed the

[1801-1825 a.d.] history of the external affairs of Russia during
fourteen years of the reign of Alexander I. Now
we shall witness the incidents of that monarch’s later years, and, in
particular, shall consider the internal condition of Russia during the
reign of one of the most interesting of sovereigns. Clearly to
appreciate the complex character of the reigns, we may follow
Shilder, partly by way of recapitulation, in dividing it into three
periods, each of which seems to represent a phase of the mental
evolution of Alexander.a
The first period embraces the time between the years 1801 and
1810, and is usually designated as the epoch of reforms, but as we
penetrate more deeply into the spirit of that period, we come to the
conclusion that it might more justly be termed the epoch of
vacillations. Actually, at this time, that is from 1801 to 1810,
ceaseless vacillations took place in the governmental life of Russia,
both in regard to the outward as well as the inward policy of the
empire; throughout every branch of the administration of the state an
entire instability of views and brusque changes from one political
system to another were to be observed. All these manifestations
were conditional exclusively on the personality of the emperor
Alexander, who possessed the characteristic of not unfrequently
vacillating at short intervals between two entirely opposed frames of
mind, without reference to the direction he had elected to follow.
The second period is continued from 1810 to 1816 and in its inner
signification is entirely concentrated in the struggle with France. This
period in contrast to the preceding, is distinguished by the pursuit of
one ruling idea, carried out with remarkable consecutiveness to the
end, an instance which is almost unique in the whole reign of
Alexander. Unexpectedly to all, to the astonishment of the whole
world, in 1812, he showed himself immovable and decided to be or
not to be. Meanwhile Napoleon, preparing himself for the invasion of
Russia, had based his political and military calculations upon the
imaginary weakness of Alexander’s character, and in this respect the
conqueror’s hidden thoughts corresponded with the secret
calculations of his allies, Metternich and Hardenburg. All these three
enemies of Russia were however destined to experience complete
disenchantment. The ruling idea of Alexander, which he then
steadfastly followed, consisted in the overthrow of Napoleon. [These
two periods we have covered in the preceding chapter, but we shall
have occasion to revert to certain phases and incidents of their
development.]
The third period, beginning from the year 1816, finishes with the
death of the emperor Alexander in 1825. Historians usually call it the
period of congresses and of the preservation of order in Europe
established by them. It would be more exact and nearer to the truth
to call this last decade the period of reaction.
 After the overthrow of Napoleon the emperor Alexander appears
as a weary martyr, wavering between the growing influence of
Araktcheiev and his own personal convictions which he had adopted
in the days of his youth. Amongst the reactionary measures which
commenced in 1816 there can still be traced bright gleams of the
enthusiasms and dreams of his youth. The speech pronounced in
1818 by the emperor at the opening of the Polish diet testifies to this.
But from the year 1820 a complete vanishing of all the previous
ideals to the realisation of which he had once aspired with sincere
enthusiasm, is to be observed. To this moral condition was also
united an incurable weariness of life, the signs of which had already
been observed in the emperor Alexander by Metternich at the
congress of Verona in 1822.
As we enter upon a closer analysis of the three periods into which
we have divided this reign, we remark another curious feature in the
development of Alexander. Metternich calls this phenomenon that of
the periodic evolutions of the emperor’s mind (les évolutions
périodiques de son esprit). The phenomenon was repeated with
striking regularity about every five years of his reign. Assimilating to
himself any idea with which he was inspired, Alexander gave himself
up to it, unhesitatingly and with full enthusiasm. The incubation
required about two years, during which the idea acquired for him the
importance of a system; the third year he remained faithful to the
system chosen, he became more and more attached to it, he
listened with real enthusiasm to its upholders and at such a time was
inaccessible to any influence that might shake the justness of the
views he had adopted. The fourth year he grew disturbed at the
consequences which might possibly arise; the fifth year there
became observable a medley of the old and vanishing system with
some new idea which was beginning to take birth in his mind. This
idea was usually diametrically opposed to the one that had left his
horizon. After that, when he had assimilated the new convictions, he
did not preserve any remembrance of the ideas he had abandoned,
beyond the obligations which bound him to the various
representatives of the former views.b
 MINISTERIAL INFLUENCES; SPERANSKI AND ARAKTCHEIEV

From 1806 to 1812 the preponderating

[1801-1815 a.d.] influence over Alexander I was that of
Speranski. Son of a village priest, educated in a
seminary, and afterwards professor of mathematics and philosophy
in the seminary of Alexander Nevski, Speranski became preceptor to
the children of Alexis Kurakin, thanks to whom he quitted the
ecclesiastical for a civil career, and became secretary to
Trochtchinski, who was then chancellor of the imperial council. Later,
after he had become director of the department of the interior under
Prince Kotchubei, Speranski rose to the position of secretary of state
and gained the complete confidence of the emperor. The favourites
of the preceding period had all been imbued with English ideas;
Speranski, on the contrary, loved France and manifested a particular
admiration for Napoleon. These French sympathies, shared at the
time by Alexander I, formed a new bond between the prince and the
minister which was not severed until the rupture with Napoleon. “We
know,” said Monsieur Bogdanovitch, “Alexander’s fondness for
representative forms and a constitutional government, but this taste
resembles that of a dilettante who goes into ecstacies over a fine
painting. Alexander early convinced himself that neither Russia’s
vast extent nor the constitution of civil society would permit the
realisation of his dream. From day to day he deferred the execution
of his utopian ideas, but delighted to discourse with his intimates
upon the projected constitution and the disadvantages of absolutism.
To please the emperor, Speranski ardently defended the principles of
liberty, and by so doing exposed himself to accusations of anarchy
and of having conceived projects dangerous to institutions that had
received the consecration of time and custom.” Painstaking, learned,
and profoundly patriotic and humane, he was the man best able to
realise all that was practicable in the ideas of Alexander.
Speranski presented to the sovereign a systematic plan of reform.
The imperial council received an extension of privileges. Composed
as it was of the chief dignitaries of the state, it became in a measure
the legislative power, and had the duty of examining new laws,
extraordinary measures, and ministerial reports; it was in reality a
sketch of a representative government. After the interview at Erfurt,
during which Napoleon had showed him marked attention, Speranski
entered into relations with the French legal writers, Locré, Legras,
Dupont de Nemours, and made them correspondents of the
legislative commission of the imperial council. The Code Napoleon
was not adapted to any but a homogeneous nation emancipated
from personal and feudal servitude, with a population whose
members all enjoyed a certain equality before the law. Thus to
Speranski the emancipation of the serfs was the corner-stone of
regeneration. He dreamed of instituting a third estate, of limiting the
number of privileged classes, and of forming the great aristocratic
families into a peerage similar to that of England. He encouraged
Count Stroinovski to publish his pamphlet, Rules to be Observed
between Proprietors and Serfs. As early as 1809 he had decided
that the holders of university degrees should have the advantage
over all others in attaining the degrees of the tchin. Thus a doctor
would at once enter the eighth rank, a master of arts the ninth, a
candidate the tenth, and a bachelor the twelfth.
Like Turgot, the minister of Louis XVIII, and the Prussian reformer,
Stein, Speranski had aroused the hostility of everyone. The nobility
of court and ante-chamber, and all the young officials who wished to
rise by favour alone were exasperated by the ukase of 1809;
proprietors were alarmed at Speranski’s project for the emancipation
of the serfs; the senators were irritated by his plans for
reorganisation which would reduce the first governing body of the
empire to the position of a supreme court of justice; and the high
aristocracy was incensed at the boldness of a man of low condition,
the son of a village priest. The people themselves complained at the
increase in taxation, all those whose interests had been set aside
united against the upstart; he was accused of despising the time-
honoured institutions of Moscow and of having presented as a model
to the Russians the Code Napoleon when the country was on the
eve of war with France. The ministers Balachev, Armfelt, Guriev,
Count Rostoptchin, Araktcheiev, and the grand duchess Catherine
Pavlovna, sister of the emperor, influenced Alexander against him.
Karamzin, the historian, addressed to the emperor an impassioned
memoir on New and Old Russia, in which he stepped forth as the
champion of serfdom, of the old laws, and of autocracy. Speranski’s
enemy even went to the length of denouncing him as a traitor and an
accomplice of France. In March, 1812, he was suddenly sent from
the capital to Nijni-Novgorod and afterwards deported to a distant
post where he was subjected to close surveillance. He was recalled
in 1819, when passions had somewhat cooled, and was appointed
governor of Siberia. In 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg, but did
not recover his former position.
A new epoch now set in. The adversaries of Speranski, Armfelt,
Schichkov, and Rostoptchin attained high positions, but the
acknowledged favourite was Araktcheiev, the rough “corporal of
Gachina,” born enemy to progress and reform and apostle of
absolute dominion and passive obedience. He gained the confidence
of Alexander, first by his devotion to the memory of Paul, next by his
punctuality, his unquestioning obedience, his disinterestedness and
habits of industry, and lastly by his ingenuous admiration for the
“genius of the emperor.” He was the most trustworthy of servitors,
the most imperious of superiors, and the most perfect instrument for
a reaction. His influence was not at once exclusive. After having
conquered Napoleon, Alexander looked upon himself as the liberator
of nations. He had set Germany free; he dealt leniently with France
and obtained for it a charter; he granted a constitution to Poland,
with the intention of extending its benefit to Russia. Though the
censorship of the press had recently forbidden the Viestnik
slovesnosti to criticise, “the servants of his majesty,” Alexander had
not entirely renounced his utopian ideas. English Protestant
influence succeeded to the influence of France; French theatres
were closed and Bible societies opened.
Nevertheless, this first period of favour for Araktcheiev soon
became an epoch of sterility; though reaction had not yet set in there
had at least come a decided pause. The reforms interrupted by the
war of 1812 were not to be again resumed. The code of Speranski
had come to an end and all efforts to compile one better suited to
Russian traditions were of no avail.f

É
 EDUCATIONAL ADVANCES; THE LYCÉE AND THE LIBRARY

On the 23rd of January of the year 1811 was promulgated the

statute of the lycée of Tsarskoi Selo, which had been definitely
worked out by secretary of state Speranski. The aim of the
establishment of the lycée was the education of young men, and
chiefly of those who were destined to fill the most important posts of
the government service. The following circumstance was the primary
cause of the foundation of this higher educational establishment:
although the emperor did not interfere in the matter of the education
of his younger brothers, the grand dukes Nicholas and Michael
Pavlovitch, which was entirely left to the empress, Marie
Feodorovna, a case soon presented itself where the emperor
recognised the necessity of departing from the rule he had
established. The widowed empress desired to send her sons to the
university of Leipsic for the completion of their studies; this was,
however, firmly opposed by the emperor, and instead he had the
idea of establishing a lycée at Tsarskoi Selo, where his younger
brothers could assist at the public lectures. A wing of the palace
connected by a gallery with the chief building, was adapted to this
purpose, and the solemn opening of the Tsarskoi Selo lycée took
place on the 31st of October, 1811, in the presence of the emperor
Alexander. It commenced with a thanksgiving service in the court
chapel of Tsarskoi Selo, after which those present accompanied the
clergy who made the tour of the edifice, sprinkling it with holy water.
At the conclusion of the ecclesiastical ceremony, the imperial charter
given to the lycée was read in the hall of the building, and the
speeches began. Amongst them that of the adjunct professor
Kunitzin earned the special approbation of the emperor for the art
with which it avoided generalisations and dwelt on the beneficence
of the founder. In conclusion, Alexander inspected the premises
allotted to the students, and was present at their dinner table.
The year 1811 was also signalised by the completion of the
building of the Kazan cathedral, the first stone of which had been laid
by the emperor Alexander on the 8th of September, 1801. The
constructor of the cathedral was the Russian architect Andrew
Nikivorovitch Voroniknin. The
building committee was under
the direction of the president of
the Academy of Arts, Count
Alexander Stroganov. The
building of the cathedral took ten
years, and on the 27th of
September, 1811, on the
anniversary of the emperor’s
coronation, the solemn
consecration of the new
cathedral took place in the
presence of the emperor. Count
Stroganov was that day elevated
to the dignity of actual privy
councillor of the first rank. He
was not destined to enjoy for
long the completion of his work:
Tower of Ivan Velika, Moscow
ten days later he died.
In the very thick of the
preparations for war, and amidst such agitating political
circumstances as had been unknown till then, the emperor
Alexander continued to labour for the enlightenment of his subjects.
Notable among his acts at this time was the foundation of a public
library. Catherine II’s idea of founding in the capital a library for
general use, and of rendering it accessible to all, was only brought to
fulfilment by Alexander. A special edifice was built with this object; its
construction had been already commenced during Catherine’s reign.
By 1812 all the preliminary work in the building of this library was
completed, and on the 14th of January the emperor honoured the
newly constructed library with a visit, and examined in detail all its
curiosities. Following on this the “draft of detailed rules for the
administration of the Imperial Public Library” was ratified by his
majesty on the 7th of March.
The events of 1812, however, deferred the actual opening of the
library: soon measures had to be thought of to save its treasures.
The opening ceremony took place, therefore, two years later, in
1814, on the 14th of January, the anniversary of the day on which
the emperor Alexander made his gracious visit to the library, on the
memorable occasion of its founding.
A great many festivities took place at the Russian court upon the
occasion of the marriage of the grand duke Nicholas Pavlovitch with
the princess Charlotte of Prussia (July 13th, 1817). About the same
time (July 31st, 1817), a modest festival was celebrated at Tsarskoi
Selo—the first distribution of prizes to students of the lycée. On that
day the emperor Alexander, accompanied by Prince A. N. Galitzin,
was present in the conference hall of the institution he had founded;
he himself distributed the prizes and certificates to the pupils, and
after having announced the awards to be given to them and their
teachers he left, bidding a fatherly farewell to all. The poet Pushkin
was amongst the students who took part in the festival.

EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS FROM ST. PETERSBURG

The year 1815, which had been filled with a series of unexpected
events, terminated with an important administrative measure which
no one had foreseen. On the 18th of January, 1817, an imperial
ukase was issued ordering the immediate expulsion of all the monks
of the order of Jesuits from St. Petersburg, and at the same time
forbidding their entry into either of the two capitals. In the middle of
the night they were provided with fur cloaks, and warm boots, and
despatched in carts to the residence of their brethren at Polotsk.[60]
It was enjoined in this ukase that the Catholic church in St.
Petersburg should be “placed on the same footing that had been
established during the reign of the empress Catherine II and which
had endured up to the year 1800.” This expulsion put an end to the
pedagogical activity of the Jesuits in St. Petersburg. The words of N.
J. Turgeniev, spoken in the year 1812 and addressed to his
successor Gruber, the Berezovski Jesuit, were, in fact, realised for
the order in the most unpleasant way. He said: “This is the beginning
of the end; you will now do so much that you will be sent away.” The
government was compelled to have recourse to decisive measures
in view of cases of conversion to Catholicism amongst the orthodox
pupils of the Jesuit school in St. Petersburg; besides which the
influence of Jesuit propaganda was spreading in a remarkable way
amongst the ladies of the high society of St. Petersburg.
This measure, however, did not put a limit to the misfortunes that
descended upon the Jesuits during the reign of Alexander. A few
years later (on the 25th of March, 1820) the order was given that the
Jesuits should be expelled finally from Russia, adding that they were
not under any aspect or denomination to be allowed to return; and at
the same time the Polotsk academy was suppressed, as well as all
the schools depending on it.

LIBERATION OF THE PEASANTS OF THE BALTIC PROVINCES

(1816-1818 A.D.)

The nobility of Esthonia had in 1811

[1816-1818 a.d.] announced their desire of giving up their rights
of servitude over their peasants. In the year
1816 this intention led to the confirmation of the establishment of the
Esthonian peasants upon a new footing, according to which the
individual right of servitude was abolished. The nobility kept the land
as their property, and the relations between the peasants and the
landowners were from thenceforth based upon mutual agreement by
free will contracts conformable with rules determining essential
conditions; a period of transition was appointed for bringing in the
new order of things. After the first trial, the individual, landless
liberation of the peasants spread throughout the Baltic provinces and
in other governments—namely, in Courland in 1817 and in Livonia in
1819. The introduction of the new order of things was everywhere
accomplished without any particular difficulty.
In expressing to the Livonian nobility his satisfaction upon the
occasion of the reform effectuated, the emperor Alexander said: “I
rejoice that the Livonian nobility has justified my expectations. Your
example deserves imitation. You have acted in accordance with the
spirit of the times and have understood that liberal principles alone
can serve as a basis for the happiness of nations.” From these
words it is evident that the emperor entertained, according to
Shishkov’s expression, an unfortunate prejudice against the right of
servitude in Russia, and it appeared to many that in other parts of
the empire words would be followed by deeds.[61]
From the year 1816, the peasant question began to occupy
society. The aide-de-camp of his majesty, Kisselev, even presented a
memoir to the emperor which bore the title Of the Gradual Abolition
of Slavery in Russia. The memoir began with the words: “Civic liberty
is the foundation of national prosperity. This truth is so undoubted
that I consider it superfluous here to explain how desirable it is that
the lawful independence of which serfs and agriculturists, are
unjustly deprived, should be established for them throughout the
empire. I consider this measure the more needful now that the
progress of enlightenment and our closer contact with Europe, which
hourly increases the fermentation of minds, indicate to the
government the necessity of averting the consequences which may
follow, and whose menace it would be already difficult or impossible
to deny. The blood in which the French Revolution was steeped
bears witness to this.” In what manner the emperor Alexander
regarded the memoir presented by his aide-de-camp, and what fate
overtook this production of his pen has remained unknown.
P. D. Kisselev was not the only nobleman who recognised the
urgent necessity of the government’s occupying itself with the
peasant question. The following circumstance serves as a proof of
this: in this same year, 1816, many of the richest landowners of the
government of St. Petersburg, knowing the emperor’s moral
aspirations to better the lot of the peasant serfs, decided to turn them
into obligatory settlers upon the basis of the then existing
regulations. The act was drawn up and signed by sixty-five
landowners; it only remained to take it to be ratified by the emperor,
and for this purpose the general aide-de-camp J. V. Vasiltchikov was
chosen. Those who had taken part in the signature of the act
supposed that the emperor knew nothing of the meetings that had
taken place on the occasion and were convinced that he would
receive graciously a proposition, which was in accordance with his
manner of thinking. But the emperor Alexander was aware of the
determination of the nobles and hardly had Vasiltchikov, after
requesting permission to present himself to his majesty, begun to
speak of the matter, when Alexander, interrupting him, inquired: “To
whom, in your opinion, does the legislative power belong in Russia?”
And when Vasiltchikov replied: “Without doubt to your imperial
majesty as an autocratic emperor,” Alexander, raising his voice, said,
“Then leave it to me to promulgate such laws as I consider most
beneficial to my subjects.”
The emperor’s reply gave little hope of a favourable solution of this
important question. In the then existing state of affairs, the matter
could not avoid passing through the hands of Araktcheiev. This
indeed actually happened. In February, 1818, before the departure of
the emperor Alexander from Moscow for Warsaw to open the first
Polish diet, Count Araktcheiev announced that his majesty had
deigned to issue an edict for the liberation of landowners’ peasants
from the condition of serfdom, with the stipulation that the edict
should not in any of its measures be oppressive to the landowners,
and especially that it should not present anything of a violent
character in its accomplishment on the part of the government: but,
on the contrary, that it should be accompanied by advantages for the
landowners and awaken in them a desire to co-operate with the
government in the abolition of the conditions of serfdom in Russia,
an abolition corresponding to the spirit of the times and the progress
of education, and indispensable for the future tranquillity of the
possessors of serfs.

THE EMPEROR AND THE QUAKERS

In 1814, at the time of the emperor Alexander’s stay in London,

the famous philanthropist Quakers, De Grelle de Mobillier,[62] and
Allen, had been inspired with the idea of taking advantage of a
favourable occasion, and instilling into the minds of the allied
sovereigns the conviction that the kingdom of Christ is a kingdom of
justice and truth. With this object they first set off to visit the king of
Prussia, who received them and praised the Quakers living in his
dominions, but expressed his conviction that war is indispensable for
the attainment of peace. The emperor Alexander showed them more
sympathy; he visited a Quaker meeting and received a deputation.
The emperor assured the Quakers that he was in agreement with the
greater part of their opinions, and that although on account of his
exceptional position his mode of action must be other than theirs, yet
he was in union with them in the spiritual worship of Christ. In taking
leave of the Quakers, Alexander invited them to come to see him in
Russia and said: “I bid you farewell as a friend and brother.”
Grelle and Allen arrived in St. Petersburg in November, 1818,
during the emperor’s absence. They went to Prince A. N. Galitzin, of
whom Grelle wrote: “He is a man penetrated by a truly Christian
spirit.” Galitzin received the Quakers with an open heart and
informed them that the emperor had sent him a letter telling him of
their coming to Russia and requesting that they might be received as
his friends. After various questions upon religious matters the
Quakers, together with Prince Galitzin, gave themselves up to silent,
inward meditation, and this method, writes Grelle, “did not appear at
all unknown to the prince. Inspired by the love of Christ, we felt in
ourselves, after silent, heartfelt prayer, the beneficent moving of
grace. In taking leave of the prince, he offered us free access to all
that could interest us—to the prisons, to reformatory institutions, and
to refuges for the poor.”
Their visit to the St. Petersburg prisons deeply agitated the pious
Quakers; according to Grelle’s observations, some of them were
very dirty and overrun with vermin; the odour was unbearable and
the air contaminated to such a degree that it affected the heads and
lungs of the visitors. The Quakers also inspected a few refuges and
schools.
On a subsequent evening the emperor Alexander received the
Quakers alone. He called them his old friends, made them sit beside
him on the sofa, and called to mind with inward emotion their
interview in London in 1814, saying that it had given him the spirit of
courage and firmness amidst all the difficult circumstances in which
he was then placed. “The emperor then,” writes Grelle, “suggested to
us some questions upon religious matters, thus showing his sincere
desire to progress in the saving knowledge of truth. He further
questioned us as to what we had seen and done in Russia. We took
advantage of the opportunity to relate to him the distressing
condition of the prisons; and in particular we directed his attention to
the wretched state of the prison in Åbo, and told him about an
unfortunate man who had been kept in irons there for nineteen
years. The emperor was touched by our narrative and said, ‘This
ought not to be; it shall not occur again.’” The Quakers also informed
the emperor how deeply grieved they had been to see, upon
inspecting one of the schools, that the pupils were given books to
read that were pernicious to their morals; after which they showed
him a specimen of extracts they had made from the Holy Scriptures
for the use of schools. The emperor remained wrapped in thought for
a moment, and then turning to his companions, he observed: “You
have done precisely what I much desired. I have often thought that
schools might serve as a powerful instrument for the furtherance of
the kingdom of Christ, by leading the people to the knowledge of the
Saviour and the principles of true piety. Send me as soon as
possible all that you have succeeded in preparing.”
The conversation then touched on Daniel Villers, also a Quaker,
whom the emperor had called to St. Petersburg to drain the
marshes; Alexander said that he regarded his presence in Russia as
a blessing to the people. “It was not the draining of the marshes,”
added the emperor, “nor any other material necessity that was the
cause of my inviting some of your ‘friends’ to come here; no, I was
guided by the wish that their true piety, their probity, and other virtues
might serve as an example for my people to imitate.”
In conclusion the emperor said, “Before we separate, let us try to
spend some time in common prayer.” “We willingly consented,”
writes Grelle in regard to this matter, “feeling that the Lord with his
beneficent power was near us. Some time passed in silent, inward
contemplation; our souls were humbled, and a little later I felt within
me the heavenly breathing of the spirit of prayer and compunction;
enfolded by the spirit, I bent my knees before the greatness of God;
the emperor knelt beside me. Amidst the inward outpourings of the
soul we felt that the Lord had consented to hear our prayers. After
that we spent a little while longer in silence and then withdrew. In
bidding us farewell the emperor expressed the desire to see us
again before we left. We spent two hours with him.”
After this remarkable audience, which so graphically expresses
the religious-idealistic frame of mind of the emperor Alexander, the
Quakers visited under the patronage of the widowed empress the
female educational establishments, the young pupils of which
aroused much sympathy in them. Grelle found that some of them
had hearts open for receiving evangelical inspiration. These visits
were followed by the reception of the Quakers by the empress Marie
Feodorovna. They told the empress that they were much pleased at
the condition of the institutions under her patronage, but at the same
time they could not be otherwise than grieved to see how little
attention was paid in St. Petersburg, and in general throughout
Russia, to the education of children of the lower classes; they also
spoke to the empress of the unsatisfactoriness of the then existing
prison accommodations for women, and indicated how
advantageous it would be if the prisons were visited by women
capable of instructing and consoling the unfortunate prisoners. The
empress entirely agreed with these ideas.
Soon the emperor again invited the Quakers to come and see him.
“He again received us in his private apartments,” writes Grelle, “to
which we were taken by a secret way, avoiding the guard and the
court servants. Nobody seemed surprised to see us keeping our
heads covered. The emperor, as before, received us with sincere
affability. He began by informing us that the chains in which we had
seen the prisoners at Åbo had been taken off, that the unfortunate
man of whom we had told him had been set at liberty, and that
orders had been given that the other prisoners were to be better
treated. He then asked us to relate to him openly all that we had
noticed in the prisons during our stay in Russia. The governor-
general (Count Miloradovitch) had informed him of the changes and
improvements which he considered it advantageous to carry out in
the gaols, and the emperor entirely approved of the changes that
had already been made. He further told us that the widowed
empress had spoken to him with pleasure of our visit to her; that she
had taken to heart what we had said of the extreme neglect of the
 education of children of the poorer
classes, and that she was occupying
herself in searching for the most
effectual measures of remedying this
defect as soon as possible. The
emperor added that he had named a
certain sum of money to be used for
the establishment of six schools for
poor children in the capital, and that
the children were to receive there a
religious and moral education. He
further told us that he had attentively
perused the books we had prepared
and was delighted with them; that if
we had only come to Russia to do
this, we had already accomplished a
very important work, and that he
intended to bring our books into use
throughout all the schools of his
Russian Priest empire.”
Before their departure for Moscow
the emperor received his old friends a third time, and on this
occasion he related to them various details of how he had himself
been educated under the supervision of his grandmother, the
empress Catherine. “The persons attached to me,” said he, “had
some good qualities, but they were not believing Christians and
therefore my primary education was not united with any profound
moral impressions; in accordance with the customs of our church, I
was taught formally to repeat morning and evening certain prayers I
had learned; but this habit, which did not in any wise satisfy the
inward requirements of my religious feelings, soon wearied me.
Meanwhile it happened more than once that, when I lay down to rest,
I had a lively feeling in my soul of my sins, and of the various moral
deficiencies of my mode of life; thus penetrated by heartfelt
repentance I was moved by a desire to rise from my bed and in the
silence of the night to throw myself upon my knees and with tears
ask God for forgiveness and for strength to preserve greater
watchfulness over myself in future. This contrition of heart continued
for some time; but little by little, in the absence of moral support on
the part of the persons who surrounded me, I began to feel more
seldom and more feebly these salutary movings of grace. Sin,
together with worldly distractions, began to reign more and more
within my soul. Finally, in 1812, the Lord in his love and mercy, again
called to me, and the former movings of grace were renewed with
fresh strength in my heart. At that period a certain pious person[63]
advised me to take to reading the Holy Scriptures and gave me a
Bible, a book which until then I had never had in my hands. I
devoured the Bible finding that its words shed a new and never
previously experienced peace in my heart, and satisfied the thirst of
my soul. The Lord in his goodness granted me his Spirit to
understand what I read; and to this inward instruction and
enlightenment I owe all the spiritual good that I acquired by the
reading of the divine Word; this is why I look upon inward
enlightenment or instruction from the Holy Ghost as the firmest
support in the soul—saving knowledge of God.”
The emperor then related to his companions how deeply his soul
was penetrated with the desire to abolish forever wars and
bloodshed upon earth. “He said,” writes Grelle, “that he had passed
many nights without sleep in strained and intense deliberation as to
how this sacred desire could be realised, and in deep grief at the
thought of the innumerable calamities and misfortunes that are
occasioned by war. At that time when his soul was thus bowed down
in ardent prayer to the Saviour the idea arose in him of inviting the
crowned heads to unite in one holy alliance, before the tribunal of
which all future disagreements that should arise should be settled,
instead of having recourse to the sword and to bloodshed. This idea
took such possession of him that he got up from his bed, expounded
his feelings and aspirations in writing with such liveliness and ardour
that his intentions were subjected on the part of many to unmerited
suspicion and misinterpretation—‘Although,’ added he with a sigh,
‘ardent love for God and mankind was the sole motive that governed
me.’ Thoughts of the formation of the Holy Alliance again arose in
him during his stay in Paris. After we had spent some time in
conversing on this important subject, the emperor said to us: ‘And
thus we part, in this world, but I firmly trust that we, being separated
by space, will however remain by the goodness of the spirit of God
forever united through inward spiritual fellowship, for in the kingdom
of God there are no limitations of space. Now, before we part, I have
one request to make to you: let us join in silent prayer and see if the
Lord will not consent to manifest his gracious presence to us, as he
did the last time.’
“We gladly consented to fulfil his desire. A solemn silence followed
during which we felt that the Lord was amongst us; our souls were
reverently opened before him and he himself was working within us
through his grace. Somewhat later, I felt, through the breathing of the
love of Christ, the lively desire of saying a few words of approbation
to our beloved emperor in order to encourage him to walk with firm
steps in the Lord’s way and to put his whole trust, unto the end of his
earthly journeyings, in the efficaciousness of the divine grace; in
general I felt the necessity of guarding him from evil and
strengthening him in his good intention of ever following the path of
truth and righteousness. The words that I said produced a profound
impression upon the emperor and he shed burning tears. Then our
dear Allen, kneeling, raised a fervent prayer to God for the emperor
and his people. The emperor himself fell on his knees beside him
and remained a long while with us in spiritual outpourings before the
Lord. Finally we solemnly and touchingly took leave of each other.”

SECRET SOCIETIES UNDER ALEXANDER I

After the year 1815, when the emperor Alexander already

appeared as a weary martyr, immersed in mystic contemplation and
wavering between the evergrowing influence of Count Araktcheiev
and the convictions he had himself formed in the days of his youth,
the events of 1812 were reflected in a totally different manner upon
the movement of social ideas in Russia. The war of the fatherland
was accompanied in Russia by an unusual rising of the spirit of the
nation and a remarkable awakening of the public conscience. The
continuation of the struggle with Napoleon beyond the frontiers of
Russia had led Alexander’s troops to
Paris. This enforced military exploit
widened the horizon of the Russian
people; they became acquainted with
European manners and customs,
were in closer contact with the current
of European thought, and felt drawn
towards political judgment. It was
quite natural that the Russian people
should begin to compare the order of
things in their own country with
political and public organisation
abroad. An unrestrainable impulse to
criticise and compare was awakened;
thenceforth it was difficult to become
reconciled to the former status of
Russian life and the traditional order
of things.
It will be asked what abuses
presented themselves to the gaze of
the Russian conquerors, who had
liberated Europe, upon their return to
their country. An entire absence of
A Valdai Woman
respect for the rights of the individual
was patent; the forcible introduction of
monstrous military settlements, the
exploits of Magnitski and others of his kind in the department of
public instruction were crying shames; and, finally, the cruelties of
serfdom were in full activity. The subtile exactions which then
prevailed in service at the front completed the development of
general dissatisfaction amongst military circles. There is, therefore,
nothing astonishing in the fact that the misfortunes which then
weighed upon the Russian people should have found an answering
call in the hearts of men who were at that time in the grip of a violent
patriotic revival.
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