Chairperson : Professor Madhurima Verma

Subject Coordinator : Professor Sheena Pall

Course Leader : Professor Sheena Pall

M.A. HISTORY Semester – I Paper II

ANCIENT INDIA: AN OVERVIEW
Contents
Introductory Letter (i)
Syllabus (ii)
L. No. Title Author/Editor Page

Stone Age: From Paleolithic and Neolithic Age

1. Dr. Ashish Kumar
(Cultures)
Dr. Ashish Kumar
2. The Indus Valley (Harappan) Civilization

Dr. Ashish Kumar

3. The Vedic Age

Dr. Ashish Kumar

4. The Mahajanapadas

Dr. Ashish Kumar

5. The Mahajanapadas: Society And Economy

The Mauryan Empire: Rulers, Administration and Dr. Ashish Kumar

6.
Ashokas Dhamma
Dr. Ashish Kumar
7. Post Mauryan Polities
Dr. Ashish Kumar
8. Post Mauryan Economy (Indo-Roman Trade)
Dr. Ashish Kumar
9. Political Developments: The Guptas
Dr. Ashish Kumar
10. Political Developments: Pushyabhutis and Pallavas
Dr. Ashish Kumar
11. Early Medieval Polity: Indian Feudalism Debate

Dr. Ashish Kumar

12. Early Medieval Period: Social Developments

Dr. Ashish Kumar

13. Concepts And Terms
Vetter : Professor Sheena Pall

E-mail of Department : coordhist@[Link]

Contact No. of Department : 0172-2534329

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 Introductory Letter

Dear students
In this paper you would study about the anicient Indian History beginning from the Stone
Age to early medieval Society. The entire syllabus has been divided into four units. From each
unit same important concepts has been taken which are included in the concepts and terms. It
is necessary to learn concepts which are the base of your paper. These concepts will be asked
in the final exams also as compulsory questions. In this paper you would learn about the Stone
Age technology, spread of civilizations, formation of empires, rise of religions and social and
economic pattern in Ancent India. Central Asian invaders have accounted for in this syllabus.
Different important dynasties of India have been examined in this paper. Debates on certain
issues like Feudalism have been taken up.
This paper is divided into thirteen lessons. References as well as further readings for each
lesson have been provided. Model questions too have been appended with each lesson to help
students prepare for examinations. Self-assessment short type questions are given in each lesson for
the students to test themselves. The lessons are interactive in nature and aid in general understanding.
We wish you success in your studies,

Deptt. of History
USOL

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 SYLLABUS

Paper II: Ancient India: An Overview

COURSE CODE: HIS 231
Objective: Building upon a prior basic knowledge of the history of ancient India, this course introduces
the student to the major currents in the study of that history. It focusses on the the political processes
that underlay the structures of the state and society but also takes the student into the details of social
and cultural history.
Pedagogy: Lectures and tutorial discussions are the basic tools used in this course.
Note: The candidate will be evaluated on the basis of a written examination (80 marks) and Internal
Continuous Assessment (20 marks). In the written examination, the question paper will have the
following format:
The maximum marks in this paper/option will be 80 and duration of written examination will be 3 hours..
(i) There will be 9 questions in all. The candidate will be required to attempt 5 questions.
(ii) Question No.1 will be compulsory and carry 20 marks. It will consist of 15 short questions
from the list of concepts and [Link] below. The candidate is required to attempt any 10
short questions in 25-30 words each.. Each short questions carries 2 marks.
(iii) Remaining part of the question paper will be divided into four units, corresponding to the
four units of the syllabus for each option. The paper setter will set 2 essay type questions
from each unit. The candidate will attempt 4 essay type questions, selecting one from each
unit. Each essay type question will carry 15 marks.
(iv) The paper setter is expected to follow the Essential Readings and set questions on the sub-
themes or parts of a theme, rather than the topic as a whole.
Concepts and Terms: Mehargarh; Gopati; Bhupati; Vidatha; Janapada; Mahajanapada; Gana-
Sangha; Gahapati; Karshapana(Punch Marked Coins); Ashoka’s Dhamma; Saptanga(Seven Limb’s
of The State /Rajya); Stri-Dhana; Silk-Route; Sreni; Bali/Bhaga/ Shulka; Vishti; Prasasti; Mahayana;
Hinayana; Puranic Hinduism; Agraharas; Devadana; Vanigramma; Samanta; Varnasamkara(Inter-
Mixing of Varnas); Tirthankara/Arhat; Uttarapatha;Dakshinapatha; Concept Of Urban Decay; Kali
Age Crisis; Mandapika; Nagaram.
Unit I:
From Stone Age to Vedic Age: Palaeolithic and Neolithic Ages; The Indus Valley Civilization (Urban
Centres, Economy and Decline- various Debates); Vedic Age (Aryan Homeland debate, Polity,
Society and Economy).
Unit II:
Age of Mahajanapadas: Emergence of the State Systems (Sixteen Mahajanapadas); Society
(Buddhism and Jainism) and Economy (Urbanization, Trade, Crafts and Agriculture).
Unit III:
The Maurya and Post Mauryan Period: The Mauryan Empire (Rulers, Administration and Ashoka’s
Dhamma); Post Mauryan Polities (Kushanas, Satavahanas and Sangam Chiefdoms); Economy
(Indo-Roman Trade).

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Unit IV:
The Gupta and Post-Gupta Period: Political Developments (Guptas, Pushyabhutis and Pallavas);
Social Developments (Caste Proliferation and Untouchability); Indian Feudalism Debate.

Essential Readings
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. AD 1300, New Delhli: Primus Books,
2016 third edition.
 Habib, Irfan, A People’s History of India 6- Post Mauryan India, 200 BC- AD 300: A Political
and Economic History, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2012.
 Sharma, R. S., Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalization, New Delhi: Orient
Blackswan, 2014 reprint.
 Sharma, Rimjhim and Kumar, Ashish, Early India, up to c. 300 AD, Delhi: Book Age
Publications, 2019.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12th
Century, Delhi: Pearson Longman, 2009.
Suggested Readings
 Chattopadhyaya, B. D., Making of Early Medieval India, New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2012 second revised edition.
 Chakrabarti, Kunal and Sinha, Kanad, State, Power and Legitimacy: The Gupta Kingdom,
New Delhi: Primus Books, 2018.
 Chauhan, G. C., Early Indian Feudal Society and Its Culture, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,
2015.
 Chakravarti,Ranabir, ‘The Mauryas’ and ‘The Kushanas,’ in History of Ancient India, Vol. IV,
Political History and Administration (c. 200 BC- 750 AD), (From the end of the Mauryan Rule
to the Beginning of the Dominance of Regional Dynasties), (ed.)
 Dilip K. Chakrabarti and M. Lal, New Delhi: Aryan Books International, pp. 35-68, 231- 275,
2014.
 Habib, Irfan and Jha, Vivekanand, A People’s History of India: 5- Mauryan India. New Delhi:
Tulika Books, 2011 reprint.
 Kulke, Hermann, History of Precolonial India: Issues and Debates (English edition revised
and edited by B. P. Sahu), New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018.
 Sahu, B. P. and Kulke, Hermann, Interrogating Political Systems: Integrative Processes and
States in Pre-Modern India, Delhi: Manohar, 2015.
 Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas & Institutions in Ancient India, New Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 2015 reprint.

 Shrimali, K. M., A People’s History of India 4-The Age of Iron and the Religious Revolution,
c.700-c.350 BC, New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2011 reprint.

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 Lesson – 1
STONE AGE: FROM PALEOLITHIC AND
NEOLITHIC AGE (CULTURES)
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Human Evolution
1.3 Paleolithic Age
1.4 Mesolithic Age
1.5 Neolithic Age
1.6 Neolithic Age in Indian Subcontinent
1.7 Summary
1.8 Reference
1.9 Further Reading
1.10 Model Questions

1.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson, you will be able to:
 Understand the process of human evolution.
 Acquire information about Paleolithic society and culture.
 Gain knowledge regarding tool-making technology of Paleolithic age.
 Understand how human beings transformed from hunter-gatherers to food producers.

1.1 Introduction
Students, the present chapter deals with a longer period of human history, starting from the Paleolithic
Age and ending with a detailed discussion on the Neolithic Age. The biological evolution of human
beings went hand in hand with the technological, cultural, and social evolution. As a result, human
beings were transformed into food producers. In the 19 th century, founding stone of Paleolithic studies
in India was laid by the well-known geologist, Robert Bruce Foote, who is generally regarded as the
father of Indian prehistory.

1.2 Human Evolution

The human species represents the most advanced stage of a long process of evolution, which is still
going on. Noticeably, modern humans are the only surviving species of hominidae as all the other
species have become extinct in the course of evolutionary process. All the available informations
related to human evolution, thus are based on the study of fossil remains, which are found in
excavations. Based on the study of these fossils, the hominids are divided into two genera- first, the
genus ‘Australopithecus’, and second, the genus ‘Homo’. The remains of Australopithecus are found in
Africa, and they lived in a period between 4.4 and 1.8 million years ago. They were bipedal and had an
erect posture. A fossil skeleton of an Australopithecus is found from Tanzania at sites located in the
Olduvai Gorge, in East Africa. The discovery was made by a team of Louis Leakey and Mary Leakey in

5
1950s. Noticeably, Australopithecus brain size (450 c.c. to 550 c.c. 1) was not very different from that of
the apes (470 c.c. for chimpanzees).
Human and human like species are placed in the genus ‘Homo’ group that was different from
Australopithecus due to its larger brain size. One of the oldest fossils of the genus homo is that of the
‘Homo habilis’. The Homo habilis was present in East and South Africa between 2.6 and 1.75 million
years ago, and had 700 c.c. and so brain size. The important biological development was the
opposable thumb that allowed them to hold tools and objects more firmly. They made stone tools for
various purposes such s copping, breaking, and digging. Homo erectus was next in line, whose fossils
date back to 1.75 million years ago. Apart from bipedal locomotion and well-developed hands, it had a
large brain. He is called Homo erectus due to his fully erect posture that freed his hands. Now he could
more efficiently employ his hands for diverse purposes such as tool making. Homo erectus was much
taller than the Australopithecus. They moved out of Africa and spread into Asia and Europe. They made
both core and flake tools, and had 1000 c.c. brain size. Homo erectus was the first species that knew
how to use and control fire. For nearly 60-70,000 years different species of Australopithecus, Homo
habilis and Homo erectus coexisted. Homo erectus became extinct nearly 400,000 years ago.
Meanwhile, a new species of genus Homo evolved about 125,000 years ago, and it has been named
Neanderthal. The Neanderthal population began to dwindle about 50,000 years ago, and the species
became extinct 34,000 years ago.
The Homo sapiens or Anatomically Modern Man began to appear about 1, 25,000 years ago in
Southern parts of Africa. A fossil skullcap of an archaic Homo sapiens (or developed Homo erectus) of
Paleolithic Age is found at Hathnora near Hoshangabad in Narmada valley, which is about 200,000
years old. He had a cranial capacity of 1,250- 1,450 c.c. A fully developed Homo sapiens arrived in
Indian subcontinent around 60,000 years ago. One of the earliest known human skeletal fossils from
South Asia has been found from the Fahien Cave in Sri Lanka, and these are dated to about 34,000
years ago. Noticeably, there were several types of Homo species, which coexisted for a long time.
However, only one out of many such species managed to survive, and by about 40-30,000 years ago,
all others became extinct leaving only our species (i.e., Homo sapiens sapiens). Subsequently there
has been no evolution at the species or subspecies level. However, there are some superficial
differences (complexion, stature, etc.) Homo sapiens sapiens remains a unified and homogenous
species. This species has gracile and thinner bones and better capacity for exhalation. Thus, he was
better equipped to speak and could evolve greatly diversified speech.
1.3 Paleolithic Age
Man’s equipment and defenses are external to his body. He can lay them aside and don them at will.
Their use is learned from social group to which individual belongs. Due to biological features, man is
inadequately adapted for survival in any particular environment. Man’s compensation for his relatively
poor bodily endowment has been the possession of a large and complex brain, forming the centre of an
extensive and delicate nervous system. Because of a complex brain, man can prepare stone tools in
order to supplement the deficiencies of his physiological equipment for securing food and shelter.
Apparently, the earliest men snared and hunted wild animals and birds, caught fishes and lizards,
collected wild fruits, shellfish, and eggs, dug for roots and grubs. Some of them took shelter in cave;
others may have erected rude shelters of boughs. Nevertheless, they had to learn the right seasons for
hunting the different species of games or collecting the several kinds of eggs and fruits. Since not all
types of stone are suitable for tool making, human beings had to discover by experiment the best
stones and their locations, for making tools. Alongside, they had to learn to cooperate and act together

1
c.c. = Cranial Capacity

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in getting their livelihood. In the history of Human’s biological and cultural Evolution, the earliest phases
of human technological development, when vast majority of the tools were made of stone, are referred
to as the Paleolithic Age.
The term Paleolithic literally means “Old (Paleo) Stone (Lithic)”. Paleolithic Age belongs to the
Pleistocene period (last or the Great Ice Age), and on the basis of artifact types it is divided into: Lower
Paleolithic – circa 2 million – 1,00,000 years ago; Middle Paleolithic- circa 1,00,000 – 40,000 years ago;
and Upper Paleolithic- circa 40,000- 10,000 years ago. At the end of the Pleistocene, the Paleolithic is
followed by the later phases of the Stone Age, the Mesolithic and then the Neolithic.
Lower Paleolithic or Early Stone Age
The period is characterized by the use of hand axes and cleavers, which were used for chopping and
cutting meat and bones. Mostly large core tools, made of Quartzite, Basalt or other hard rocks, were
made by removing flakes from a block or core of a stone piece. Noticeably, a stone tool made out of a
largest piece (core) of stone is called core tool, and others made out of the smaller pieces (flakes) are
called flake tools. Homo habilis and Homo erectus, who are associated with this period, made stone
tools for various tasks. The tools made during this period were meant to assist humans in procuring and
processing plant and animal foods. A highly specialized hand and bipedalism, which freed the hands for
diverse activities, are important prerequisites for making tools. However, the real breakthrough came
about with a large brain. Tool manufacture calls for a high degree of motor skills and coordination of
various parts of the body (eyes, limbs, fingers, etc.) as well as enormous concentration. The concept of
tool precedes the tool. The toolmaker should be able to form a mental image of the tool, which is to be
obtained. All these functions can only be performed with greater mental capacity. There can be no
doubt that the larger brain of Homo habilis (700 c.c.) and Homo erectus (1000 c.c.) and the beginning
of tool making were closely interlinked. Important sites belonging to lower Paleolithic age in India are-
Sohan Valley (now in Pakistan), Belan Valley (UP), Didwana (in Rajasthan), Nagarjunakonda (in
Andhra Pradesh), river valleys of Beas, Tapti, Godavari, and Krishna, etc.
Middle Paleolithic or Middle Stone Age
The middle Paleolithic period witnessed the making of flake tools, which were smaller and lighter tools.
The number of core tools such as hand axes and cleavers tend to be less common. The Levallois
technique was developed for the preparation of flake tools. Now core’s (stone) edges are trimmed by
flaking off pieces around the outline, and the core assumes a tortoise shape. Then the core is hit to
separate the flake, which is subsequently used to make tools. Generally, fine-grained siliceous rocks
(chert, jasper, and chalcedony) were used along with the quartzite for making flake and blade tools
such as scrapers, borers and points, etc. Scrapers were used for scraping barks of trees, skins of
animals, wood, etc. Points were used either as arrowheads or as spearheads; and Borers were used as
drill. Remains of hearths are reported from the Sanghao cave in the North Western frontier province of
Pakistan, suggesting the use of controlled fire. Important sites in India belonging to middle Paleolithic
are- Luni river valley (in Rajasthan), Chirki-Nevasa (in Maharashtra), Sanghao cave near Peshawar,
Sohan valley in Potwar region (in Pakistan) and Hunsgi valley (in Karnataka), Rohri hills of upper Sind,
in the Chota Nagpur plateau.
Upper Paleolithic or Late Stone Age
The upper Paleolithic period is invariably associated with Homo sapiens sapiens or Anatomically
Modern Humans. During this period tool kits were developed to make new tools, and blade technology,
which was put into use to prepare burins (chisels) and scrapers, was also developed by Human beings.
They invented simple mechanical devices like the bow and the spear thrower to supplement human
muscular power in hurling weapons. From several sites, tools such as harpoons, points, needles,
spear-throwers, etc., made of nonlithic materials such as bone, ivory, and antler are found. For

7
example, bone tools, belonging to upper Paleolithic age, are found in limestone caves of Kurnool
(India). Controlled use of fire appears to be a universal trait during this period, with hearths sometimes
lined with stones. People lived in rock-shelters, and the temporary hut structures made of grass, leaves,
branches, and reads. They were mobile, and lived in small bands, consisting generally about 100
people.
Hunting and gathering were the main activities for the procurement of food, and people subsisted on
animals like ox, bison, nilgai, chinkara, goats, pigs and fishes, etc. along with honey and plant foods like
fruits, roots, seeds and leaves. One of the most distinctive characteristics of Late Paleolithic age is the
proliferation of symbolic expression in art and personal adornment. This can be seen in the naturalistic
representation of animals and, more rarely, humans in paintings and in abstract geometric designs. For
example, in India the rock paintings at Bhimbetka are the earliest and belong to the Upper Paleolithic
period. The paintings are done in green and dark red colors and are of animals like bison, elephants,
tigers, rhinos, and boars. The paintings reflect that the people lived in small bands and exploited both
animals and plants for subsistence. Rock paintings show huge animals (bison, tiger, rhinoceroses, etc);
hunting scenes are also depicted. Personal adornments are manifested in beads or pendants of shell,
bone, teeth, antler, ivory and stone.
Some of the rock paintings are found in the deeper parts of the caves, where no daylight could
penetrate. People hardly lived in these interior parts of the caves, and even the artists, in executing the
drawings, had often to adopt most uncomfortable postures. As no day light was available, these artists
used lamps for artificial light. In these lamps, they perhaps used animal fat and moss for a wick. These
artists would have been trained specialists, whose knowledge was based on a minute observation of
animals, plants, and human life. The cave art, apparently, had a magic and ritual purpose. Noticeably,
from Bagor, in Son valley (Madhya Pradesh), evidence of a shrine is discovered, which are dated to c.
9000-8000 BC. A circular looking platform, made of sand stone rubble, with a triangular stone placed in
the centre is found. It possibly had some ritualistic value for the Stone Age people of this area. A similar
stone is worshipped by the tribal communities at present, as mother-goddess, of the same area.
Similarly, Cave No. III F 24 at Bhimbetaka is identified as an auditorium cave by some scholars. It is
basically a roomy tunnel, which is about 25 meters long, and it leads into a hall. This hall is linked to
three more entrances, and in the middle of this hall is placed a large rock. Here, possibly prehistoric
community rituals were performed. Remains of burials are also found along with grave goods from
some sites, suggesting a belief in afterlife.
In view of the material and cultural complexity of this period, it appears that modern human language
abilities were fully developed by this time, if not before. With the development of language skills,
communication became easy and effective. Important sites belonging to Late Paleolithic period are-
Potwar plateau of northern Punjab and Sanghao caves (both in Pakistan now), sites near Renigunta (in
Chittoor district, Andhra Pradesh), Son valley and Bhimbetaka (MP).
Self Assessment questions.
1. What are two key biological features that distinguish human beings from apes?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. How core tools are different from flake tools?
___________________________________________________________________________

1.4 Mesolithic Age

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The Mesolithic (Meso= little, Lithic= stone) Age was a transition period from Paleolithic to Neolithic Age,
or from Hunting-gathering to food producing Age. In Indian subcontinent, most of the Mesolithic cultures
belong to Holocene period, and they are dated between circa 10,000 and circa 5,000/4,000 BC, with
regional variations. Since, microliths were too small, generally less than 1 to 5 cm long, to be used
individually as a tool they were used as components of tools and weapons by being hafted in bone,
wood or reed handles and shafts. A groove was cut in the wooden, reed or bone handle or shaft and a
number of microliths were arranged serially into it and were glued together by a natural adhesive like
gum or resin. Microliths were used as tips and barbs of arrowheads and spearheads and as cutting
edge of knives, sickles, daggers, and harpoons. Microlithic tools can be grouped into two categories-
first, non-geometric and second, geometric. The majority of the sites have yielded tools belonging to
second category such as Bagor and Bhimbetaka. Associated with microliths are a variety of scrappers,
borers, burins, flakes, and blades. Tools made of bone, antler, and horn in addition to stone are found.
Grinding stones for processing food have also been reported.
Remains of semi sedentary settlements, rock-shelters, hearths, burials along with human skeletons and
grave goods, ornaments, rock-paintings and so forth are found from different sites in India. Rock
paintings of Mesolithic period are found at several places such as Bhimbetka, Hosangabad, Sagar,
Gwalior, Narsinghpur, (Madhya Pradesh), Mirzapur (Uttar Pradeh), etc. These paintings depict the
scenes of hunting, trapping, fishing, plant food collection and honey extraction. Scenes of group
dances, family groups, men running in file, a man drinking from a vessel, men and women climbing
trees, and so forth. The animal bones most commonly found in excavations are of humped cattle,
buffalo, sambar, chital, gazelle, hog deer, nilgai, gazelle, fox, jackal, barasingha, rhinoceros, elephant,
fish, birds, reptiles, mollusks, porcupine, turtle, and so forth. These animals and birds apparently were
part of people’s diet. At all the sites the bones occur in broken, split and charred condition, showing that
meat was cooked on open fires and marrow was extracted from bones. Besides, at Bagor and
Adamgarh there is evidence of domestication of cattle, sheep, and goat. Noticeably, Mesolithic sites are
found all over India, except the Ganga plain, northeast India, and Western Ghats. Nevertheless,
important sites are- Bagor (in Bhilwara dist., Rajasthan), Langhnaj (in Mehsana dist., Gujarat),
Adamgarh hills (near Hosangabad, MP), Bhimbetka (in Bhopal dist., MP), Chopani Mando (Belan
valley, U.P), Sarai-Nahar Rai (Pratapgarh dist., U.P), Mahadaha (Pratapgarh, U.P), etc.
1.5 Neolithic Age
The Neolithic (Neo= new and lithic= stone) refers to a period, when human beings domesticated
animals and plants, and as a result were transformed into food producers. The domestication of plants
and animals marked a special kind o human interference in nature and a new stage in the relationship
between people, plants, and animals. It involved removing plants and animals from their natural habitat,
a process of selective breeding and rearing under artificial conditions under human control for purposes
of human gain. The domestication process must have taken thousands of years, before enabling
human beings to produce food at large scale. However, hunting and gathering continued side by side.
Domestication of plants and animals, as being time-consuming processes, required humans to stay at
relatively fixed places, and promoted greater social interactions and cooperation. Cooperation among
groups, which had settled down at one place, and the emergence of some persons who had authority
speeded up the transition towards agriculture. As food production became stable, population grew and
more and more area was brought under cultivation. Hunting and gathering bands were now replaced by
clans as the main social unit. There were extended families, which comprised members who had
kinship ties. Relationships were more strictly defined and rules for marriage/mating were specified. A
sedentary life and the diet associated with agriculture would have meant less stress on women during
pregnancy and more stable conditions for mother and child after childbirth. Sedentary living would have
been easier on children and old people, and may have resulted in reduced death rates and increased

9
life expectancy. Due to such reasons, the advent of food production would, in the long run, have led to
an increase in population and change in the age profiles within communities.
V. Gordon Childe suggests that a gender-based division of labour became more visible. At first hunting,
fowling, fishing, the collection of fruits, snails, and grubs continued to be essential activities in the food
quest of any food-producing group. Grain and milk began as mere supplements to a diet of games, fish,
berries, nuts, and ants’ eggs. Probably at first cultivation was an incidental activity of the women, while
their husbands were engaged in hunting. Similar was the case with pot making and weaving. Women
were required to stay at home and indulge in gathering activities, while men stayed away for hunting;
therefore, women could spent more time in observing the plants growth and animal behaviour. As a
result, human beings accumulated knowledge related to plants and animals that over a period resulted
in the domestication of plants and animals.
Nevertheless, the Neolithic age is also associated with innovations in stone tool technology, specifically
the making of ground, pecked, and polished stone tools. Paleolithic and Mesolithic tools were generally
made by striking one stone with another. However, during Neolithic age ground tools were made by
rubbing stone against stone, or by hand-rotating softer stone on a block of stronger stone. Noticeably,
several Neolithic stone tools were made for the purpose of cultivation (e.g., digging tools, sickle, axes,
etc.) and food preparation (e.g., mortar, quern, etc.). To obtain smooth surface tools, very fine-grained
igneous rocks – such as dyke basalt, dolerite, and epidiorite- were preferred to the former quartzite and
flint. This development resulted in the formation of factory sites near those places where required type
of stone was available, such as Bellary in Andhra-Karnataka. Various types of tools, particularly
composite tools, are found belonging to Neolithic age, which are- celts or axes, chisels, adzes, hammer
stones, ring stones, querns, muller, scrappers, harpoons, sickles, knives, spears, etc.
Introduction of pottery was a significant technological development as it involved giving a permanent
shape to clay by drawing water from it. The essence of potter’s craft is that she can mould a piece of
clay into any shape she desire and then give that shape permanence by firing. Noticeably, the making
of pottery required controlled use of fire. Ovens had to be made where high temperature could be
constantly maintained for the time required to bake the clay. Initially, pottery was hand-made and
therefore, had uneven and crude shapes. However, with the discovery of wheel, the production of
wheel thrown pottery became possible. Textile production was another crucial development, which was
related to invention of spindle-whorls and looms. Clothes were initially made of sheep and goat hair,
and only at much later date, cotton was used for textile production. Due to such far-reaching
developments, V. Gordon Childe has coined the term Neolithic Revolution to highlight the tremendous
significance of these changes.
1.6 Neolithic Age in Indian Subcontinent
In context of Indian subcontinent, different regions show different Neolithic chronologies and
characteristics. These different regions are grouped as following:
1. North Western region with sites in Baluchistan and its adjoining area in Pakistan including Indus
Plains (circa 7,000 to mid 4,000 BC)
2. Northern region with sites in the Kashmir valley (circa 2500- 1500 BC)
3. Central India including sites in the Vindhya fringes and other adjoining regions (circa 4,000-
1200 BC)
4. Mid Gangetic basin including eastern India (circa 2000- 1500 BC)
5. South India with sites in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu (circa 2900-1000 BC)
6. North Eastern India with sites in Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur,
and Nagaland (Not Clear)

10
North Western Region
Neolithic sites such as Mehargarh, Kile Gul Muhammad, Rana Ghundai (in Baluchistan), and Rehman
Dheri, Gumla Tarakai Qila (all in Indus plains) of Pakistan, are located in this region. The site,
Mehargarh (in Kacchi plain, at bank of river Bolan, Baluchistan, in Pakistan) is the earliest village
settlement of Indian subcontinent. According to D. K. Chakrabarti, its significance as a whole lies in the
discovery of the evidence of wheat-barley and cattle-sheep-goat domestication, the only combined
evidence of its kind in the subcontinent. Spread over 200 hectares, this site has yielded seven
occupational levels, out of which first two belongs to Neolithic Age, while third is Chalcolithic. Period I
(circa 7000-5000 BC), at Mehargarh, is the earliest and the aceramic phase, which marks the transition
from nomadic pastoralism to agriculture. It has been divided into two sub-phases: Period IA and IB.
Evidence of barley and wheat along with bones of goats, humped ox, and sheep are found, belonging
to this period. Bones of wild animals including buffalo have also been discovered. The houses
discovered at the site were built of regular size mud-bricks, which were sun-dried. These residential
structures were divided into small rooms with assigned areas for fire. Stone tools such as blades,
polished axes, microliths, querns, mortars, grinding stones and bone tools (e.g., awls and needles) are
unearthed along with beads of steatite, and conch-shell bangles. Burials with grave goods such as
ornaments, clay figurines, etc., indicating a belief in afterlife, are found. A regular graveyard with 150
burials extending over 220 sq. m has been discovered from Period IB. Turquoise and lapis lazuli beads
are found, which were procured from Badakshan in Afghanistan, possibly through exchange activities.
Period II (circa 5000-4500 BC) has been divided into three sub-phases: Period IIA, Period IIB, and
Period IIC. During this period, storage cells began to be built in houses, and from these storerooms
seeds of barely are found. Charred cottonseeds are identified, suggesting the cultivation of the source
of textiles. In addition to stone and bone tools, sickle blades of stone set in the bitumen pieces are
found. Period IIC shows the beginning of wheel-made pottery along with hand-made ones. Period III,
starting from the second half of the fifth millennium BC, witnessed increasing craft-specialization and
perhaps increasing social organizational complexity. Remains of copper smelting, and large-scale
production of wheel-made pottery are found. In this way, Period III marks the beginning of Chalcolithic
phase at Mehargarh.
Northern Region
Neolithic sites, such as Gufkral, Burzahom, Olchibag, Pampur, Hariparigom, Watzal, etc., are mainly
confined to area around Kashmir. Gufkral is one of the important Neolithic sites in Kashmir, and
Gufkral’s Period-I is divided into three sub period, viz., Period IA, Period IB, and Period IC. The Period
IA begins around circa 3000 BC, which is aceramic Neolithic phase, and of this period large dwelling
pits, which are circular or oval, surrounded by storage pits and hearths are found. Stone tools along
with bone and horn tools including arrowheads are found. Faunal remains include bones of
domesticated sheep and goat, and wild variety of sheep, goat, cattle, deer, wolf, and bear. Plant
remains consisted of wheat, barely and lentil. The evidences indicate dependence of people over
hunting to a large extant along with cultivation in its incipient stage. In period IB, pottery, crude hand
made with mat-impressed bases, is found. This period witnessed the disappearance of pit dwellings
and instead floor and walls made of compact clay mixed with lime are found. Faunal remains of both
domesticated animals (e.g., cattle, sheep, goat, fowl) and wild animals (e.g., ibex, red deer, bear) are
found, suggesting prevalence of domestication and hunting simultaneously. In addition, to wheat,
barley, lentil, remains of common pea are also found, belonging to this period. Period IC shows
appearance of wheel-made pottery of different types, and toolkit now comprised stone querns,
pounders, double-holed harvesters, a single Neolithic celt, and bone implements. Terracotta bangles
and spindle-whorls are found. Faunal remains comprise bones of domesticated sheep, goat, pig, cattle,
and dog alongside the bones of fish, hedgehog, hare, rodents and beaver are identified. Period II at

11
Gufkral coincides with the end of Harappan civilization, i.e., 2000 BC, which shows evidence of first iron
alongside copper.
Burzahom is another important Neolithic site in Kashmir, and in excavations, two Neolithic cultural
sequences, identified as Period I and Period II, are noticed here. Period III belongs to Megalithic and
Period IV to early historical at this site. The period I at this site is almost contemporary of Gufkaral (i.e.,
circa 3000 BC), which has revealed a series of mud-plastered pits, most of them round or oval with
wide base and narrow top. Post-hoes found around the perimeter indicated that wooden poles were
used to support the conical roofs. The deeper pits also show steps being cut moving in and out. Closer
to these dwelling pits, storage pits have been found containing animal bones, stone and bone tools. In
pit chambers, clay and stone hearths were found in the centre. The period was represented by
handmade, ill-fired pottery. Other material assemblage consisted of stone tools including axes, chisels,
grinding stones, mace heads, ring stones, and adzes. Also wide range of awls, needles, bone points,
harpoons, double-edged picks, pounders and harvesters have been found.
In Period II, a change in residential pattern is visible, when people began living out of the pits on the
ground level, in houses made of mud or mud-brick. The earlier dwelling pits were filled and plastered
with mud and then coated with thin layer of red ochre. The radiocarbon date marks its continuity till
circa 1700 BC. Remains of black burnished ware such as bowls, dish, jar, vase, etc., are found. A
copper arrowhead has been found from the upper level of this period. Evidences of plant remains such
as wheat, barley, lintel, and field pea and a harvesting knife from Period II indicate that people had
knowledge of cultivation. Evidence of a wheel-made pot with 950 carnelian and agate beads and
another similar pot bearing motif of the ‘horned diety’ like that of the early Harappan Kot Diji and
Kalibangan culture suggest contact between the people of Burzahom and the Indus plains. Though
Period I shows no evidence of burials, but Period II is replete with burials. Noticeably, complete
inhumations as well as post-excarnation burials were practiced. The body of the dead was sometimes
covered with red ochre and in one case the skull has been found to be trepanned during life. Burials
had no grave goods except beads around neck in a few cases, and these were located within the
habitation area. The most peculiar feature of Burzahom burials was the burying of dogs along with their
masters in some cases. Also wild animals such as wolf, ibex, snow leopard, nilgai and pig, and
domesticated animals such as goat, cattle, buffalo, and sheep have been found either burial along with
human beings or their meat was placed inside as offering. There were separate burials too with animal
and human body being buried separately in pit burials. A stone slab with an engraving of a hunting
scene is found, suggesting a practice of rock art.
Central India
Except Indus region, the Neolithic settlements are not found belonging to a period before circa 4000
BC. Nevertheless, the sites with similarity in potter type have been clubbed into the Vindhyan Neolithic,
viz., Kunjhun, Koldihwa, Mahagara and Chopani Mando. In addition, more than 40 Neolithic sites have
been discovered in the river valleys of Belan, Adwa, Rihand, Son, and Ganga. The sites have mostly
continued from their Mesolithic phase to the Neolithic phase. Chopani Mando, in the Belan valley,
evidence show the presence of a Late Mesolithic or ‘Proto-Neolithic’ phase, which is carbon dated circa
3385- 3135 BC. The people lived in huts, whose floors have yielded large number of microliths. They
were hunters and gatherers. Remains of ground-stone tools like hammer stones, querns and muller are
found. However, there is no trace yet of domestication of plants and animals, though wild rice was
gathered. Handmade pottery had appeared, sometimes bearing cord-impressed decorations. In Irfan
Habib’s view, the Vindhyan Neolithic must have succeeded the Mesolithic culture of Mesolithic culture
of Chopani Mando sometime round 3000 BC. The Vindhyan Neolithic is important, as it has yielded
very good evidence of the cultivation of rice, which is now India’s major food crop.

12
Koldihwa, situated in the Belan valley (Allahabad district, Uttar Pradesh) has reported the presence of
domesticated rice at the Neolithic level. Grain of rice, impressions of rice husk embedded in burnt clay
pieces and rice marks on pottery suggest familiarity of people with both wild and domesticated rice. The
site shows continuity in material culture from Mesolithic to Iron Age. Circular huts made of wattle-and-
daub have been found along with stone blades, ground stone axes, and bone tools. Pottery is
handmade and crude with cord or basket impressions marked on it. Animal remains constituted of
bones of cattle, sheep, goat, and deer. Mahagara is another important Neolithic site that shows
evidence of domesticated rice and sedentary life. Interestingly a cattle pen has been reported, marked
by post-holes on the circumference and by impressions of cattle hoof inside. Stone blades, querns,
muller, celts, and sing balls are found at this place.
Mid Ganga Basin and Eastern Region
Several Neolithic and Neiolithic-Chalcolithic sites are found in this region, some of which are- Chirand,
Senuar, Chechar-Kutubpur, Maner, Taradih, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and so forth. The Period I (circa 2100-
1400 BC) at Chirand, situated on the bank of river Ganga in Saran district, has yielded a great variety of
Neolithic tools, with charred grains, suggesting cultivation of rice, wheat, barley and lentils. They lived in
huts made of bamboo and mud-plaster. The floors were rammed, had post-holes and hearths, etc.
Variety of stone tools along with charred grains including rice, wheat, barley, and lentils are found.
Faunal remains included bones of both domesticated cattle and wild animals like deer, elephants, and
rhinoceros. Bones of birds and fish are found. Handmade wares comprising bowls, footed cups, etc.,
with mat impression on base as well as post-firing painting and graffiti are noticed. Terracotta figurines
of bull, birds, and snakes are found along with terracotta beads, bangles and sling balls. Varieties of
bone and antler implements such as celts, chisels, hammers, needlepoints, borers, etc., have been
discovered. Bone objects such as earrings, pendants, beads, discs and bangles are noticed. Stone
pestles and querns alongside beads of carnelian, jasper, agate, steatite and faience, etc., are
discovered.
Pandu Rajar Dhibi, lying in Burdwan district of West Bengal, has shown two Neolithic occupational
levels, viz., Period I and Period II. The Period I (probably pre-2000 BC) has remains of cultivated rice
and cord-impressed ware, and Period II provides evidence of rice along with wheel-turned pottery.
Kuchai, near Mayurbhanj in Odisha has yielded polished stone tools alongside faceted hoes, chisels,
grinding stones and pounders. Pottery type was reddish brown tempered with coarse grit. Senuar, in
Rohtas district, is another important Neolithic site. Period I has yielded deposits containing remains of
houses and pottery. Houses were made of wattle-and-daub, and pottery type included wheel-made red
ware, burnished red ware, and burnished grey ware, some with cord-impression. Stone tools such as
celts, hammer stones, pestles, saddle querns, along with bone tools are identified. Variety of plants
such as rice, barley, lentil, sorghum, and ragi millets, grass and field peas have been found. Animal
remains consisted of domesticated cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat, pig, cat, and dog whereas bones of wild
animals consisted of antelope, nilgai and chital.
Southern Region
The southern Neolithic coincided approximately with the region covering the modern states of
Karnataka, parts of Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Neolithic culture in this region is majorly
associated with ash-mounds and cattle-pens, and fall within broad timeframe of circa 2900- 1000 BC.
The important Neolithic sites of south India are: Utnur, Pallavoy, Kodekal, Kupgal, Budihal,
Sanganakallu, Maski, Brahmagiri, Tekkalakota, Piklihal, Hallur, T. Narsipur and Nagarjunakonda.
Agriculture was practiced as evidences of ground axes and rubbing stone and querns as well as
remains of domesticated barley and horse-gram grains have been found from Budihal. Utnur and
Budihal also show evidence of dung ash-mounds, which Further that cattle were penned together.
Apparently, the pastoral economy was being followed. Cattle-pens also further certain level of

13
permanent settlement, while temporary camps too existed. The burning of heaps of cow dung
periodically indicated towards seasonal festivals, which probably marked the beginning or end of
annual migrations to the forest grazing ground. Utnur has been a major site from where there is
evidence of repeated stockade burning and their rebuilding. Ash shows cattle hoof-prints and the size
of the pen Further that it could have around 540-800 cattle. Pottery was characterised by pale-red
hand-made ware. In addition, evidence of ground axes and stone blades comes from Utnur. In the latter
phase around circa 2100 BC, sites like Piklihal and Kodekal show similarity with the material culture of
Utnur. The phase revealed distinctive potting technique with dominant burning dull grey ware. Pottery
was handmade. Stone tools such as adzes, axes, chisels, pounders, grinding stones, picks, parallel-
sided blades, and microliths are found besides bone points and beads of steatites. Animal remains
examined from the sites such as Maski, Piklihal, Utnur, T. Narsipur, Sangankallu, Hallur, Kodekal and
Nagarjunkonda, etc., show domestication of cattle, sheep and goat. Evidence of ass from Maski and
Brahmgiri is suggestive of its use as beast of burden. Remains of seeds of millet and horse-gram are
reported from Maski, Utnur, Paiyampalli, Hallur and Tekkalakota.
North Eastern Region
The region constitutes of six states, viz., Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur,
and Nagaland. The entire region has reported rich assemblage of polished Neolithic tools, but not been
excavated extensively yet to produce a consolidated picture. In addition, the time of Neolithic culture in
this region is quite late as compared to other regions. However, sites such as Daojali Hading, Sarutaru
and Selbalgiri, etc., provide some insight into the Neolithic culture of North Eastern region. Daojali
Hadling, in Chachar district of Assam, is a single culture site, and it has reported the presence of stone
artefacts, viz., muller, pestles, grinding stones, querns, etc. The tool kit comprised of variety of celts,
axes, and adzes. The pottery type consisted of handmade, ill-baked grey and dull red pottery with cord
marks, dull red stamped pottery, and plain red pottery. Likewise, from Sarutaru (Kamrup district) has
yielded tools usable for pounding or grinding grain along with handmade cord-impressed pottery. Irfan
Habib suggests a possible cultural affinity between North Eastern Neolithic cultures with the China and
South East Asia, where domesticated rice was widely cultivated by about 5000 BC.

Self Assessment Questions

1. How Neolithic Age is different from Paleolithic Age?

___________________________________________________________________________
2. Write a short note on Mehargarh.
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Which Neolithic site is associated with pit dwellings?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Which Neolithic sites have yielded remains of rice?
___________________________________________________________________________

5. How Neolithic stone tools are different from Paleolithic tools?

___________________________________________________________________________

1.7 Summary

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Students, the Paleolithic age marks an important stage in the human being’s biological, technological,
and cultural development, when over a long stretch of time human beings learned to make stone tools
for hunting and gathering, and subsequently, for cultivation. This has been examined in detail in this
chapter. The transition from hunter-gather to food producer, enabled humans to shape belief system,
social relations, artistic impression, and economic-political institutions. In context of Indian
subcontinent, evidences show regional variations in Neolithic cultures, suggesting their independent
growth and distinct region specific patterns.
1.8 Reference
Habib, Irfan, A People’s History of India 1- Prehistory, Aligarh Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika
Books: New Delhi, 2006.
1.9 Further Reading
Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th Century,
Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.
1.10 Model Questions
Essay type questions:
1. Discuss the biological evolution of human beings.
2. Write an essay on the stone tool making technology of Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic
Age.
3. How domestication of animals and plants changed the social and cultural life of human beings?
4. What are the salient characteristics of the Indian Neolithic cultures?

--s—

15
 Lesson No. 2

THE INDUS VALLEY (HARAPPAN) CIVILIZATION

Structure
2.0 Objective
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Origin and Evolution
2.3 Urban Centres (Important Harappan Towns and Planning)
2.4 Economy
2.5 Society and Religion
2.6 Indus Script
2.7 Political System
2.8 Decline (Debates)
2.9 Summary
2.10 References
2.11 Further Readings
2.12 Model Questions

2.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson, you be able to:
 Learn about the Harappan civilization.
 Understand the origin and decline of the Harappan civilization.
 Gain knowledge about Harappan cities and urban planning.
 Acquire knowledge of Harappan economy and the debates on its decline.

2.1 Introduction
Students, in 1924, John Marshall, Director General of Archaeological Survey of India, for the first time
announced the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization, also called the Harappan Civilization. Two of
the earliest sites that were excavated were Harappa, excavated by Dayanand Sahani in 1920, and
Mohenjodaro, excavated by Rakhal Das Bannerji in 1921. Subsequently, many more sites were
discovered, which at present about 1022 in number are. Out of 1022, 406 sites are in Pakistan and 616
in India. Some of the important sites are: Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Sutkagendor (in Pakistan), Kot Diji &
Chanhudaro (in Sind), Ropar (in Panjab), Lothal & Dholavira (in Gujarat), Rakhigarhi and Banawali (in
Haryana), Kalibangan (in Rajasthan), etc. However, only 97 sites have been excavated extensively so
far. From a geographical point of view, Manda in Jammu is the northernmost site, Daimabad in
Maharastra is the southernmost site, Alamgirpur in Uttar Pradesh in the east, and Sutkagen-dor in
Makran coast, Pakistan is the westernmost site of the Indus Valley Civilization. This chapter will deal
with various aspects of the Indus Valley Civilization.
2.2 Origin and Evolution
The Harappan civilization comprised modern Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Pakistan and North Western
India (Panjab, Haryana, Parts of Gujarat, and western Uttar Pradesh), and the total area covered by it
ranged between 680,000 to 800,000 square km. According to Upinder Singh, the Early Harappan

16
period can be dated to circa 3200- 2600 BC, which was followed by Mature Harappan period dated to
circa 2600- 1900 BC. The Late Harappan period belongs to a period between circa 1900- 1300 BC.
The origin of the civilization has been variously explained. According to E. J. H. Mackay, a migration of
people from Sumer (southern Mesopotamia) may have led to the Harappan civilization. Same view has
been proposed by D. H. Gordon and S. N. Kramer. Unlike Mackay, Moritmer Wheeler argued for a
migration of ideas, not people from west to east. The founders of the Harappan civilization had a model
of civilization before him, which they imitated while laying the foundation of cities in the Indus valley.
Recent studies have systematically rejected this diffusionist model. The Mesopotamian civilization was
completely different from the Indus Valley civilization. Neither their scripts nor their urban layouts were
same.
Recent studies locate the origin of the Harappan civilization from local farming communities of
Baluchistan, which had emerged in the seventh millennium BC. From this background, several cultural
phases developed that predated the mature Harappan phase. Amalananda Ghosh was the first
archaeologist to identify similarities between pre-Harappan cultures such as Sothi culture of Rajasthan,
and the mature Harappan culture. Subsequently, M. R. Mughal explored the relationship between the
pre Harappan cultures and mature Harappan phase, and reinforced the views of Ghosh. Now it firmly
established that the emergence of Harappan civilization was a gradual process, and it marked a
transition from Neolithic phase to Bronze Age phase. Early Harappan cultures such as Kot Diji Culture,
which was located in a vast region comprising parts of (undivided) Panjab & northern Sind, Sothi-
Siswah Culture- located in the area comprising northern Rajasthan, Haryana & parts of Panjab, and
Amri-Nal Culture- located in Baluchistan, Central & Southern Sind, provided a firm base on which the
foundations of mature Harappan phase were laid.
2.3 Urban Centres (Important Harappan Towns and Planning)
The total estimated population of Indus valley civilization was about 4, 00,000, and out of it, about 1,
50,000 lived only in Mohenjodaro and Harappa. In the view of Irfan Habib, at their greatest prosperity,
the population of Mohenjodaro could have been bout 85,000 and of Harappa, 65,000. Out perception of
how the Indus cities were built is essentially based on the excavations of Mohenjodaro and Harappa. In
recent past, sites like Dholavira, Lothal, Kalibangan and so forth have been excavated, but several
other large sites such as Ganweriwala (covering about 80 hectares), Lakhmirwala (225 hectares), Gurni
Kalan (144 hectares) and others are yet to be excavated extensively to understand their urban setting.
Mohenjodarao covered an area over 200 hectare, and it was situated on the Indus bank. It was a
planned city, which was divided into a citadel and lower town. The citadel was built on a large platform
due to recurrent floods in Indus River. It had a population of about 41, 250 according to W. A.
Fairservis. It had broad roads, which were parallel and there were lanes meeting the main roads at right
angles. In excavations, we find no encroachment or construction on the roads. In the construction at
this city, both mud-bricks and fired-bricks have been used extensively. The most remarkable feature of
town planning is, uniform houses, which are rectangular in plan and are of varying sizes. Generally,
rooms were arranged around a courtyard in these houses that had a single entrance, and separate
bathing cells. Remains of double stories houses, possibly occupied by the affluent sections of society,
are also found at Mohenjodaro. Houses had systematic drainages, which were laid out throughout the
city. Each house had its waste running out, sometimes through terracotta pipes fitted together, into
cess-pit, which were connected with the drain running alongside the road. Drains along the main road
were covered, and all the drains ended in soak-pits within city by the roadside.
The most significant monument found at Mohenjodaro is the Great Bath. It was a rectangular tank,
measuring 12x 7 meters in length and width, while it was 2.4 meters deep. It had staircases on opposite
sides for entering into it, and evidences of several rooms adjoining the bath, on the north and east are
discovered in excavations. Near the Great Bath is found a Granary, were grain brought from

17
countryside was seemingly stored. According to one estimate, the Mohenjodaro had about 2,000-3,000
houses, and most of the houses were provided with wells numbering up to 700. The citadel at
Mohenjodaro was surrounded by a thick boundary wall. The elaborate arrangements for drinking and
bathing water at this city indicate a high sense of personal hygiene among the city dwellers.
Harappa, with an area over 150 hectares, was another important Indus valley urban centre. This city
had a citadel, which was set up on a massive platform, and a lower town. It had large granaries, made
of bricks, for storing grain. In comparison with Mohenjodaro, Harappa had fewer wells. However, it
possibly had a reservoir fulfilling city dweller’s water requirements. Each house was built with a latrine
connected to the street drains. The citadel was surrounded by a thick mud-brick wall, with massive
towers and gateways, and the structures inside were raised on one or more high platforms. Lower town
was divided into wards like a chessboard, by north-south, east-west arterial roads, and smaller lanes,
cutting each –other at right angles. Lower town is planned in grid pattern. Various workshops, where
shell, agate, and copper artifacts were made, have been identified here. Dholavira, covering about 100
hectares area, was situated in the Rann of Kachchh. Unlike other Harappan cities, it had Citadel,
Middle city and a Lower town. Each part was surrounded by a massive wall, made of stones, with
gateways. Walls and buildings were made of mud-bricks and stones. A large open area was located in
the middle of settlement, where public ceremonies were possibly performed. An inscription in Indus
script is found here, which was originally put on the castle gateway. However, fewer wells are noticed,
but impressive water reservoirs lined with stone is found here. The area is very prone to droughts.
Hence, Dams were built across two local streams (Manhar, and Mandsar) to channelize their water into
reservoirs. Several large, deep-water cisterns and reservoirs located in the citadel and lower town
stored the rainwater.
Kalibangan was situated on the dried up bank of the Ghaggar (in Rajasthan), and it was an early
Harappan city, which was rebuilt during the Mature Harappan phase. Fire alters are found here that
possibly were associated with the performance of sacrificial rituals. It had a citadel and a lower
town. Streets were well planned, and both the sections, citadel and lower town, had boundary walls.
Houses had systematic drainage system. From the houses, wastewater was emptied into jars,
placed outside the houses. Since there is no drainage along the road outside the houses, it seems
that due to extreme dry conditions of this region, these were not required. Lothal, located in the
coastal flats of the Gulf of Cambay, stood beside a tributary of Sabarmati in Gujarat. Here
workshops of bead-makers, shell-cutters, metalworkers are found. About sixty-five terracotta
sealings with impressions of reed, woven fiber, matting and twisted cords on one side and
impressions of Harappan seals on the other side are found. A dockyard, a large water tank, and a
Persian Gulf (Sumerian) seal are found here, suggesting Lothal’s participation in overseas trade.
This place had been an outpost for sea-trade with contemporary west Asia. This town was
surrounded by a thick mud wall, and several fire alters are also found at this town.
Self assessment questions
1. What is diffusionist model?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. In which Harappan city, the great bath is situated?
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Who announced the discovery of the Harappan civilization?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Which Harappan city was divided into three sections?
___________________________________________________________________________
2.4 Economy

18
The Indus people practiced varied professions ranging from hunting, animal husbandary, agriculture
and craftwork to trade. Agriculture however formed the backbone of the Harappan economy.
Agriculture
Agricultural practices throughout the Harappan civilization were quite diversified due to diverse geo-
ecological settings. Wheat, barley, lentil, peas, sesamum, linseed, dates, and grapes were cultivated
since early Harappan period. Development of plough agriculture has also been established by the
evidences of furrow and ploughed field from the early Harappan phase of Kalibangan. A ploughed field
has also been found at the Indus settlement at Shortughai in North Eastern Afghanistan. Terracotta
models of plough are also found from Banawali and Jawaiwala (Bahawalpur, Pakistan), suggesting the
use of wooden plough in the absence of iron technology. Bunds or embankments of mud or stone,
similar to present day gabarbands in Baluchistan, must have been built to divert river water. Evidence
of a well and associated drains at Allahdino (near Karachi) is identified to be an irrigation system that
was in use for irrigating lower-lying fields. A canal built by Indus people has been traced near
Shortughai, drawing water from Kokcha River. Evidence of a stone-block dam, which collected run-off
water from hills for irrigation, is found in upper Hub valley bordering north-western Sind. In Indus plains
possibly flood water was used for irrigation.
Wheat was the most frequently recorded crop. Sites like Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro, and Harappa
reveal evidence of wheat while these sites along with Kalibangan show evidence of barley too. Harappa
also shows evidence of sesamum, watermelon seeds, peas, and dates. Mustard and sesamum were
probably grown for oil. Rice husk has been found embedded in clay and pottery at Lothal and Rangpur.
Early occurrence of millets in the sites of Gujarat and Shortughai suggests its presence since early
Harappan phase. Also variety of pulses was known along with other major crops. Grapes and other
horticulture plants such as henna (mehendi) and harsingar (shephalika flower) were also cultivated.
However, the earliest evidence of cotton cultivation is found from the Neolithic site of Mehargarh, its
cultivation continued in subsequent periods as appears from the finding of a cotton piece from
Mohenjodaro. Textile production based on cotton cultivation was one of the important craft activities in
the Indus valley civilization. In this way, both rabi or winter (wheat, barley, chickpea, field-pea, lentils,
linseed, Mustard) and kharif or summer (bajra, ragi, jowar, sesame, cotton) crops were cultivated in
Indus valley civilization. Since rice remains are found from only two sites, viz., Lothal and Rangpur,
wheat and barley appear to have been staple food grains. In Irfan Habib’s view, peasants were mainly
occupied with rabi crops in the Indus basin, and with kharif in Gujarat. It means peasants were growing
same crops in two harvesting seasons without crop rotation in two different regions. Thus, their double
harvest agriculture with the same crops sown in both seasons must have been far less productive.
Animal Husbandry
A vast range of domesticated and wild animals seems to have been found across the Harappan
civilization. Amongst the domesticated animals, remains have been found of sheep, goat, cattle,
buffalo, pig, camel, cat, dog, ass, and others. The most prominent evidence is of Indian humped cattle.
The bones of buffalo, sheep and goat are also found and these animals in general must have been
either used for food in the form of meat and milk or as draught animals. Sheep must have been used
for extracting wool also. Bones of Indian boar, which was either domesticated or regularly hunted occur
frequently. Animals of wild varieties consist of sheep, goat, deer, possibly ass, and pig. Bones of
elephants and camel have also been found but rarely. Evidence of came bones have come from
Kalibangan, while at Amri remains of Indian rhinoceros bones have been found. It is an interesting fact
till now that although elephant, rhinoceros and tiger have been depicted on seals quite significantly,
their remains of bones are rare. Other wild animals hunted for food include sambar deer, the spotted
deer, and hog deer and many varieties of tortoise. Bones of fish have been found and discovery of the
bones of marine catfish at Harappa has recently established one of the most significant hypotheses that

19
dried sea fish was probably traded as far upstream as Harappa from the Makran coast. Evidence of
some other animals like peacocks, rabbits, pigeons, monkeys, ducks and wild fowl can be established
from paintings on pottery and representation in figurines.
Trade and Commerce
Trade in the Indus civilization can be considered at three levels: local village-town trade; long-distance
trade within the territory of the civilization; and commerce with other regions.
The large structures found at Harappa and Mohejodaro, identified as granaries stored grain brought by
officials by way of tax levied on villages attached to the two towns. At Mohenjodaro the granary is within
the Citadel, while at Harappa it is outside, but in close proximity to the Citadel and well away from the
Lower Town. The grain stored here, then, was probably meant for distribution within the Citadels. For
the ordinary inhabitants, the grain they needed must have been brought by merchants or grain-carriers,
on pack-oxen, carts and river-craft- and also possibly on human backs. Another source of local trade
was the supply of raw materials (e.g., precious stones, seashells, etc.) to urban craft centres.
Evidences of seashell working are found at Balakot, Dholavira, Nageshwar and Lothal, where the raw
material would have been brought from coastal areas. Similarly, agate and cornelian cut into beads at
Lothal (near Cambay), Kuntsi (in Saurashtra) and Chanhu Daro (in Sind) came from the famous
Ratanpur mines just south of the Narmada River near Bharuch. Shortughai in Afghanistan was the
source of lapis lazuli, while jade was procured from Turkmenistan. Khetri mines, in Rajasthan and
Oman (i.e., Magan) were the source of copper. In a same way, tin was brought from Ferghana and
eastern Kazakistan (in Central Asia) for metalworking in Harappan craft centres.
The Harappans traded with west Asia through sea routes. At that time the discovery that monsoon
winds can carry ships across the Arabian Sea had not been made, and the main sea traffic was along
the coast, the ships being heavily dependent upon supplies from ports situated at intermediate stages
in their voyage. This might explain the Indus settlements so far west on the Mukran/Makran (in
Baluchistan) coast as Sotkakoh and the fortified settlement of Sutkagen-dor, the latter close to the
Pakistan-Iran frontier. Opposite Sutkagen-dor, across the Gulf of Oman, is the site of Ras al-Junayz in
Oman, from where several Harappan artifacts are found in excavations. Likewise, from other sites in
Oman Peninsula, which has been called Magan in the Sumerian records, are found Harappan artifacts
such as pottery, beads, ivory-items, etc., indicating import of these goods from Harappan cities. From
Oman, ships coming from Indus ports sailed northwestward to enter the Persian Gulf and make their
way to what the Sumerians knew as ‘Dilmun’, comprising the islands of Bahrain and Faylakah (off
Kuwait), and the neighboring Arabian coast. Here a number of seals of the local shape and yet bearing
Indus characters are found, suggesting the presence of a settlement of Indus merchants, who were
operating locally.
Nevertheless, Harappan artifacts, including seals are found at Ur, Kish, Lagash, and Nippur, which
were important Mesopotamian sites. Remains of carved chlorite and green schist vessels, which were
popular in West Asia and Persian Gulf, are found at Mohenjodaro. It shows that the Harappans too
imported goods from west Asia. In addition, an inscription of the time of Sargon, the king of Akkad
(circa 2334-2279 BC), refer to the arrival of the ships from the lands of Dilmun (Bahrain), Magan
(Makran coast), and Meluhha, which had sailed up the Tigris to his capital, Akkad. According to Upinder
Singh, the place Meluhha may have been a generic term for areas lying to the east of Mesopotamia,
including Indus valley or it may refers specifically to Indus valley. Noticeably, in Mesopotamian texts
(dated to circa 2350-2000 BC), Meluhha is mentioned as the source of ivory, inlay-work, gold, silver,
copper, ebony, tortoise-shell, carnelian, hard wood, animals, such as monkey, dogs, cats, birds, and
slaves.
It shows that Harappan traders visited West Asian cities for trade and commerce. The point is further
supported by the documents from Ur (dated to circa 2113-2000 BC), which inform us about the

20
presence of Meluhha people in Southern Iraq. An Akkadian seal (dated to circa 2375-2230 BC)
describes its owner as “Silusu, Meluhha Interpreter”= Silusu, who was the interpreter of Meluhha
language. It implies that to facilitate smooth trading activities, interpreters of Meluhha language were
present in West Asian cities, and they maintained their own seals. In documents from Ur, of 2113-2000
BC, we have references to people of Meluhha actually settled there- even to a ‘Meluhha village’. Like
west Asia, Harappan artifacts, such as ivory products, metal objects, perforated ware, silver seal,
beads, etc., are found at Altyn Depe, Namazga, and Khapuz (in South Turkmenistan). Sites in Iran
such as Hissar, Shah Tepe, Kalleh, Nisar, Susa, Tepe Yahya, Jalalabad, and Marlik have also yielded
Harappan artifacts. Presence of one isolated trading outpost Shortughai in Afghanistan further suggests
a possible trade between Harappans and those living in northern Afghanistan. In this way, the
Harappan merchants were trading with various cultures and people located beyond their frontiers.
Two wheeled carts were used for transportation. In addition, pack animals such as ox, donkey, goat,
and sheep were also in use. Camel came in use towards the end of mature phase. Since several
Harappan cities were located on or near riverbanks, riverine transportation must have been functional.
Boats are depicted on seals, and terracotta models have been found at Harappa and Lothal. It
suggests that the riverboats had cabins, ladders leading to the roof, and high seated platform on the
stern for navigation. In addition to land routes, coastal routes linking Gujarat (Lothal, Dholavira) to
Sutkagendor in Makran coast were also functional. Two important overland trade routes linking
Harappan civilization to West Asia have been identified by scholars. First is northern route, which
passed through northern Afghanistan, north Iran, Turkmenistan, and Mesopotamia, crossing sites such
as Shortughai, Tepe Hissar, Shah Tepe and Kish. Second is Southern route, which passed through
Tepe Yahya, Jalalabad, Kalleh Nisar, Susa, and Ur.
Craft and Industry
The Indus people deliberately alloyed copper with tin in order to obtain bronze, which is more malleable
and strong. They could thus make better knives, axes, and chisels. Nickel, arsenic, and lead were also
used as copper alloys. Copper was smelted in brick-lined pits, and wax-and-clay moulds were probably
used to cast whole or parts of copper and bronze artifacts. These included tools such as razors, knives,
chisels, hooks, sickles, saws, and axes. Smaller copper tools include awls nails, needles, and tubular
drills. In addition, copper was also used to prepare swords, arrowheads, and spearheads. Remains of
copper furnaces are found at Harappa, and copper workshops at Lothal. Jewelry of gold, silver and
semi-precious stone are found. Since copper tools were expensive, stone tone tools were used
extensively by the ordinary people.
Among the ‘consumer goods’ industries, one of the most visible was the potter’s craft. The
characteristic Indus pottery is wheel-made, thick-walled, plain, baked red, and designed for utilitarian
purposes. It is remarkable that such pottery, which served the ordinary masses and not just the elite,
should have spread wherever the Indus civilization was established. Indus pottery served a large range
of purposes as storage jars, cooking utensils, dishes and bowls, containers, strainers, etc. The cups,
bowls, and jars were of various shapes, some with lids, and others with pronounced rims. The use of
pottery water pipes for house drains needs to be noted. A large number of small pieces made of
terracotta represent women, men, animals, carts and other items. Many of them are obviously toys.
Remains of pottery kilns are found at Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Nausharo, and Chanhudaro.
Next to pottery, we may expect textiles to be the craft engaging large number of people. Numerous
spindle-whorls of terracotta and frit are found in Indus settlements. Apparently hand spinning was wide
spread. A fragment of dyed woven cotton is found from Mohenjodaro- one of the earliest examples of
cotton cloth in the world. The trefoil motif on the robe of the ‘Priest King’ in stone sculpture from
Mohenjodaro indicates textile production and embroidery. Mesopotamian records mention that cotton
was one of the important imports from Meluha. Several crafts involved in the production of luxury-goods

21
were also popular. Gold was used in beads and small ornaments. Silver was the cheaper precious
metal, and was used to make small vessels, besides beads, buckles and other small ornaments.
Faience was used to make bangles, containers, beads, buttons, amulets, and figurines. It was obtained
out of a pulverized mixture of silicates, to which magnesium and some metal oxides were added. Set in
a mould and given a glaze, the mixture was fired at very high temperature to produce the desired article
in faience. Glass making was not known.
Semi precious stones such as Jade, Agate, and Lapis Lazuli were used to make beads. Beads were
drilled and then pierced together to prepare bead ornaments of various types. Bead making industry
was present at Lothal, Kuntsai, Chanhu Daro, and Shortughai. Much skill was devoted to work on
steatite, out of which the Indus seals or ‘seal amulets’ were mainly made. The seal was usually small
and square, and with a holed boss on the back to enable it to be carried by a thread. Mostly steatite
seals are found, but two silver seals with unicorn motif are discovered at Mohenjodaro, and some
copper seals are found at Lothal. Motifs on seals include elephants, tiger, antelope, crocodile, hare,
humped bull, buffalo, rhinoceros, and one-horned mythical animal referred to as unicorn. Composite
motifs (human+ plant+ animals) are also found. The seals carry the bulk of the writing that survives
from the Indus civilization. Seemingly, these seals belonged to the elite of the Indus state and
mercantile groups, for whom the seal represented a claim to status and property.
Another craft involving precision was the making of measures of weight in the form of mainly of chert
cubes that have been found in large numbers at Mohenjodaro and Harappa. Noticeably, standardized
units of weight and measures are found across the civilization. The system was binary in smaller
weights (1: 2: [Link] 32:64) and decimal in the higher weights (with a ration of 160, 200, 320 & 640). The
heaviest weight known was about 10.9 kilograms and the lightest 85.1 centigrams. From Chanhu Daro
a workshop is found, where weight were manufactured. For linear measurements, graduated scales
were prepared, of which three survive of shell (Mohenjodaro), bronze (Harappa) and ivory (Lothal). The
scales do not conform to each other. Probably, different systems of linear measurement were in vogue;
but the use of graduation2 is particularly noteworthy.
Based on the toy models found from different Harappan sites, it appears that three forms of vehicles
were in use. First, and most common, a two-wheel cart with a broad frame, which was mainly meant for
goods’ transport; second, a four-wheel cart with a spoon like wooden frame protecting the occupant-
driver; and third, a light cart or chariot, of which we have bronze models from Harappa and Chanhu
Daro. The wheels in all these models are solid (spokeless). The excavated cities and towns of the
Indus civilization are proof that the building industry had now a major place in the economy. The fired
brick used in the houses of the rich and in other important buildings, drains, etc., was an outstanding
innovation. Its size and the technique of its use are still more remarkable. The standard universal size
of the Indus fired brick is generally about 7x15x31 centimeters, giving roughly the ration of [Link].
Ivory seems to have been scarce and expensive in the Indus civilization, despite the elephant being a
familiar animal on seals. Only a few pieces of ivory work have turned up in Mohenjodaro. On the other
hand, seashell was widely used to make bangles, beads, receptacles, discs, and inlay. Balakot,
Nageswar, Dholavira, Chanhudaro, Kuntasi, Rangpur, Lothal, Nagwada, and Bagasra were important
shell-craft sites.

Self assessment questions

1. From which Harappan site remains of a ploughed field are found.

2
Graduation= A line (as on a vessel or ruler) that marks a measurement.

22
__________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
2. Which Harappan sites have yielded remains of rice?
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________
3. Write the names of those Harappan sites, from where terracotta ploughs are found.
__________________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
4. What is the meaning of Dilmun, Meluhha, and Magan?
__________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
5. The Ratanpur mines were famous for which raw material.
___________________________________________________________________________

2.5 Society and Religion

Analysis of skeletons has revealed that women were deprived of nutritional privileges in comparison to
men. Evidences such as clay figurine of a women-grinding grain with a roller on a flat stone from
Nausharo and occurrence of a large number of spindle-whorls in the houses of Harappan people,
suggest that hand spinning was also done by women in the houses. The Harappan society was highly
differentiated, with a great distance separating the rich and the poor, is shown by its houses of varying
sizes. Elites lived in large houses with multiple rooms, spacious courtyard, with their own wells, latrine,
bathing area, and so forth. Poor or ordinary people lived in smaller houses. The slavery existed on a
significant scale as is shown by slaves forming an item of exports from the Indus territories (‘Meluha’) to
Mesopotamia. The profusion of seals is a good indicator that the concept of private property had
become widespread that any person of substance needed to have a seal to mark his property. As far as
the dressing-style is concerned, then it appears from terracotta figurines that the women wore short
skirts made of cotton or wool. They maintained various hairstyles, and wore ornaments such as
necklace, bangles, belts, etc. Men on the other hand wore dhoti-like lower garment, and upper garment
consisting of a shawl or cloak worn over shoulders and under the other. Most of the male figurines
have beard. Harappans had leisurely time, which they spent probably dancing, hunting, and playing
games. Children especially played with toys such as terracotta balls, rattles, whistles, and animal on
wheels, etc. Clay discs have been found and there have been figurines of children playing with toys.
A large number of terracotta female figurines are found from Mohenjodaro and Harappa, which have
been identified as ‘Mother Goddess’ associated with fertility cult. However, most of these terracotta
figurines, generally identified with Mother Goddess, found broken and discarded. None of these
figurines was found in a context that could be interpreted as a temple. The fact that so many of them
were broken suggests that they may have been part of a ritual cycle and were made for short-term use
for certain specific occasions. John Marshall has also identified a representation on a seal as proto-
Siva or Pashupati. The seal show a three-faced god with horned headdress seated in a yogic posture,
with legs joined heel to heel below him and arms resting on the knees and the low throne on which he
is seated is flanked by wild goats/ibex/deer. Also animals such as elephant and tiger on the left and a
rhinoceros and a horned buffalo on the right are found with an inscription on the background. The figure
is ithyphallic and along with yogic posture, it has been marked to be the prototype of Siva. However,
scholars like Irfan Habib do not agree with Marshall’s interpretation.
Several sites have also revealed stones identical in form to the lingam, and stone rings. Such emblems
suggest Harappan’s indulgence in the worship of male and female creative energy in the form of stone
icons of lingas and yonis (representing the male and female sexual organs respectively). Pipal tree was
probably the most venerated of the tree deities or spirits. Its depiction has been found on several seals

23
and in many cases, it figures along with a pair of unicorn heads. Pipal leaves are commonly found
represented on pottery. Mohenjodaro has revealed an elaborately carved seal presenting a deity in a
papal tree with a fish sign and a large goat. To the right of the deity a kneeling human figure, along with
a sacrificial offering of a human head, is shown. In the same seal, seven women standing in a row at
the bottom of the seal are depicted. This seal perhaps display a human sacrifice. Seals and sealings
have depiction of various animals such as unicorn, bulls, cows, elephants, rhinoceros, tiger, goats, cats,
dogs, antelope, snakes, and so forth. It is likely that these animals were seen as embodiment of
zoomorphic deities who protection the seal-owners wished to invoke.
In archaeological context, huge buildings such as the Great Bath at Mohenjodaro had possibly been a
structure for ritual bathing. Evidences of hearths, burials, cremation urns, and profusion of well in
Hrappan towns and presence of baths in residential houses, all suggest importance of ablution, belief in
life after death and purification by bathing. The evidence of seven ‘fire-alters’, containing ash and
terracotta cakes, fond on the top of brick platforms at Kalibangan along with a well and bathing places
close by, refers to a civic ritual centre where animal sacrifice, ritual ablution and some sort of fire ritual
were performed. Similar offering pits are found from settlements such as Lothal, Banawali and
Nageshwar. Burials or funerary practices seem to be an important religious activity of the Harappan
people. Cemeteries are found at Harappa, Kalibangan, and Lothal. The burial practices were
surprisingly uniform, and bodies were generally laid supine, in north-south orientation, with the head
usually towards the north. The dead were buried wearing some ornaments and with a varying number
of undecorated pots. Grave goods including good, pottery, tools, and ornaments were placed along with
the body, but they were never too many or lavish. Clearly, the Harappans preferred to use wealth in life
rather than bury it with their dead. At Harappa, there was a coffin with a shroud made of reeds.
Symbolic burials with grave goods but no skeletons were found at Kalibangan. Fractional burials were
found at Mohenjodaro and Harappa. These two sites have also yielded evidence of urn burials,
suggestive of cremation. Multiple burials of men and women are found at Lothal.
The religious and funerary beliefs and practices of the Harappans show great diversity. Few features of
it may have continued in later period, but it is interestingly to note that the Harappan civilization does
not display the presence of temple worship. Not a single structure found at any Harappan site can
conclusively be identified as a temple.
2.6 Indus Script
The Harappan script has been found on various of the objects like seals, sealings, flat plates (tablets) of
steatite or copper, ivory and bone sticks, inscribed bangles, pottery vessels, axes and copper or bronze
weapons/tools etc. The largest number of inscribed objects have been reported from Mohenjo-Daro
(1540 inscribed objects) and Harappa (985 inscribed objects). The largest number of scripts comes
from seals and sealings, and most of the seal impressions (i.e., sealings) have come from the tags
attached with the bales of goods as indicated by the reverse of these tags, which show the traces of
packing materials. Several such clay bullae have been recovered from the burnt down warehouse or
granary at Lothal. Nevertheless, most of the Indus writing is in form of short inscriptions (nearly 4000
specimens), each having five characters on an average and the longest inscription has 26 signs.
Dholavira has revealed the longest Harappan inscription till date, which was meant to be hung on the
gateway as a public signboard. If the Indus people wrote on cloth, tree-bark or leaves, these materials
have all perished.
This script cannot be syllabic or alphabetic as the number of signs is too high (i.e., around 400),
therefore it most likely have been a logo syllabic script. It has around 400 signs, which are logograms
(each sign standing for one word) with about 200 basic elements. This script has a variety of signs,
which include human figures and other living creatures. Besides, there are various triangular,
rectangular, rhomboid, curves, cups, ovals, and circulars shapes in the script. The Indus script possibly

24
was written from right to left though some cases of left to right as well as the boustrophedon3 have also
been identified. Until the script is deciphered, the content of the inscriptions cannot be ascertained.
However, inscriptions occurring on seals and sealings probably either give the owner’s name or ruler’s
name, or a short invocation to a deity for protection, or certain measure/value of goods. The language
of the script is likely to be the official one universally in use among the Indus ruling class, merchants,
and priests.
2.7 Political System
Since Indus script is not deciphered, it is tough to tell the exact nature of Harappan state system.
However, based on archaeological evidences different scholars have proposed different interpretations.
Stuart Piggott and M. Wheeler argued that the Harappan state was highly centralized, which was ruled
by autocratic priest-kings from the twin capitals- Harappa and Mohenjodaro. However, this view has
been questioned by scholars. S. C. Malik, and Jim Shaffer highlight an absence of ceremonial and
imposing monuments, such as temples in Harappan cities. Thus, in their view Harappan polity appears
to have been a mere chiefdom. Contrary to both Malik and Shaffer, Shereen Ratnagar and Irfan Habib
opine that the Harappan civilization certainly had a certain level of centralization, which is clearly visible
from uniform town planning, seals, pottery, brick pattern, and standardized weights and measures.
Though Habib has employed the term ‘Indus Empire’ to define the political structure of Harappan
civilization, the exact nature of it is far from clear at present.
2.8 Decline (Debate)
To explain the decline of the Harappan civilization are proposed various theories and models. After the
discovery of Harappan civilization, scholars like Mortimer Wheeler, and Ramprasad Chand held the
Aryans responsible for the decline. In their view, the Aryans, coming from central Asia, invaded
Harappan cities, and destroyed the civilization. The term Purandar (destroyer of forts) has been used
for Indra in Rigveda, which, according to Wheeler and Chand, suggests that the Aryans, under their
leader Indra, invaded and destroyed the Harappan cities. This view has been rejected now due to a
long gap between the decline of Indus civilization and the arrival of the Aryans in India. Much before the
composition of the Rigveda between circa 1500 and 1000 BC by the Aryans, the mature phase of the
Indus civilization had declined by 1900 BC. Thus, when the Aryans entered the Indian Subcontinent,
the Harappan cities had already become a thing of the past. Nevertheless, archaeological sources also
do not suggest mass scale destruction of Indus cities by the invaders.
M. R. Sahani argues that the great floods in the Indus River, caused by tectonic movements, led to the
decline of Mohenjodaro. In a similar way, R. L. Raikes held seismic disturbances responsible for the
disruption of the economic life of Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro, and several other Harappan cities. These
seismic disturbances caused frequent floods in Indus River, and shifted seacoast away from several
coastal sites, such as Sutkagendor, and Balakot. However, these views do not explain the decline of
sites that were situated away from the Indus River or its tributaries.
Another explanation of Indus civilization’s decline has been proposed by D. P. Agrawal, R. K. Sood,
Yash Pal, and Baladev Singh. In their view, drying up of the Ghaggar River caused the decline of the
Harappan civilization. Due to tectonic shift or earthquakes, the course of Sutlej and Yamuna, which
were Ghaggar’s tributaries, changed. As a result, Sutlej joined Indus and Yamuna, the Ganga. It
resulted in the drying up of Ghaggar river, which otherwise had been a mighty river. This view, like
earlier argument discussed above, does not explain the decline of those cities that were located away
from the Ghaggar River.

3
The term boustrophedon refers to a writing style in which alternate lines are written from right to left
and from left to right.

25
Gurpreet Singh argues that severe ecological change that started taking place in the second millennium
BC, eventually caused the decline of the civilization. He based his argument on the pollen analysis of
three lakes, i.e., Sambhar, Didwana, and Lunkaransar, of Rajasthan Rajasthan. According to Singh,
between circa 3000 and 1800 BC, monsoon and winter rainfall dwindled, which caused the advent of
an arid climate. As a result, Sambhar, Didwana and Lunkaransar lakes dried up. Due to such climatic
change, Indus cities were deserted. This hypothesis is also not beyond criticism because precise dating
of climate change is not clear. In addition, V. N. Mishra shows the presence of two fresh water lakes
(i.e., Pushkar, and Ganger in Rajasthan) during the period, when other lakes had dried up. It shows that
the advent of aridity had varied impact and it cannot be held responsible for the decline of Indus
civilization.
W. F. Fairservis replaced the argument of a natural disaster by that of a manmade one: the Indus
people so much over-cultivated, over-grazed, and deforested the land that, in the end, the land could
simply not maintain the population, especially its urban part. However, Irfan Habib points out that the
Indus population could not have been denser than six persons to the square kilometer could, and it is
hard to imagine how such small numbers could have overused the soil to exhaustion.
In recent years, scholars like Shereen Ratnagar, and G. L. Possehl argue in favor of continuity rather
than complete extinction of Harappan civilization. It is argued that though the urban character of this
civilization ended, but rural and tribal cultures continued with the formation of several regional–local
cultures, such as e.g., Jhukar in Ghaggar-Hakara valley, Rojdi in Saurashtra, etc. Shereen Ratnagar
and Irfan Habib suggest that due to the decline of Harappan state system, political instability ensued
resulting in the end of urban phase. Cities survived on the tributes or resources provided by the rural
population, and when state authority weakened it would have become tough to impose a heavy tribute
on the rural communities. Exact nature of political crisis is not clear. Yet, the failure of state would have
meant that the towns could no longer obtain resources that sustained the rulers, merchants, artisans,
and other townsmen. As a result, urban character of the civilization ended, and an eastward shift took
place with the advent of rural and tribal cultures in the late Harappan period.
Self assessment questions
1. Write two features of the Harappan religion.
__________________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
2. What is boustrophedon?
________________________________________________________________________________
3. The longest Harappan script is found from which site?
____________________________________________________________________________
4. Do you think Aryan invasions were responsible for the decline of Harappan civilization?
__________________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________
5. How does G. L. Possehl explain the decline of Harappan cities?
__________________________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________

2.9 Summary
Students, the Harappan civilization rose from a strong Neolithic background in the third millennium BC,
and continued to flourish for a longer period. One of the important characteristics of this civilization had
been its flourishing and well-planned cities, remains of which are mostly found from the North Western
parts of the Indian subcontinent. Since the Harappan script is not deciphered, our entire knowledge
related to this civilization is based on the material remains found in excavations. Artefacts such as

26
ceramics, seals, sealings, precious or semi-precious stone beads, copper and bronze tools, toys,
utensils, and implements, stone tools, and so forth are found indicating prevalence of trade, craft
activities, and industries. Remains of various corps such as wheat, barley, millets, pulses, lintels, etc.,
are found. In addition, remains of bones and depictions on seals display the domestication of sheep,
goat, and cattle by the Harappans. It shows that people relied on both agriculture and animal
husbandry for sustenance. Numerous terracotta female figurines are found suggesting the popularity of
mother goddess or fertility cults among the Harppana people. In addition, animals and plants too were
worshiped. However, no temple remains are found from any of the Harappan site. Due to various
factors, ranging from ecological to manmade, this civilization by 1900 BC experienced the extinction of
its urban character.
2.10 Reference
Habib, Irfan, A People’s History of India 2- The Indus Civilization, Aligarh Historians Society: Aligarh
and Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2002.
2.11 Further Reading
Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th Century,
Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.
2.12 Model Questions
1. Discuss the origin of the Harappan civilization.
2. Write an essay on the urban planning of the Harappan cities.
3. What are the salient characteristics of Harappan agriculture and animal husbandry?
4. Write an essay on the Harappa-Mesopotamia trade.
5. Critically analyse the various views related to the decline of Harappan cities.

--S--

27
 Lesson – 3
THE VEDIC AGE
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 The Aryan Homeland Debate
3.3 Early Vedic Age (circa 1500- 1000 BCE)
3.4 Political Institutions
3.5 Society and Economy
3.6 Later Vedic Age (circa 1000- 600 BCE)
3.7 Political Institutions
3.8 Society and Economy
3.9 Summary
3.10 References
3.11 Further Readings
3.12 Model Questions

3.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 Learn about the Aryan homeland debate.
 Understand the social organisation of Vedic society.
 Critically analyse the political institutions of Indo-Aryans.
 Understand the position of women in Indo-Aryan society.
 Acquire knowledge about the agrarian developments of the Vedic period.

3.1 Introduction
Students, the Vedic age witnessed the arrival of Indo-Aryans into the Indian Subcontinent, and
formation of the Vedic literature, comprising the Rigveda, Samaveda, Yajurveda and Atharvaveda
besides the Brahmana texts, Aranyakas, Upanishads and Vedangas. The credit for the composition of
Vedic literature goes to the Indo-Aryans. The original home of the Aryans has been a matter of fierce
debate not only in India but also in Europe.
3.2 The Aryan Homeland Debate
There are several views regarding the origin and identity of the Indo-Aryans, and some of the views are
as following:
(i) Hungarian Plains: P. Giles has Further a Hungarian homeland for the Aryans. According to him, the
word birch tree is mentioned in several Indo-European languages. It is mentioned as bhurja in Indic,
barz in Iranian, birch in Germanic, berzs in Baltic, and beerza in Slavic. Based on it, Giles argues that
the Proto-Indo-European word for birch therefore was *bhergo. Thus, the speakers of the Indo-
European languages belonged to a region, where birch tree was abundant. Giles has identified this
region with Hunagarian plains. This theory is rejected by William Bandenstein, who have showed that
the term *bhergo does not refer to ‘birch tree’ in all the Indo-European languages. Apparently, the
Hungarian plains cannot be characterised as the Aryan homeland.

28
(ii) Tibet: In Dayanand Saraswati’s view, Tibet was the home of the Aryans, who migrated to India from
there. However, he has failed to provide any conclusive fact to justify his argument.
(iii) North Pole: According to Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Aryans’ original home was North Pole. From North
Pole, a branch of Aryans after glacial age migrated to Europe and another branch to the Indian
subcontinent. In addition, he argued that in ancient times North Pole was situated within Indian
Subcontinent. This view is no more accepted in historical circles.
(iv) India: Colonel Olcott, a co-founder of the Theosophical society (1875) along with Madame
Blavatsky, characterised India as the original homeland of the Aryans. Later, B. B. Lal and Ganganath
Jha accepted and further developed this view. They argue that the Rigveda, the earliest text composed
in Sanskrit by the Aryans in the North Western region of Indian Subcontinent, shows that the Aryans
lived in India, and from here, they migrated to Iran and Europe. In their recent writings, B. B. Lal, V. N.
Misra, and K. N. Dikshit have even argued that the Aryans were the founder of the Indus Valley
Civilization. They argue that the Vedic civilization like Indus Valley Civilization had a well-organised
administration, fortified cities, and long distance trade relations.
(v) Central Asia: Max Muller argued that the Aryans were the original inhabitants of central Asia, and
from there, their one branch moved to Europe and another to Iran and India. The branch that reached
India is called the Indo-Aryan. The terms like ‘pitri’ and ‘matri’ in Sanskrit are same as the pidar and
madar in Persian, father and mother in English, and the Patar and Matar in Latin. Such linguistic
commonalities in the Indo-European languages4 suggest their common origin. In implies that the
speakers of the Indo-European languages, who are called Aryans, belonged to one archaic community,
which lived in the steppe region of central Asia.
Scholars have used archaeological evidences to support the Central Asian homeland theory. Horse
was an important part of Aryan culture, which originally flourished in the central Asian steppe region.
Thus, when Aryans migrated into Asia and Europe, they took with them horse to these areas. As a
result, remains of horse and spoked wheel5, found in excavations from different parts of Asia, are used
to explain the movement of Aryans into different regions. For example, archaeological evidences show
the use of horse, spoked wheels, cremation practice and pit dwellings in the Andronovo culture of
Central Asia and in the Oxus Civilization or Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (dated to circa
1900-1500 BC) of northern Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. These archaeological
evidences are employed to associate the Aryan culture with both the Andronovo culture and the Oxus
Civilization, which flourished in the second millennium BC. The archaeological evidences also
demonstrate the presence of horse in Ghalighai IV (1800-1400 BC) in the Swat region and in Pirak I
(1600-1400 BC) as well as Pirak II (1300-800 BC) in Baluchistan region of Pakistan. These remains
indicate the movement of the Aryans out of Central Asia into Asia. Noticeably, when different branches
of the Aryans settled down in various parts of Asia, they, in spite of developing different languages and
cultural practices, maintained some of their common features that have helped scholars to explain their
common origin.
The Mittani-Hittite inscription, found at Boghaz Keui in Turkey, informs us the presence in west Asia of
the Aryans, who are called Mittani-Aryans due to their distinct linguistic and cultural practices. A Mittani
inscription of the 14th century BC mentions the names of Rigvedic deities like Mitrashil, Uruvanshil,
Indruah, and Nashatyana (i.e., Mitra, Varuna, Indra and Nasatya respectively). The inscription is in
Akkadian language instead of Sanskrit. Likewise, a record of Hittite composed by a person named

4
The Indo-European language group comprises several languages, such as Sanskrit, Iranian, Latin, Greek, French, English,
Spanish, and so forth, with a common source of origin. Due to a common source of origin, all these languages have linguistic
similarities.
5
Spoked wheels were attached to chariot, which was an important mean of transportation for the Aryans.

29
Kikkuli informs us about horse training. It mentions numerals like aika (Sanskrit: eka=one), tera
(Sanskrit: tre=three), panza (Sanskrit: pancha=five), satta (Sanskrit: sapta=seven), na (Sanskrit:
nava=nine), and also terms like asua (Sanskrit: asva=horse). In addition, the 16 th century BC Kassite
inscription, found in Iraq, also records the names of Vedic deities like Surias and Maruttas (i.e., Surya
and Marutas respectively). Furthermore, a study of the Rigveda (circa 1500-1000 BC) and the Avesta,
an old Iranian text (circa 1300 BC) brings into light close similarities between these two. Terms like
‘ahura’ and ‘daeva’ of the Avesta are similar to asura and deva of the Rigveda, but their meanings are
different. The term ahura/asura refers to deities in the Avesta, while in the Rigveda it is used for
demons. Similarly, daeva/deva referring to demons in the Avesta, means demon in the Rigveda. The
cult of soma mentioned in the IXth Book of the Rigveda, is also given importance in the Avesta, which
calls it ‘hoama’. These similarities suggest a common ancestry of the authors of the Avesta and the
Rigveda.
The Aryans, who entered and established in India are called Indo-Aryans. Unlike other branches of the
Aryans, the Indo-Aryans due to the impact of local languages and cultures, which were present in India,
absorbed a feature of retroflex in their speech. As a result, all the languages that have developed from
Sanskrit in India have retroflex feature. However, this linguistic feature is missing from the Indo-
European languages that are prevalent in other parts of Asia and in Europe. It implies that the
movement of Indo-Aryans was from Central Asia to India and not the other way around. If they migrated
out of India, then the retroflex would have been a part of all the Indo-European languages. However, it
is not the case. In this way, both linguistic and archaeological sources are used to trace the migration of
the Aryans from Central Asian steppe region, which was their original homeland.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Where was the original homeland of the Aryans?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. Which animal was intimately associated with the Aryans?
___________________________________________________________________________
3. What are the commonalities in the Avesta and the Rigveda?
___________________________________________________________________________

3.3 Early Vedic Age (circa 1500- 1000 BCE)

The Indo-Aryans composed the Rigveda in the North Western frontier region of the Indian subcontinent.
The famous hymn nadi-stuti (Hymn to the Rivers) in the Xth Book refers to Indus and its tributaries:
Vitasta (Jhelum), Asikni (Chenab), Parushni/Yavyavati (Ravi), Vipash (Beas) and Shutudri (Sutlej). The
river Saraswati, generally identified with now dried up channels of the Ghaggar-Hakra, is mentioned in
the Rigveda as a mighty river.
The political organization during the early Vedic period is not clearly defined in the Rigveda. However, it
appears that the tribe, comprising several clans, was an important social and political unit. It was known
as jana and is mentioned at least 275 times in the Rigveda. Another term vis, is mentioned 170 times in
Rigveda for tribe. The vis was further divided into gramas, which perhaps were organized tribal units for
military purposes. The term sangrama refers to a clash between different gramas. About 300 tribes or
clans are mentioned in the Rigveda, and some of the frequently mentioned tribes are- Bharata, Yadu,
Turvasa, Anu, Druhyu and Puru. The name Bharatvarsha of India is derived from Bharata tribe.

30
There are several references to the conflicts between aryanvarna and dasavarna/dasyuvarna in the
Rigveda, indicating hostile relations between the Indo-Aryans and the non-Aryans. Non-Aryans are
often mentioned as nose-less, black coloured, and of an unintelligible speech. It is noticeable that the
difference between Aryans and dasas or dasyus was not racial rather it was cultural and linguistic.
Initially the differences between Aryans and non-Aryans were expressed in terms of physical
appearance and colour besides speech, beliefs, and culture. However, in subsequent period the
cultural and linguistic differences became more prominent than physical and colour. Both, dasa and
dasyu terms are present as daha (slave) and dainhu (enemy) in Old Iranian language of the Avesta. As
these terms were used by the Aryans for the non-Aryans, they suggest that both dasyus and dasa were
non-Aryans. It appears from the Rigveda that the Indo-Aryans often despised the dasyus and dasas.
The battle of ten kings recorded in the VIIth book of the Rigved provides valuable insights into the
politics of early Vedic period. The battle was fought between Tritsu-Bharata chief Sudasa and a
confederacy of kings of nine tribes, which were Yadu, Turvasa, Anu, Druhyu, Puru, Alina, Bhalana,
Pakhta and Vishanin. The battle took place at the bank of Parushni (Ravi) River. Sudasa defeated the
confederacy by breaking a natural dam on the river. Perhaps the reason of this battle was the ousting
of Vishvamitra, who was the chief priest of Bharata tribe in favour of Vasishtha. It made Vishvamitra to
join hands with Purus against Bharatas. It shows that the Aryans not only fought against the indigenous
tribes but also among themselves. In fact, from the account of the battle of ten kings, it appears that the
Aryans also allied with the non-Aryans against their Aryan enemies. For example, at least one tribe,
named Shimyu in the confederacy against Sudasa is mentioned in the Rigveda as of dasyus. It perhaps
suggests that the relations between Aryans and non-Aryans were not always hostile.
3.4 Political Institutions
The Rigveda mentions a term rajan for tribal or clan leader. The term rajan is derived from the root raj
(to shine), or the root ranj/raj (to grow red, to paint, to decorate, to charm), which means a chief or tribal
leader. Only at a later period, the term rajan came to be used for a monarch or a king. The rajan did not
enjoy unlimited power in the Rigvedic period. There were several kin-based assemblies like sabha,
samiti, vidatha and gana, which put a check on his authority. The rajan was either selected or elected
on the basis of merit. There was no concept of hereditary political authority. The king was also known
as gopati (literally meaning cowherd) because he was the protector of cattle and tribe (jana). He led the
tribe in the time of wars and cattle raids. He also offered prayers and sacrifices to the gods on the
behalf of his tribe. The epithet vishpati attributed to Vedic king meant ‘head of a clan comprising
kinsmen’. The rajan did not rule territories rather the tribe or clan. No fixed legal institutions were
present, and the customs were laws. The chiefs were possibly advised by the clan elders in
administrative and legal matters.
The rajan was assisted by purohita (priest) and senani (head of the army). There was no standing army
and only in the time of war, a militia was mustered. There was no fix taxation and people made
voluntary gifts or tributes, which was called bali, to the rajan. A person called Vrajapati looked after the
pastures, and whenever required he led the heads of the families in battles. Likewise was the role of
gramani, who headed the tribal kin-based fighting units, called grama. Only at a later period, when
these units were settled down permanently with defined territories, gramani assumed the role of a
village head. In addition, messenger and spies are also mentioned. The term gavishthi (literally means
search or desire for cow) is used for wars in the Rigveda, which well suited the pastoral socio-economic
set up of early Vedic society. The chariot was a war machine of the Indo-Aryans, and use of horse
provided greater mobility to them. There were foot soldiers, which fought with their hands. Bow and
arrows, lances, daggers or swords, and axes were also in use.
The Rigveda mentions about three important tribal assemblies- vidatha, sabha and samiti. The term
vidatha occurs 122 times, while sabha eight times and samiti nine times only in the Rigveda. Therefore,

31
out of these vidatha was most important assembly of the early Vedic period. The term vidatha is
derived from the root vid, meaning to know, to consider, to possess and to exist. It was an assembly
meant for secular, religious, as well as military activities. Not only men but also women participated in
the activities of vidatha. It perhaps also looked after the judicial matters. At the time of war, a war-chief
was elected in Vidatha, which was also a place where war-booty was distributed among the tribe
members. People drank soma juice, sang songs, and indulged in joy-sports in vidatha. They also
discussed as appear from the Rigveda, the virtues of horse in the vidatha gatherings. It was the earliest
folk assembly of the Indo-Aryans, which was participated by the both men and women. The sabha was
the council of the selective and exclusive members, whereas the samiti was an assembly of the entire
clan. Like vidatha, meetings of sabha were also attended by women, and therefore, in the Rigveda
women are called as sabhavati, i.e., fit for attending the sabha. Both the assemblies -sabha and samiti,
began to gain importance only towards the end of early Vedic period.
3.5 Society and Economy
The Indo-Aryan society had a patriarchal social structure in which family was the basic unit. Every man
was identified by the clan he belonged. People were expected to be loyal to their tribe known as jana.
The jana comprised several clans, and clan members were divided into rajanya and vis. The rajanya
category comprised the ruling families, while the vis category included those who were associated with
production activities like cattle herding. The vis provided tributes to the rajanya for the performance of
sacrifices, and therefore, members of both the categories enjoyed a closer relationship. The basic unit
of a tribe was family, which was called kula. A family was headed by an elder male usually a father.
Families were usually extended families as appears from the Rigveda, which informs us about the
father, sons, daughters, and grandchildren living altogether under one roof. The society was not
egalitarian. In fact, the control over wealth and resources was the chief criteria to define social
hierarchy. In the Rigveda wealthy and resourceful persons re mentioned as maghavan, who were the
owner of cattle-wealth. The cattle were the marker of wealth and status in the Rigvedic society. The
cow was also the medium of exchange. Guests were respected and often served with beef. The staple
diet comprised vegetables, fruits, wheat, and barley besides milk, ghi, and meat. Rice was yet to
become a part of Indo-Aryan’s diet though non-Aryans were familiar with it. Indo-Aryans on special
occasions and arrival of guests often organized lavish meals, which included fish, sheep, goat, and
cattle flesh.
The only literary source for the early Vedic period, the Rigveda was written by the brahmana poets.
Therefore, it represents to their perspective only, and mainly focuses upon the different aspects,
particularly the religious beliefs, of the Indo-Aryan society. The text, due to its entire focus upon the
Indo-Aryans, does not represent a complete picture of the early Vedic period, and sparsely talks about
the non-Aryans. In the Rigveda, the non-Aryans are shown in bad light and have been associated with
unintelligible speech, dark skin colour, and worship of phallus. This overarching emphasis upon the
Indo-Aryans should not be understood that the indigenous cultures were inferior. It simply means that
the available sources provided very less information about the non-Aryan cultures. In fact, a careful
study of the Rigveda shows that the indigenous people were equally powerful and had their own distinct
linguistic and cultural features. For example, non-Aryan dasyu chief Shambara is mentioned as the
possessor of 90, 99 or 100 forts. The panis, who were also non-Aryans, were wealthy merchants and
often had hostile relations with the Indo-Aryans. The archaeological excavations have also brought into
light several non-Indo-Aryan settlements in the northern India. From several sites such as Narhan,
Khairadih and Sohgaura (in Uttar Pradesh), which are dated to circa 1300-700 BC, evidences of the
cultivation of wheat, barley, rice, pulses and mustard oil seeds are found. Even sites like Chirand in
Bihar and Mahishadal in West Bengal have yielded evidence of the practice of agriculture during the
early Vedic Period in the region, which was yet to witness the arrival of the Indo-Aryans.

32
The Purushasukta, in the Xth book of the Rigveda, mentions the origin of brahmanas from the mouth of
the primeval man Brahma, of kshatriyas from his arms, of vaishyas from his thighs, and of sudras from
his feet. In this way, for the first time a four-fold hierarchical division of Indian society was formulated in
the Rigveda. Since the Xth book of Rigveda was composed towards the end of early Vedic period, it
appears that the division of Vedic society into four varnas took place only by about the 10 th century BC.
This four-fold division became in subsequent periods more rigid and it was further elaborated with the
emergence of numerous castes (jatis). Therefore, the early Vedic society was largely divided between
the Indo-Aryan speakers and non-Aryan speakers on the linguistic, cultural and perhaps colour basis,
but certainly, it was not divided based on race or ethnicity.
Early Indo-Aryans built no cities and they primarily lived in the villages. Thus, early Vedic society was
mainly pastoral and rural. The chariot racing, gambling/dicing, and singing were the popular pastime.
The introduction of wheel-with-spokes was a major development as it made the transportation easier.
They were aware of possibly the Arabian Sea. However, their association with overseas navigation is
less likely. Their clothes were simple, and probably were made of wool and animal skins. Perhaps, the
Indo-Aryans were not familiar with cotton or cotton plant. Gold was used to make ornaments like
earrings etc. Both barter and use of precious metal like gold in transactions of goods was in practice.
We find no reference to coins or monetary transactions. Nevertheless, terms nishka and hiranya, which
are mentioned in the Rigveda referred to gold or gold ornament, not to coins. According to recent
studies the early Indo-Aryans, at least prior to 10 th century BC, were not aware of iron-technology.
Therefore, the word, ayas in the Rigveda, refers to metal (e.g., copper, bronze, etc.) in general, while in
later Vedic literature it has been used for iron.
Artisans like carpenters and leather-workers enjoyed a respectable position in early Vedic society. The
carpentry was particularly important craft as it was associated with the making of chariots besides
household furniture and so forth. A hymn in the Rigveda mentions about a family in which father was a
physician and his son was a poet. It shows that there was no restriction regarding the choice of
professions. Irfan Habib and Vijay Kumar Thakur have pointed out the possible practice of agriculture
by the early Vedic Indo-Aryans. The Rigveda mentions, according to them, numerous terms related to
agriculture like kshetra (cultivated field), krishi (act of ploughing), langala or sira (plough), phala
(ploughshare), and sita (furrow marks) etc. A recent archaeological finding of a ploughed field at
Aligrama in Swat Valley (Pakistan) further corroborate the associated of Indo-Aryans with agriculture.
The site has been dated to 1100 BC. The view of Habib and Thakur no doubt brought into light the
importance of cultivation in the Indo-Aryan’s life but it has been Further that it should not be assumed
that it was the dominating mode of early Vedic economy.
The references to agriculture whereas come from the later parts of Rigveda only, the references to
cattle are numerous in earlier parts. D. N. Jha points out that there, about 700 times, occur the terms
related to cattle in the Family books of the Rigveda. The cattle was so important that the chief is
referred as gopati or gopa, battles as gavishthi, daughter as duhitri (one who milk a cow) and so forth. It
appears that though agriculture was practiced, pastoralism was the dominating mode of economy. Only
towards the end of the early Vedic period, agriculture began to gain importance. A hymn in the Xth
book of the Rigveda records the importance of agriculture in Indo-Aryan life. The hymn urges a man to
give up gambling and take up agriculture, as it would bring many cows and wives to him. The early
Vedic Indo-Aryans possibly cultivated barley and wheat, but not rice. The Rigveda does not record gift
of land and even rarely, we come across the gift of cereals in this text. Wage labour had not yet come
into practice. However, domestic slaves, particularly the women, were present in early Vedic society.
Slaves were generally the war captives.
The higher position assigned to male gods vis-a-vis female goddesses in the Rigveda, highlights the
patriarchal character of the Indo-Aryan society. A senior male member of the family headed the

33
extended family, and took all the decisions on the behalf of the family. Even though the birth of a girl
was not despised, the birth of boys was highly desired by the people. The greatest boon was the birth
of ten sons. The inheritance was transferred from father to son, and daughters were not seen as a
claimant. There is no mentioning of purdah custom, sati custom, child marriage, and prohibition on
widow remarriage in the Rigveda. Women enjoyed much freedom in choosing a life-partner, which
suggests that marriages took place in post-puberty age. The marriage of a girl was a great concern for
her parents. The marriage hymn in the Rigveda mentions the entry of a bride into the house of father-
in-law, where she was expected to rule over the domestic matters of her husband’s family. The niyoga
(levirate) custom was in practice, according to which a widow was allowed to cohabit with her
husband’s brother until the birth of a male child. This practice again highlights the subordination of
women, who were seen as a source of male progeny. In fact, both payments of bride price as well as
dowry were popular practices. Monogamy was commonly in practice. So was the polygamy at least by
the rajanyas. Practice of Polyandry is also found in the Rigveda.
Women were allowed to attend assemblies like vidatha and sabha. They also participated in Vedic
sacrifices along with their husbands. The Rigveda also has occasional references to illicit relations of
women with men. The women scholars like Apala, Ghosala, Visvavara, Surya, etc., contributed in the
composition of the Rigveda. It suggests that women were given some access to education. However, it
does not mean that they enjoyed an equal status to men. In comparison to the hymns composed by
men, the hymns attributed to women are sparse.

Self Assessment questions.

1. What is the meaning of Jana?

__________________________________________________________________________
2. Who was gopati?
__________________________________________________________________________
3. Define the term vidatha
__________________________________________________________________________
4. Who was maghavan?
5. __________________________________________________________________________

3.6 Later Vedic Age (c. 1000- 600 BCE)

The later Vedic period witnessed not only the composition of the Samaveda, Yajurveda and
Atharvaveda besides Brahmanas, Aranayakas and Upanishads, but also a geographical shift from pre-
modern Punjab to Ganga-Yamuna doab and mid-Ganga Valley. Interestingly where the authors of the
Rigveda were unaware of the lotus, the tiger, and rice, the authors of the Atharvaveda clearly shows a
movement towards east and south in India, which made them aware of these. In Brahmana texts the
region dominated by Kurus (Kurukshetra) lying between Sarasvati and Drishadvati rivers, and the doab
of Ganga-Yamuna dominated by Pancalas gain significant importance. The region between the
Sarasvati and Drishadvati (modern Chautang) came to be known as Brahmarishidesa, which perhaps
refers to present day Haryana in the Indo-Ganga divide. The Shatpatha Brahmana narrates a story of
king Mathava of Videgha, who with the help of Agni Vaishvanara (fire) burnt the forest laying between
the banks of Sarasvati and Sadanira (modern Ghaghara or Gandak) rivers. The brahmanas have never
crossed this river before. This story therefore, suggests the movement of Indo-Aryan culture eastwards

34
up to the river Sadanira. In this way, the later Vedic literature shows a familiarity with the vast region
comprising the Indo-Ganga divide, the upper Ganga Valley, and Ganga-Yamuna doab up to Allahabad.
The later Vedic literature for the first time mentions the term Janapada. Janapada literally means a
place, where the people (jana) placed their feet first, or in other words, a rural settlement perhaps of
sedentary nature. The term Janapada gradually became synonymous of territorial kingdom often
named after a tribe that dominated it. This period witnessed the emergence of Janapadas like Kuru-
Panchalas, Kashi, Kosala, Kekayas, Madras, Videha and so forth. The Bharatas and Purus, mentioned
as rivals in the Rigveda, by the later Vedic period came together to form Kurus. The Kuru kingdom
comprised perhaps the whole of present day Haryana. On the other hand, the Turvashas and Krivis
formed the Panchalas, and controlled the North Western plains of Uttar Pradesh. The Kurus and the
Panchalas finally formed an alliance or confederacy (i.e., Kuru-Panchalas), which ruled the Indo-
Yamuna divide and Ganga-Yamuna doab. The later Vedic period witnessed a gradual development of
state system, which was to take a concrete form by the 6 th century BC.
3.7 Political Institutions
The position of rajan increasingly became hereditary with the emergence of territorial kingdoms with
loosely defined boundaries. The king now survived upon the resources generated by the people, part of
which was paid as a tribute (bali) to him. Therefore, he now came to be known as visamatta literarily
meaning eater of the people. However, a systematic structure of taxation was yet to evolve. Several
sacrifices like rajasuya, vajapeya, and asvamedha were associated with the rajan to legitimize his
political authority. The rajasuya refers to a coronation sacrifice in which king was formally conferred the
authority to rule. The vajapeya sacrifice comprised a chariot race in which the king was supposed to
participate. Though initially it was believed that the kingdom belonged to the winner of the chariot race,
later it became a mock race in which king was deliberately made to win. The Shatapatha Brahmana
mentions that the king assumes the identity of Prajapati by performing rajasuya and vajapeya
sacrifices. It suggests a deliberate elevation of the king’s position among the fellow members of the
tribe. In asvamedha sacrifice, a horse was set loose and the entire region covered by the horse was
held as a territory of the king performing the sacrifice. The horse was accompanied by an army to
protect it in case any other ruler challenged the claim of the sacrifice-performing king. These sacrifices
were performed to legitimize the political authority of the king who now no more was a mere tribal
leader. The king as mentioned in Satapatha Brahmana was to look after the welfare of the people. In
this way, by the end of the later Vedic period the tribal character of kingship gave way to hereditary
kingship, which demanded tributes in return of protection provided to the people. Nevertheless, the later
Vedic period needs to be seen as a transitional period from tribal polity to state polity as the full-fledged
monarchical state was yet to emerge.
To run the administration of a Janapada, a bureaucratic system comprising several functionaries was
gradually evolved. These functionaries comprised commander-in-chief of the army, chief priest, chief
queen, charioteer, bard, village headman, collector of tributes, dice-keeper, chief huntsman, courtier,
chamberlain, carpenter, and so forth. The popular assemblies known as Sabha and Samiti checked the
growing power of the king. Though they are mentioned in the Rigveda, but only in later Vedic period
they gained considerable importance. At the same time, the most prominent Rigvedic assembly Vidatha
gradually disappeared. The Sabha was attended by the men of higher status called sabheya or
sabhasaha, including the king. In addition, women were also allowed to participate in the activities of
Sabha. Besides judicial functions, sacrifices were performed here. It was also a place for popular
amusement like gambling (dicing), dancing, and music. The Samiti on the other hand was a folk
assembly attended by the people in general. It was presided over by the king. Besides dealing with
religious-philosophical matters, Samiti also discussed wars, exile of a ruler or bringing back an exiled
ruler. The decisions were taken after debates and discussions in Samiti. The major difference between

35
Sabha and Samiti was that unlike Samiti, Sabha also performed judicial functions. Later Sabha became
an aristocratic body but Samiti gradually disappeared from the scene.
3.8 Society and Economy
The four-fold division of society into a varna hierarchy i.e., brahmana, kshatriya, vaishya and shudra
became more pronounced in the later Vedic period. The brahmanas were associated with teaching,
study of Vedas, and performance of sacrifices. The term kshatriya derived from kshatra referred to
warriors, who were supposed to protect the people and rule the territory. The kshatriya replaced the
rajanya of early Vedic period. The term vaishya derived from vis meant the common people, who were
subjected to pay tributes to the kshatriya rulers. They were associated with agriculture, cattle rearing
and trade. The shudras were given the lowest place in varna hierarchy, and they were supposed to
serve the upper three varnas. They were denied participation in sacrifices. Nevertheless, unlike
shudras, the upper three varnas were called dvijas (twice born). According to Vedic literature,
investiture of sacred thread (upanayan sanskara) marked the second birth of the first three varnas.
Since, shudras were not allowed to wear sacred thread they were considered impure.
In later Vedic period, sacrifices and elaborate rituals became increasingly important. An emphasis was
also laid upon domestic sacrifices and rituals, which were performed to gain wealth, health, and
progeny by the first three varnas. As these sacrifices and rituals could not be performed without the
supervision of brahmanas, the brahmana varna became extremely important. The brahmanas now
began to claim ritual superiority over other three varnas, which created a struggle for maximum social
power between brahmanas and kshatriyas. In spite of this contestation both –brahmanas and
kshatriyas- always stood united against the other two varnas, who were the real producers. They by
extracting parts of the produce from vaishyas and shudras, without participating in production, enjoyed
the fruits of it. The gotra (literally meaning cow-pen) institution was well established in later Vedic
period. Now, gotra exogamy in marriage relations began to be practiced widely.
The later Vedic society gradually assumed a sedentary character with the expansion of agriculture
along with cattle keeping. The Shatapatha Brahmana compares the furrow marks with the womb in
which seeds were sown. It further adds that ‘casting seeds into unploughed field is like sowing seeds
into any place other than the womb. According to this text, the four important stages of agriculture
were- ploughing, sowing, harvesting, and threshing. The knowledge of seasonal corps was well known
and accordingly crops were sown. The Taittiriya Samhita mentions that the barley was sown in winter
and harvested in summer, paddy was sown in monsoons and harvested in autumn, and sesame was
sown in summer and harvested in winter. The Atharvaveda records several charms to protect the crops
from pests and draught. The later Vedic literature mentions that six, eight, twelve, and even twenty-four
oxen were used to plough the land. The concept of private property perhaps was yet to emerge. The
clan or an extended family, therefore, exercised the rights over the landed property.
Numbers of crops were grown which were- rice, barley, ‘urd’-pulse, sesame, ‘mung’-pulse, ‘kulthi’ or
horse gram, Italian millet, ‘cheena’ or common millet, ‘sanwa’ or poor man’s millet, wild rice, wheat,
‘masur’ or lentil, sugarcane. Cow-dung was possibly used as manure. The Yajuraveda informs us about
several artisans and professionals, which were- bow-maker, rope-maker, bowstring-maker, arrow-
maker, leather worker, dyer, fisherman, elephant-keeper, cattle-keeper, actor/bard, horse-keeper,
musician, hunter, distiller, washer man, potter, blacksmith, goldsmith and jeweller. The merchant
apparently participated in the transactions of goods and their trade. In later Vedic literature, six metals,
i.e., gold, bronze, iron, copper, tin and lead, are mentioned. Iron is mentioned as krishana-ayas,
shyama and shayma-ayas, and came into wider use in both- agriculture as well as wars. So far only
from Jakheda in western Uttar Pradesh iron ploughshare is found belonging to later Vedic period.
Generally, oxen drawn carts and chariots were used for transportation. However, boats are mentioned
but it is not clear whether they were used for riverine or sea transportation. Later Vedic literature was
aware of both the Arabian Sea and Bay of Bengal. The Hastinapura and Kaushambi as appears from

36
archaeological excavations had begun to develop and by the end of later Vedic period reached to a
position of proto-towns. Cotton as well as woollen clothes were worn by the people. In addition to it,
turban, leather-sandals, and ornaments were also worn. Though weaving was mainly done by women,
it was practiced at wider scale.
Family remained the basic unit of society under the authority of father. Greater emphasis was also laid
upon the primogeniture in princely families. The desire of son became prominent, while birth of a girl
was seen as a source of misery. Perhaps as the dowry became widely accepted in society, poor
parents, who were unable to provide it, despised the birth of girls. By now, two important changes had
taken place in relation to marriage institution- gotra exogamy (marriage outside the kin group), and
varna- endogamy (marriage within the varna) were firmly established. The concept of anuloma (a
marriage between higher varna male and lower varna female) and pratiloma (a marriage between
higher varna female and lower varna male) marriage was also formulated. Since varna identity was
based on birth, woman was seen as an entry point into the varna hierarchy. Therefore, a strict control
over women was recommended in Vedic literature. The pre-puberty marriage for girl was encouraged.
Though there were some women, e.g., Gargi and Maiteryi, who participated in philosophical
discourses, by an-large women were denied education and Vedic learning. Although Polygamy is
frequently mentioned, we have only stray references to polyandry. Woman was expected to bear sons
and obey her husband without replying. The niyoga or levirate remained in practice.
The women accompanied their husbands in sacrifices and rituals, but they alone could not perform any
of the Vedic sacrifice. In fact, women were considered impure due to menstrual blood, and therefore,
denied a right to wear sacred thread and to perform sacrifices. The later Vedic literature places the
woman along with shudras at the lowest social position. Female domestic slaves are numerously
mentioned in contemporary literature. Females were involved in various occupations such as splitting of
cane, working in thorns, embroidering, washing clothes, dyeing, making of ointments and sheath-
making. However, their hard work did not bring any social recognition to them. In later Vedic literature,
women are mentioned in the list of gifts made to priests or brahmanas for their services. Several
negative terms and concepts like wanton, lascivious, impure, and liar, etc., are associated with women.
Perhaps the profession of prostitution also gained social acceptance by now. Apparently, compared to
early Vedic period, position of women degraded considerably in the later Vedic period.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Write a short note on varna-jati.

__________________________________________________________________________
2. What is upanayan sanskara?
__________________________________________________________________________
3. Which region was called Brahmarishidesa?
__________________________________________________________________________
4. What is Janapada?
__________________________________________________________________________

3.9 Summary
Students, the Vedic period witnessed the arrival of the Aryans, a nomadic-pastoral community, which
started its journey from Central Asia and one of its branches reached Indian subcontinent after crossing

37
Iran and Hindukush mountain range. The branch that reached India is generally known as Indo-Aryan,
and they were the composer of the Vedas. As being a patriarchal society, the Vedic religion, glimpses
of which are preserved in the Vedic corpus, revolved around male divinities, and elaborate sacrifices.
As the Indo-Aryans moved deeper in India, they developed social such as varna-jati hierarchy, political
such as monarchy and economic such as intensive agriculture systems, which in subsequent period
shaped the character of the state society in mid-Ganga valley.

3.10 References
 Habib, Irfan and Thakur, Vijay Kumar, A People’s History of India: 3- The Vedic Age. Aligarh
Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2011 reprint.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.
3.11 Further Readings
 Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas & Institutions in Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass: New
Delhi, 1996.
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.

3.12 Model Questions

1. Critically analyse the various views related to Aryan homeland.
2. Why Vedic chiefs were called gopati? Write an essay.
3. Write an essay on the position of women in Indo-Aryan society.
4. Write an essay on the later Vedic agrarian economy.
5. Comment on the role of sacrifices in Vedic society.

--s--

38
 Lesson – 4
THE MAHAJANAPADAS
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Emergence of the State Systems
4.3 Monarchy vis-à-vis Oligarchy
4.4 Sixteen Mahajanapadas
4.5 The Magadha Empire
4.6 Summary
4.7 References
4.8 Further Reading
4.9 Model Questions

4.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson, you will be able to:
 Understand the formation and emergence of state system in the Ganga valley.
 Acquire knowledge about different political systems of early India.
 Understand the rise of Magadha under different ruling houses.

4.1 Introduction
Students, the territorial unit referred to as Janapada, literally meaning ‘a place where people (jana)
placed their feet (pada) for the first time’, came into use for the political authorities with relatively fixed
territorial boundaries. Subsequently, as certain Janapadas became increasingly prominent by
conquering others, a new term Mahajanapadas was coined for them. The rise of Mahajanapadas,
which can be characterised as early states, took place in three phases in India. In the Gangetic region,
the first phase of this process was characterised by the transition of the small semi-nomadic tribes
(jana) of the Vedic period to a large number of tribal principalities of a definite area (Janapada). During
the second phase in a period of fierce political competition, sixteen major Mahajanapdas emerged in
the late sixth and early fifth centuries BC. The third and imperial phase was reached when one of these
Mahajanapadas (in this case, Magadha) annexed a few neighbouring principalities and established its
hegemony over the others. This three-phase development was accompanied by a marked social and
political change in the Ganga valley. In this way, state polities and societies emerged in a belt
stretching from Gandhara in the north-west to Anga in eastern India, also extending into the Malwa
region. The inclusion of Assaka (Ashmaka) in the upper Godavari valley in lists of the great states of
the time suggests that similar processes were underway in parts of trans-Vindhyan India well.

4.2 Emergence of the State Systems

The appearance of the state is interlinked with the presence of complex society. It is stated by scholars
that the earliest societies were basically kin-based and egalitarian, and hence they were simple
societies headed by chiefs or tribal leaders. In contrast, the complex society was a state-based society,
marked by stratification, and its members were differentiated from one another on the basis of birth,
status and above all resources. This kind of social stratification distinguishes the varna-divided society

39
found in the age of the Buddha in the mid-Ganga plains. Noticeably, this age also witnessed the
presence of different kinds of political systems- monarchical states (rajyas), oligarchies (gana-sanghas)
and tribal principalities. However, a state system, with well defined social hierarchy, evolved in the form
of monarchical state, and oligarchies could be characterised as proto-state. Thus, the early state
system was based on a strong agrarian base, and its rise marks the emergence of a hierarchical
society and complex economic systems. The rise of a state also means concentration of political
authority generally in the hands of one family, whose claim over authority was legitimised by the
brahmana priests. Nevertheless, seven key traits are generally associated with a state system, and
these are:
i. The state has a population sufficient to make possible social categorisation, social stratification,
and specialisation.
ii. Its citizenship is determined by residence or birth in the territory, which implies that citizenship is
not defined by membership of a clan or a tribe.
iii. The government has centralized control and possesses the necessary power to maintain law
and order by both force and authority.
iv. The state is independent, and the government has enough power to meet external threats and
retain internal cohesiveness.
v. The population shows enough of stratification, which enables us to distinguish between the
emergent social classes of the ruler and the ruled.
vi. Productivity is high enough to ensure regular surplus, which is used for the maintenance of the
state organisation.
vii. The state has a common ideology on which the legitimacy of the ruling stratum is based.
It appears that several of these structural features including population, territory, and differentiation in
the population, central control, force, and surplus leading to taxes are common to Kautilaya’s definition
of a state system. According to Kautilaya’s Arthashastra, a state consisted of seven limbs (saptanga)
that were crucial for the constitution and functioning of it. These limbs are- Svami, Amatya, Janapada,
Durga, Kosa, Bala and Mitra. The Svami, stands usually for the king (raja), who is the foremost element
or limb of the state. The term Amatya refers to high-ranking functionaries of the state. Third in number
is Janapada, which stands for a territory and more precisely a populated territory. The term Durga does
not merely mean a fort, but a fortified urban area- possibly the capital of the realm. Kosa means
treasury that is considered a vital organ of the state. Since resources were needed to run various
department of the state, a greater emphasis is laid on a flourishing treasury. By collecting various types
of revenue, treasury was to be maintained. Bala, literally meaning force, is synonymous with the term
danda (rod). Therefore, danda/bala signifies the coercive authority of the ruler who is given the epithet,
the wielder of the rod of chastisement. Bala and danda, by extension therefore, also denote the army.
The last and seventh limb mitra means a friend, an ally. It implies that a state should not remain in
isolation, and therefore required the support of allied/friendly powers. This concept thus upholds that
each and every limb was indispensable and beneficial to other limbs. This represents a more organic
view of the state.
The roots of the developments, causing the rise of state society, lay in the period circa 1000-600 BC,
while some communities retained their tribal character, and others were making the transition towards
statehood. Larger political units were formed through the coalescing of tribes. The Purus and Bharatas
came together to form the mighty Kurus, the Turvashas and Krivis formed the Panchalas, and the
Kurus and Panchalas seem to have been allies or confederates. The confederacy of clans known as
the Kurus and the Panchalas dominated the western Ganga valley. The territories, which such clans
settle are referred to as the Janapadas. Each Janapada is identified by the ruling lineage whose name
is given to the territory. This is indicative of greater authority invested in the ruling lineage and such
lineages gradually dropped the term rajanya and assumed the designation of kshatriya, derived from

40
the root kshatra meaning power. The Vedic society that was divided into rajanya and vis, gradually
gave way to a more complex society. In fact, as the society became more complex the difference
between rajanya and vis increased. As a result, ruling lineages of rajanya category took kshatriya
identities, while from the ranks of vis rose vaishyas. At the same time, two other groups, viz.,
brahmanas or priests, and shudras, who were basically labourers and artisans came into existence. It
implies the emergence of a complex society that was stratified into four varnas comprising several
professional groups.
The emergence of monarchical state means the concentration of power in the hands of a king. The
supremacy of the rajan was achieved by sidelining rival claimants to power, establishing coercive
mechanisms, and control over productive resources. Like the Rigvedic rajan, the king in later Vedic
period was a leader in battle, who also protected settlements and people, especially brahmanas. He
was also considered the custodian of social order. Interestingly, in the Shatapatha Brahmana it was
maintained that the king after performing Vajapeya and Rajasuya sacrifices gains identity with
Prajapati. Thus, as a visible representative of Prajapati he rules over many. It clearly indicates the
crystallization of king’s authority and his distinct position vis-a-vis other tribal members. The Vedic
sacrifices thus became a tool to enhance the authority of the king over others. As a result, now he could
claim a greater control over productive resources. Bali, which was initially a voluntary offering, probably
consisting of agricultural produce and cattle, gradually became obligatory. The monarchical
Mahajanapadas upheld and maintained a clear distinction between the ruler and the subject. Unlike
tribal polity, the state polity has little relevance to kinship ties between the ruler and the ruled. In a
monarchy, the tie between the ruler and his subject population lies in their common residence within a
territorial entity. The claim over throne is decided by dynastic succession, in other words, on the virtue
of being born in a particular ruling family. In this way, the establishment of monarchy means end of a
tribal set up, in which a leader was either elected or selected because of his being equal in status to
other tribal members. Apart from the monarchies, there were polities that maintained their tribal
moorings and where political power was in the hands of assemblies, not kings.
4.3 Monarchy vis-à-vis Oligarchy
The most important development of the post Vedic period was the emergence of monarchies in the
Ganga Valley. The expansion of agriculture made possible the availability of resources for the
maintenance of army and bureaucratic structure to run the State. Under monarchical rule, a clear
difference between the king and subjected population (praja) is maintained. King claimed a share
(bhaga means share of produce which was generally 1/6 th of the entire produce and bali means
voluntary gift) of the agricultural produce in return of protection from internal as well as external
aggression. The boundaries of state, became more fixed by now, that were to be guarded by the king.
Since all the decision making powers resided in the hands of an individual (i.e., king), the mobilization
of resources, organization of bureaucracy and army, regularization of trade and commerce became
more efficient. Several new titles as nrpati, naresvara, narendra, naradhipa, etc, came in use for a king
to emphasise his sovereignty or lordship over all category of people (nara) in general. Panini in the
Ashtadhyayi calls a ruler ‘bhupati’, i.e., lord of the earth, which further reinforces that the king now
enjoyed an authority over well-defined territory. Kingship became hereditary. Rituals like Rajasuya,
Vajapeya and Asvamedha became a tool to legitimize the political authority. Under monarchies the
four-fold varna based social stratification also became increasingly prominent. Ranabir Chakravarti
points out that the main task of a monarchical state is to maintain law and order not by obliterating the
social inequalities, but by establishing an ordered society in spite of the differentiated social groups.
The emergence of monarchy was accompanied by the development of new theories to legitimize them.
The Sanskrit texts proposed a theory of divine origin of kingship. According to it the Vedic sages after
killing the tyrannous Vena, they created Nishada who was expelled, as he was not fit to rule. Then they

41
created Prithu and installed him as a king who introduced agriculture and farming. In this way kingship
was proposed as a gift of brahmana sages. Likewise, the Pali texts also formulated a theory to
legitimize kingly authority in terms of ‘social contract’ between the king and his praja. According to it, in
order to avoid theft in paddy fields, people together decided to ‘elect’ a ‘king’. The elected king was to
protect the people and their paddy fields. In return of protection, the king was to be paid in the form of a
share of paddy. These theories were formulated to legitimize the new form of ‘despotic’ state as well as
king’s right to collect taxes.
The gana-sanghas, on the other hand, were tribal oligarchies. The term ‘republic’ for gana or sangha is
misleading. The history of the term gana goes back to the Vedic period as the term gana has been
found at 64 places in the Rigveda, at nine places in the Atharvaveda and at several places in the
Brahmana texts. The root of the term gana is gan meaning ‘to count’ thereby literally it means ‘an
artificial collection of people.’ Hence, it is used in the sense of a tribal or clan solidarity in the Vedic
literature. As the society was largely pastoral during Vedic times, with limited agriculture, the main
source of resources was cattle raids, hence as R. S. Sharma suggests, the Vedic gana was an armed
organization of the whole clan or tribe. A change began to appear in the character of gana with the
expansion of agriculture and increasing sedentarizaton of society. By the time of Buddha, i.e., 6 th
century BC, various officers began to appear for handling the functioning of gana. These officers were
not present in the Vedic period. Now gana was prefixed with sangha, and the term gana-sangha began
to be used for a political setup, characterized by various scholars as oligarchy, with fixed territorial
boundaries. Based on their regional locations they can be categorized into two groups: one, those
situated in Himalayan foothills in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar; and second, those in the Indus
Basin, Punjab, and Rajasthan. Unlike them, the major monarchical kingdoms like Magadha, Vatsa,
Koshala, etc., of the period mainly occupied the fertile alluvial tracts of the Ganga Valley.
In gana-sanghas, the king was one among all the tribal members. He was generally selected or elected
for the position. The whole state was divided into small administrative units administered by a raja, who
was generally a head of a clan. The heads of these small administrative units were part of the main
assembly looking after the affairs of the state. The administration of the Shakyas and Lichchhavis
consisted of a raja (king), uparaja (vice-king), senapati (military commander), and bhandagarika
(treasurer). The decision making power was in the hands of the main assembly. Unlike Monarchical
system in which only the king had a right to maintain army, in gana-sangha, each raja had his own
army, storehouse, and administrative system. All the resources and revenue belonged to the king in
monarchical system. Nevertheless, in gana-sanghas, the resources were to be divided equally among
tribe members. Where the four-fold varna system was prevalent in monarchies, in gana-sanghas the
society was divided between kshatriyas, who controlled the land, and dasa-karamkaras, who provided
various services. Brahmanas as well as varna system hardly had any influence in gana-sanghas.
Important ganga-sanghas were Shakyas of Kapilvastu, Lichachhavis of Vaishali, and Mallas of
Kusinagara and Pava, Bulis of Alakappa, Kalamas of Kesaputta, Moriyas of Pipphalivana, and Bhaggas
(Bhargas) of Sumsumara hill, which flourished in the middle of the first millennium BC.

4.4 Sixteen Mahajanapadas

The Buddhist text, Anguttara Nikaya mentions the presence of sixteen (solasa) Mahajanapadas
wielding considerable political and economic powers in the post Vedic period. The presence of many
Mahajanapadas in north India further implies that the region in question was not under the occupation
of a handful number of dominant powers, but saw the co-existence of multiple powers, vying for political
mastery. These are as follows:
1. Kashi- It was situated in south-eastern Uttar Pradesh with its capital Varanasi (Benares).
According to Jain tradition, king Asvasena, the father of twenty-third tirthankara Parsvanatha

42
 ruled Benaras. The city Varanasi was famous for good quality textiles and was an important
trading centre.
2. Koshala- It largely comprises modern eastern Uttar Pradesh. It was divided by the Sarayu River
into two parts- northern part with Shravasti (Saheth-Maheth) and southern part with Kushavati
as capitals. Maheth is identified with the city and Saheth with the ancient monastery of
Jetavana. According to Buddhist traditions, Jetavana was donated to Buddha by his follower
Anathapindika.
3. Anga- The modern Bhagalpur-Monghyr region of Bihar has been identified with the Anga
Mahajanapada. It was separated from the Magadha by the river Champa after which the capital
city of Anga was named. The Jataka stories inform us that the merchants sailed from Champa
to Suvarnabhumi for trading purposes. From the Northern Black Polished Ware phase at
Champa is found remains of fortification, and a moat.
4. Magadha- It has been identified roughly with present south Bihar. The Ganga, Son, and
Champa rivers were situated on the north, west and east respectively, and the Vindhyas in the
south of the Magadha. It had two capitals. The first capital was Girivraja/Rajagaha (Rajgir) but
later it was shifted to Pataliputra (modern Patna). In the Vedic literature, the people of Magadha
have been despised for not following the Vedic rituals. It seems that an important trading route
starting from Paithan in Deccan, after going through the Ganga Valley terminated at Rajgir.
5. Vajji- It was situated in the north Bihar and was a confederacy of eight or nine clans (ganas).
Some of the important clans were Jnatrikas, Lichcchavis, Videhans (Videha), and Vajjis, etc.
Mahavira belonged to Jnatrika clan, which ruled from Kundagrama or Kundapura. Lichcchavis’
capital was Vaisali (Vesali or Veshali), which has been identified with modern Basarh in the
Muzzaffarpur district of Bihar. Initially in the Vedic period, Videha with its capital Mithila (modern
Janakpur in Nepal) was a monarchy. However, in the post-Vedic period it was transformed into
an oligarchy.
6. Malla- It was situated in North-Eastern Uttar Pradesh, and like Vajji it was a confederacy of
about nine clans. It had two capitals: Kusavati/Kusinara (modern Kashia) and Pavapuri
(Padaraona village). It was a monarchy earlier, which by the 6 th century BC was transformed
into an oligarchy.
7. Chetiya or Chedi- It has been identified with modern Bundelkhand. Its capital was Suktimati or
Sukti-sahvaya also known as Sotthivatinagara.
8. Vamsa or Vatsa- It was situated in the region south of river Ganga with its capital Kaushambi
(modern Kosam village near Allahabad). It was also connected with Deccan, the Ganga Valley
and the north-west through several trading routes.
9. Kuru- With its capital Indraprastha (modern Delhi), it has been identified with western Uttar
Pradesh and Haryana including Delhi. It was a monarchy up to the period of Buddha but
subsequently it was transformed into a sangha (oligarchy).
10. Panchala- It was situated in western Uttar Pradesh and roughly corresponded to present day
Rohilkhand area and a part of the central doab. It was divided by Ganga River into two parts:
northern Panchala with Ahichchhatra (present day Ramnagar in Bareilly district) and southern
Panchala with Kampilya (Kampil in Farukkhabad district) as capital cities. It seems like several
others Panchala also transformed into an oligarchy by the post Vedic period.
11. Matsya- It was located in modern Jaipur area in eastern Rajasthan with Viratanagara or Bairat
as its capital city. It probably also comprised parts of Alwar and Bharatpur.
12. Surasena- In the Greek sources it is mentioned as ‘Soursenoi’ along with its capital city Methora
(Mathura), situated on the Yamuna River. According to the Mahabharata, and the Puranas it
was ruled by the Yadu or Yadava family. Mathura was situated at the cross road of trading
routes linking north-west frontier region to the Ganga Valley in the east and to Malwa and
western seacoast in the south-west.

43
13. Assaka or Ashmaka/Ashvaka- It was situated on the bank of Godavari River in Deccan. The
Potana or Potali (modern Patan in Maharashtra) has been identified as its capital.
14. Avanti- It roughly corresponds to present day Malwa region of Central India. The Avanti
Maajanapada was divided by the Vindhyas into two parts: Northern Avanti with Ujjaini and
southern Avanti with Mahisamati (modern Maheshwar) as capital cities. At Ujjaini the trading
route coming from northern India bifurcated into two routes- one, leads to Deccan and further
south while another to western seacoast.
15. Gandhara- It comprised modern Peshawar and Rawalpindi districts of Pakistan and the Kashmir
Valley in India. Takshila was its capital, which was also a famous centre for trade and learning.
16. Kamboja- It has been identified with a region located in Hazara district of Pakistan. It was a
monarchy in the 6th century BC but in the Arthashastra it is mentioned as a gana-sangha. The
name of Kamboja’s capital is not clear.

4.5 The Magadha Empire

These sixteen Mahajanapadas were constantly at war with each-others to establish their authority over
the Ganga Valley. However, in this constant warfare, not all were fortunate enough to survive for long,
and at last four Mahajanapadas, e.g., Magadha, Koshala, Vatsa and Avanti emerged victorious by
subjugating the rests. Kashi perhaps was first to fall and was subjugated by the Koshalas. The
Magadhas had a marriage alliance with Koshalas as the daughter of Koshala king Mahakosala was
married to king Bimbisara of Magadha. In dowry, Bimbisara received Kashi village. It was Bimbisara,
also known as Srenika, who provided a strong foundation to the Magadhan Empire. According to
Ashvaghosha’s Buddhacarita, he belonged to the Haryanka kula (family). Under him, Rajagaha or
Rajagriha was the capital city. He was an expert diplomat and through matrimonial relations maintained
close relations with several contemporary political powers. Besides Koshala, he also contracted
matrimonial relations with Videhans and Madras. He received an embassy from Gandhara king, and
sent his chief physician Jivaka when king Pradyota of Avanti was suffering from Jaundice. He is also
credited with the annexation of Anga after defeating its ruler Brahmadatta. Bimbisara of Haryanka
dynasty reorganized the village administration and facilitated the safe roads for the traders as well as
ordinary peoples. The king Mahakosala was succeeded by his son Prasenajit, who also enjoyed
authority over the Sakyas of Kapilavastu. He provided patronage to both brahmanas as well as to
Buddha/Buddhist monks. The Vatsa kingdom came under king Udayana, who inherited it from his
father king Satanika Parantapa. It seems that he married, Vasuladatta or Vasavadatta, daughter of
Avanti king Pradyota. The Pradyota Mahasena was one of the most powerful kings of the period. The
Majjhima Nikaya informs us that Ajatasatru son of Bimbisara fortified his capital city Rajagriha due to
the fear of an invasion by Pradyota. The Magadhan king Ajatasatru usurped the throne after killing his
father Bimbisara. Soon after this, queen Kosaladevi, wife of Bimbidara, died. It made Prasenajit to take
back Kashi from Ajatasatru. As a result, there began a long drawn struggle between the two, which was
resolved after the marriage of Vajira, daughter of Prasenajit with Ajatasatru. The Kashi was given to
him in dowry. The king Prasenajit was soon deposed in a court coup, and died thereafter. Ajatasatru is
also credited with the conquest over the Lichcchavis of Vaishali by creating a dissention among their
ranks, with the help of his minister Vassakara. It is mentioned that he used two unique weapons-
mahasilakantaga (catapult to throw big stones) and rahamusala (chariot with an attached mace) in a
war against Vaishali.
Ajatasatru was succeeded by Udayin or Udayibbhadda. Udayin, the successor of Ajatasatru shifted the
capital from Rajagriha to Pataliputra (also known as Kusumapura), situated at the confluence of Ganga,
Son and Ghaghra rivers. On the other hand, king Palaka came to the throne of Avanti after his father
Pradyota. The Vatsa kingdom with its capital Kaushambi was annexed to the realm of Avanti by Palaka.
As several other kingdoms of western India were brought under Avanti, a direct struggle between

44
Avanti and Magadha became inevitable for the mastery over the Ganga Valley. The struggle continued
for a long period and could only reach to its conclusion in the time of Shishunagas. According to
legends, the people of Magadha drove out the ruling family and established an amtya (a high-ranking
official) as the new ruler. The king Shishunaga in this way replaced the Haryanka dynasty. It was also
followed by a complete annexation of Avanti, which probably also brought Vatsa kingdom under the
Shishunagas. May be Kosala was also annexed by him. It seems that Shishunaga also relocated the
capital of Magadha from Pataliputra to Vaishali. He was succeeded by his son Kalasoka or Kakavarna
(literally meaning the black Asoka or the crow coloured). Two most important events under him took
place. First, was the holding of second Buddhist council at Vaishali, and second was the relocation of
the capital city to Pataliputra. The Shishunagas were followed by the Nanda dynasty. The first Nanda
ruler was Mahapadma according to the Puranas. He is also known as Ugrasena in the
Mahabodhivamsa. The Puranas where calls him as a son of shudra woman, the Jain Parisishtaparvan
refers to him as the son of a barber. The Greek sources also provide similar information. According to
Curitus, his father was a barber who with the help of chief queen killed the reigning monarch and
usurped the throne. The Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela informs us about the conquest of
Kalinga by a Nanda ruler. The inscription records that a king named Nanda took away a Jina statue and
heirlooms of Kalinga kings to Magadha.
At the time of Alexander’s invasion, Dhana Nanda was ruling over Magadha. He is mentioned in the
Greek sources as Agrammes or Xandrames, which probably is a corrupt form of Sanskrit patronymic
Augrasainya (son of Ugrasena). He is mentioned as the most powerful king ruling over the people of
the east and the people of the Ganga Valley from his capital Pataliputra. Curitus describes the strength
of his army as comprising 20,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, 2,000 chariots, and 3,000 elephants. The
number of elephants according to Diodourus and Plutarch was 4,000 and 6,000 respectively. This may
or may not be an exaggeration but indeed, it suggests the fabulous wealth and resources controlled by
the Nanda rulers. This military might of the Nandas, besides other reasons, discouraged the
Macedonian soldiers to move further into the Indian subcontinent.
Reasons for the Rise of the Magadha Empire
Under the Nanda rulers, Magadha emerged as a vast empire comprising almost whole of the Ganga-
Yamuna doab, Ganga Valley, Central India and Deccan. The Nandas built a vast empire on the firm
foundations provided by the erstwhile dynasties of the Haryankas and the Shaishunagas. The Magadha
was ruled by most efficient and powerful rulers, such as Bimbisara of Haryanka dynasty. Bimbisara
reorganized the village administration and facilitated the safe roads for the traders as well as ordinary
peoples. Through marriage with the princess of Koshala, Vaishali and Madra he managed to
consolidate his position. He annexed Anga Mahajanapada. He was succeeded by his son Ajatasatru
who annexed Koshala as well as Vaishali. Udayin, the successor of Ajatasatru shifted the capital from
Rajagriha to Pataliputra, situated at the confluence of Ganga, Son and Ghaghra rivers. Sisunaga
dynasty replaced the Haryanka dynasty and completed the annexation of Avanti. They were followed
by the Nanda rulers, who brought Kalinga under Magadha suzerainty.
Scholars like D. D. Kosambi and R. S. Sharma have argued that the Magadha had an access to iron
ores situated in eastern India (present day Chhota Nagpur area of Jharkhand). It made possible the
availability of best types of weapons to the army. However, Upinder Singh argues otherwise. She point
out that the mines in the southern Bihar began to be exploited at much later date. In addition, Magadha
did not have an exclusive control over iron ores, because iron ores for pre-Industrial smelting were
available across India except the alluvial plains. As a result, control over iron ores cannot be held as the
only reason behind the rise of Magadha in the mid first millennium BC. However, the Chhota Nagpur
Plateau no doubt was rich in mineral resources and Magadha enjoyed an access to these. In addition,
the two capitals of Magadha were located at strategic locations providing natural protection to them.

45
The old capital city, Rajgriha was surrounded by five hills, which provided natural defensive walls to it.
Similarly, Pataliputra was situated at the confluence of Ganga, Son, and Ghaghra rivers providing
natural defence system to it. These natural defensive systems enjoyed by the Magadhans were not
available for its enemies. The same rivers providing protection to Pataliputra also facilitated easy river
transportation. This riverine transportation was economically advantageous for both traders as well as
armies.
The east of Allahabad region had fertile alluvial soil suitable for paddy cultivation. The easy irrigation
facilities from heavy rainfall and perennial rivers further made possible the expansion of agriculture and
high production. The Magadha also had access to timber and elephants available in eastern India. The
elephants were an important component of the Magadhan army. The society of Magadha was less rigid
and open to new ideas. The varna system and social stratification was no present here. Therefore, the
heterodox sects, like Jainism and Buddhism, could receive great support from people. In against of
Vedic varna rules, Magadha was ruled by many non-kshatriya rulers who were able and efficient. It
suggests that the ability and power of the ruler was one of the main criterions for succession rather than
the birth.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Write two key features of the gana-sangha.

___________________________________________________________________________
2. What is concept of saptanga-rajya?
___________________________________________________________________________
3. How many capitals did Avanit Mahajanapda have?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Write the names of Magadha’s capital cities.
___________________________________________________________________________
5. Which Magadha’s king is also known as Srenika?
___________________________________________________________________________

4.6 Summary
Students, the present chapter starts with a discussion related to the political developments in the
Ganga valley that in subsequent period laid foundation for the rise of Magadha Empire, under the
Nandas and the Mauryas. Janapadas, which were smaller, when expanded territories by annexing
other Janapadas, larger territorial units called Mahajanapadas came into existence. The Buddhist
literature informs us about sixteen Mahajanapadas that were constantly fighting for dominance, and it
eventually resulted in the rise of Magadha as a formidable power under the Nandas. Various factors
ranging from the powerful rulers to ecological-geographical factors to social conditions contributed in
the rise of Magadha.
4.7 References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.

46
  Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.
4.8 Further Reading
 Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas & Institutions in Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass:
New Delhi, 1996.

4.9 Model Questions

1. Discuss the salient characteristics of the state system that appeared in the mid Ganga valley.
2. How monarchy is different from gana-sangha?
3. Write an essay on the sixteen Mahajanapadas.
--s--

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 Lesson – 5
THE MAHAJANAPADAS: SOCIETY AND ECONOMY
Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Society
5.3 Jainism
5.4 Buddhism
5.5 Second Urbanization- A Debate
5.6 Economy: Trade and Crafts, and Agriculture (Formation of Peasant Economy)
5.7 Summary
5.8 References
5.9 Further Readings
5.10 Model Questions

5.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson, you will be able to:
 Critically analyse the second urbanization debate.
 Acquire knowledge regarding the social and economic hierarchy of post Vedic period.
 Acquire knowledge regarding the cities, trade, and craft activities.
 Understand the salient characteristics of Jainism and Buddhism.
 Gain information related to peasantry and agricultural production.

5.1 Introduction
Students, the rise of Mahajapadas took place along with second urbanization, crystallization of agrarian
economy, and consolidation of varna-jati social hierarchy. During the later Vedic period, agricultural
activities were confined to the Ganga-Yamuna doab region. However, by 600 BC onwards the region
east of Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh was brought under cultivation. The climate and soil, both are
conducive for intensive cultivation, particularly of paddy in the mid-Ganga valley. This region receives
an average 45-55 inches and in some regions even as high as 70 inches rainfall annually. The high
rainfall along with fertile alluvial soil and irrigation facilities from perennial rivers, such as Ganga and its
tributaries, resulted in bumper harvests of paddy. Expansion of agriculture, in this way, made available
enough resources to maintain those sections of society, which were not directly involved in production
activities. Non-producers like the rulers, bureaucrats, soldiers, priests, artisans, traders, artists, and so
forth, depending upon peasantry for food and resources, formed the backbone of the newly emerged
urban economy and state polity.

5.2 Society
By the end of later Vedic period, society was firmly divided into four-fold varna hierarchy. The greater
emphasis was laid upon the sacrifices and rituals involving the destruction of both livestock and

48
agricultural produces. At a time, when state system was emerging and cities were flourishing,
destruction of cattle wealth in sacrifices harmed production and generation of surplus. Since cattle were
important for rural economy, a widespread unrest grew among those, who were involved in production
activities, against animal killing in Vedic sacrifices. This unrest found a strong voice with the emergence
of Jainism and Buddhism by the 6 th century AD. These sects had philosophical and ideological
differences with each-others. However, one thing that was common among these sects was that they
both proposed a strong criticism of Vedic sacrifices and authority of brahmanas. Both, Jainism and
Buddhism propounded the concept of ahimsa (non-violence) against the destruction of cattle wealth in
the lavish Vedic rituals, which were accessible only to upper varnas. The renunciation and asceticism
gained greater acceptance during the post Vedic period. It referred to a life style under which comes a
person who had left his home/world, and survived upon the food offered as alms by kind householders.
The renunciation in Buddhism and Jainism did not mean a complete separation of the monk or nun
from the world. Rather, it meant their joining a new order or world (with distinct rules and regulations),
which continued to maintain a link with the material world for survival.
5.3 Jainism
The Jain literature provides a list of 24 tirthankaras, out of which Mahavira was the twenty-fourth. The
first tirthankara was the Rishbhanatha also known as Adinatha. According to Jain traditions, parent of
Mahavira were the follower of Parshvanatha, who was the 23 tirthankara, born in the house of king
Asvasena of Banaras. Because of this, it is believed that Parshvanatha was also the teacher of
Mahavira.
Mahavira
Mahavira, also known as Vardhamana, was the son of Jnatrika clan chief, Siddhartha. The Jnatrika
clan was associated to Lichchhavi clan of Vaishali to which Mahavira’s mother Trishala belonged. She
was the sister of Lichchhavi chief Chetaka. The Jain traditions believe that before the birth of Mahavira,
he was conceived by a brahmana woman named Devananda. However, due to divine intervention the
embryo was transferred into the womb of Trishala. It perhaps was an attempt on the part of Jain
ideologues to attach both brahmana and kshatriya affiliations with Mahavira as both the varnas were
held superior in ancient society. He was born in 539/540 BC in Kundagrama (modern Basarh) near
Vaishali and died in 467/468 BC at the age of 72 at Pavapuri near Rajagir. He married Yasoda and had
a daughter named Priyadarsana or Anuja. Unlike Svetambaras, the Digambaras believed that Mahavira
never married. He renounced the world at the age of 30 after the death of his parent, and for years he
wandered along with a group of ascetics, called nirgranthas (i.e., free from books or bonds). After 12
long years penance, he attained enlightenment and was called jina (conqueror), tirthankara (ford-
maker) and arhat (worthy). He attained enlightenment in a field near Jrimbhika-grama, situated at the
bank of river Rijupalika. Even though he was not the founder of Jainism, he indeed popularized it
among the masses.
In the time of Mahavrira, Jainism spread in parts of present day Bihar, western districts of West Bengal
and eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh. In subsequent centuries, Jainism spread along the two-caravan
routes. One went towards Delhi and Mathura and from there into Gujarat. Second route went
southward along the seacoast into Odisha (known as Kalinga), and from there to various parts of South
India (i.e., Tamil Nadu, Kerala etc.). From Lohanipur (in present day Bihar) a nude male torso is found
of the Mauryan Age. This torso is considered to have been of a Jain tirthankara. It, hence, becomes the
earliest evidence of the image worship as no image of Buddhist and Brahmana deity is found of this
period. The Jain traditions inform us that, 160 years after the death of Mahavira (in the reign of
Chandragupta Maurya) took place the first Jain council at Pataliputra (present day Patna, Bihar). At this
council 12 Angas (canonical literature) were composed. The second council took place after 827 years
of Mahavira’s death (i.e., 4th -5th centuries AD) simultaneously at two places- Mathura (Uttar Pradesh)

49
under Skandila and Valabhi (Gujarat) under Nagarjuna. In the second council, the Jain canonical
literature was given a final form.
The Schism
In Jain sangha, possibly the schism took place in the 3 rd century BC during the reign of the Mauryan
king Chandragupta. During his reign a twelve years long famine took place in Magadha. As a result, a
section of Jain community migrated to south under the leadership of Bhadrabahu. Other Jain monks
remained in Magadha under the leadership of Sthalabahu. Those who were left behind in Magadha
were allowed to wear a piece of white cloth. When the Jain monks returned from the south they blamed
those, who had been left behind for violating the Jain norms as they had begun to wear a piece of cloth.
It resulted in a schism and Jainism was divided into two sects- Svetambaras (White clad) and
Digambaras (Sky clad). According to Jain traditions, towards the end of his life Chandragupta Maurya
adopted Jainism and migrated to south with the Jain monks. He died there by practicing a fast unto
death (sallekhana). Jainism, like Buddhism allowed women to join Jain sangha or monastery but
provided only a subordinated position to them within it. Nuns were made answerable to monks, and
subjected to their authority. Digambaras preached complete nudity and associated clothes with
passion, sexual desire, and shame. Therefore, according to them women were incapable of attaining
salvation, as they could not practice nudity. Digambara monk did not carry a bowl, and therefore, they
received alms in their cupped hands. They only carried a broom with them to remove living beings from
their path. Contrarily, Svetambaras preferred wearing white clothes. They believed in women’s capacity
to attain salvation. The 19 th tirthankara Malli or Mallinatha, according to Svetambaras, was a woman,
while Digambaras argued of his being a male.
Jain Philosophy
Out of the five principle vows, which are considered as the central pillars of Jainism, four were
formulated by Parshvanath and one was later added by Mahavira to the list of five. The five principle
vows are as following:
1. Not to lie (satya)
2. Not to steal (asteya)
3. Not to hurt (ahimsa)
4. Not to hoard (aparigraha)
5. Practice of Celibacy (brahmcharya)
The vows aim to bring inner purification among the followers. Likewise, Tri-ratnas or three Jewels- right
knowledge, right action, and right faith, are also considered necessary to attain salvation. The Jains
believed that every action should be followed by the notion of right conduct comprising five principle
vows in order to avoid anger, pride, deceit, and greed. Mahavira preached sever asceticism and
advocated complete nudity. According to Jainism, even a smallest particle on earth has a life; therefore,
they attach great importance to non-violence. Jainism completely rejected hunting and animal
husbandry as an occupation for Jain laity. Six occupations – governance, writing, farming, artistic
professions, and trade – are considered suitable for a laity in Jain literature. Contrary to Buddhism,
Jains emphasized upon an extreme form of non-violence; they strictly observed vegetarianism.
They believed in the transmigration of soul, and held good or bad acts (karmas) responsible for a birth
in higher or lower varna. According to Jain philosophy, every act performed with passion, desire, and
hatred by human beings attract similar karma particles, floating in the space. Karma is regarded as a
physical substance floating in the universe, and soul (jiva), which experiences diverse passions,
attracts these karma particles due to good/bad physical acts, false belief, indiscipline, carelessness,
and so forth. In fact, involuntary actions, motivated by carelessness and ignorance, also have negative

50
karmic effect. Good acts therefore, bring good results and bad acts bring bad results. In fact, good or
bad acts, done with or without any intention, too produce karma effect. Only the right knowledge and
faith makes a human being to act without passion, desire, hatred, and ignorance. Therefore, acts,
guided by right knowledge and faith, attract no bad/good karma particle. As a result, human being
ultimately attains salvation (moksha). Here, right knowledge and faith is associated with Jain principles
and monastic life. The Jain ideologues had also discussed the nature of reality and founded the
doctrines of anekantavada (theory of multiple forms of realty) and syadvada (theory of may be).
According to these doctrines, there is no absolute reality as every judgement, we make is relative to the
particular aspect of the object we are judging and the point of view from which we judge it. The
essential point behind syadavada and anekantavada is that reality cannot be grasped in its entirety and
complexity. All that is possible are a number of partially true statements about it. The Jains believed in
Gods but placed them at a lower position then the tirthankaras.
5.4 Buddhism
The near contemporary of Mahavira was Gotama Buddha, who founded Buddhism. Buddha also known
as Sidhartha was the son of Shakya clan chief, Suddhodhana. His mother was Mahamaya, a princess
from Koshalan dynasty. He was born in 567 BC in Lumbini (in present day Nepal) near Kapilavastu.
Soon after birth, Sidhartha lost his mother and he was brought up by a foster mother named
Mahaprajavati Gotami. He died at the age of 80 in 487 BC in Kusinagara (Kashia, Uttar Pradesh). This
event is known in Buddhist literature as mahaparinibbana. He was married to his cousin
Yasodhara/Yasoda and had a son named Rahula from her. According to Buddhist traditions, Sidhartha
became agitated after seeing an old man, a diseased man, and a corpse. Then he saw an ascetic in a
simple yellow rob with calm face. It all made him realise the futileness of material world. Then, he
decided to renounce the world at the age of 29. After going through severe penance at the age of 35,
he attained enlightenment at Bodhgaya, under a pipal tree. He gave his first sermon in Deer Park at
Sarnath (in Banaras) to his five former companions, who had deserted him. Buddha’s sermon greatly
influenced them, and they subsequently, accepted Buddha as their teacher. This event is called in
Buddhist literature as dharmachakraparivartna (Discourse on the turning of the Wheel of Law).
Buddhist Councils
1) The first Buddhist council (sangiti) took place soon after the death of Buddha at Rajagriha
(present day Rajgir in Bihar) under the patronage of king Ajatasatru of Magadha. The council
was presided over by Mahakassapa. In this council, major parts of Sutta Pitaka and Vinaya
Pitaka were composed.
2) The second council took place at Vaishali after 100 years of Buddha’s death. In this council took
place a major schism. The sangha was divided into the Mahasanghikas (also known as
‘Members of Great Community’) and Theravadins or Sthaviravadins (also known as ‘Believers in
the Great Community’).
3) The third Buddhist council was convened under the Mauryan king Asoka at Pataliputra and was
presided over by a monk Moggaliputta Tissa. In this council, the compilation of Tripitaka was
completed. Following this council, missionaries were sent to different parts of the worlds
including Sri Lanka, to spread the teachings of Buddha.
4) The fourth council took place in Kashmir under Kushana King Kanishka’s patronage. The
council was presided over by Vasumitra and commentaries on Buddhist doctrines were
compiled known as ‘Vibhasha Shastras’. At this council, a schism took place resulting in the
formation of two different schools of Buddhism: Mahayana (Greater Vehicle), and Hinayana
(Lesser Vehicle).
Buddhist Philosophy

51
Buddha, unlike Mahavira, rejected extreme asceticism. He also condemned over indulgence in material
life and sensual pleasures. He preached a middle path to his followers to practice in order to attain
nirvana (salvation or emancipation from the cycle of life and death). He propounded the four noble
truths (caturaryasatya), which are:
1. The world is full of sorrow;
2. Sorrow has a cause that is desire;
3. Sorrow can be removed by overcoming the desires; and,
4. It can be achieved by following the eightfold path (ashtangikamarga).

The suffering was the central point in Buddha’s doctrine, which was caused by desire. Therefore, by
stopping all the desire, suffering could be removed. Desires could be stopped, Buddha explained, by
strictly following the eightfold path:
1. Right Faith
2. Right Recollection
3. Right Action
4. Right Meditation/Concentration
5. Right Speech
6. Right Endeavour
7. Right Livelihood
8. Right Thought

He also advocated the observance of a) Silas (moralities), b) Samadhi (Concentration), and c) Prajan
(Insight). Buddh accepted karma theory and held good and bad karmas responsible for the sorrow and
hardships in human life. The karma may be mental, oral, or physical. Its nature is judged by the
accompanying volition. Noticeably, involuntary or unconscious acts are not treated as karma in
Buddhism. However, it rejected the presence of soul. Buddhism also rejected the presence of Gods
and Universal Soul (Brahman). Buddha did not engage with the question of god or creation of universe
or soul, which he considered futile. Though both Jainism and Buddhism emphasise upon ahimsa (non-
violence) but in comparison with Jainism, Buddhism has a milder attitude towards it. In Buddhism,
ahimsa implies deliberate avoidance of injury to living beings. It is maintained that both physical violent
action and intension behind is must be shunned in order to observe non-violence. Either to kill
deliberately or make others to kill or torture, implies violent act. Hence, violence can take place in
physical, verbal and thoughts forms. Buddhism does not preach extreme observance of ahimsa.
Buddhist monks were allowed to take meat but only if given in alms, and not prepared specially for
them.
Popular Buddhist Sects
Three important sects that are associated with Buddhism are- Mahayana, Hinayana, and Vajarayana.
In the Mahayana (Great Vehicle) Buddha was raised to the status of god and began to be worshipped
in various image forms. Now Buddha was conceptualized as a benevolent divine being, who if
worshipped would fulfil the desires of the devotees. The emergence of Mahayana school is traced back
to the Mahasanghika School or “Members of Great Community”, which developed after a split at
Second Buddhist council at Vaishali. The other group, which was formed in the same council, was
Sthaviravadins (Pali Theravadis), also known as “Believers in the Great Community”. Mahayanist

52
believed that everyone could attain Buddhahood through the various stages of Boddhisattava. Now the
idea of grace or devotion was integrated within Buddhism by forming a new concept of “Buddha-to-be,”
i.e., Boddhistavas. The Boddhistavas were the enlightened beings, who choose not to attain salvation
in order to help others to attain it. In this way, the “great compassion” or maha-karma became the key
element of the Mahayanist idea of Boddhisatva. A distinction was made between being an arhat and
being a Boddhisatva. Since becoming arhat means emancipation from the cycle of birth and death, it
was seen as a selfish or lesser goal. In its place the idea of Boddhisatva was given a higher place as it
aims for the salvation of all including even of a tiniest insect. It was maintained that after performing
paramitas or meritorious acts (e.g., true knowledge, generosity, good conduct, forbearance, mental
strength, meditation, and determination, etc.) one could become Boddhisatava. The idea of
transference of merit became important as it was maintained that the worship of Boddhistavas would
accrue merit and bring prosperity to the devotees; and this accumulated merit would ultimately held a
devotee to attain salvation.
Such beliefs were different from the teachings of Hinayanists, who maintained that no one could help
others to attain salvation except showing the right path through examples and advice. Therefore,
according to them, everyone should strive for his own salvation (nirvana) and become an arhat.
Hinayanist believed that Buddha and Boddhisatvas were not gods rather were celestial beings. They
believed that not everyone could attain Buddhahood. Hinayanists spread into Sri-Lanka, Myanmar, and
South-East Asia. They believed in good deeds and self-control (based on four noble truths and eight
fold paths) as the only way to attain salvation, while Mahayanists attached great importance to image
worship, lavish rituals and gift giving. The Mahayana was gradually spread into China via Central Asia,
Korea, and Japan. It developed two schools of philosophy- Madhyamika and Yogachara. Nagarjuna,
who was contemporary of Kanishka, was an important philosopher of the Madhyamika School. The
philosophy of shunyata or void was associated with this School. According to this philosophy, nothing is
permanent. Hence, as neither appearance nor substances are real the “Void” or “Emptiness” alone had
real existence. On the other hand, Yogachara School attached great importance to meditation. They
believed that the world was unreal as being built by consciousness. Hence, it was nothing more than a
dream. According to this school, the only reality was “such-ness” also known as Tathata or
Dharmadhtu, which was equivalent to Nagarjuna’s “Void”. In comparison to Madhyamika School, this
school was less popular.
The Vajarayana (Vehicle of Thunderbolt), which largely comprised tantric practices and rituals,
developed in the region of Magadha, Nepal, Assam, Bengal, and Orissa. From here, it spread into
Tibet. Tara, a female goddess associated with Buddhist Tantra was a feminine personification of the
idea of compassion. Traditions maintain that she was born out of the tears of Boddhistava
Avalokiteshvara. The tear was dropped when the eyes of Avalokiteshwara were filled with tears out of
compassion for all human beings. It was maintained that every Buddha and Boddhisatava had a
spouse, named Tara, which was the source of “force” or “potency” of her husband. It was believed that
it was only through the active goddesses that one could approach a transcendent god. Hence, sexual
union became a mean of productive aspect of the divine. It ultimately led to the incorporation of sexual
union in the ritual practices and rites. The aim of the monk in Tantric Buddhism was to attain magical
and supernatural powers, which required the pronunciation of right formula in right manner (mantra) or
drawing of a correct magical symbol (yantra).
The Sangha
The sangha (monastery) was established in the life of Buddha. Initially, Buddha was not in favour of
allowing women to join sangha but at the insistence of his disciple Ananda he agreed to allow them.
Even though women were allowed to join Sangha, they were given a subordinate position. They were
subjected to the authority of elder monks. Several rules and regulations were laid down for monks and

53
nuns in the Vinaya Pitaka. These rules covered all aspects of the life of Buddhist monks and nuns.
These rules were laid down after keeping in mind the opinion of the lay people regarding the conducts
of monks and nuns. The aim was to maintain the integrity of sangha institution. The monks and nuns
were commanded not to travel during rainy season and stay at one place. Perhaps these temporary
stays at one place gradually lead to the establishment of permanent monastic settlements at different
places. The male lay follower was called upasaka and female lay follower upasika. They were the
persons who had accepted Buddhist teachings, but had not taken monastic way of life. They were
required to practice ten vows, which are:
a) Non-violence,
b) Not to steal,
c) Avoid sexual misconduct or practice chastity,
d) Not to lie,
e) Not to consume intoxicants,
f) Avoid slandering,
g) Avoid arrogant,
h) Avoid greed,
i) Avoid animosity, and
j) Avoid heretical view.

Besides members of royal families, people coming from several artisanal-craft groups, mercantile class
like setthis, vaniks, sarthavahas and people coming from agricultural sections like gahapatis provided
patronage to Buddhism. These sections, which are generally assigned the vaishya varna in
Brahmanical social hierarchy, were provided a higher social status in both Buddhism and Jainism.
The major reason for the immense support received from mercantile class by Buddhism as well as
Jainism was their ideological support to their occupation. Both, Buddhism and Jainism supported usury,
and long distance trade, which was despised by the Dharmasutras. Furthermore, according to the
Dharmasutras, cities were not fit for the performance of Vedic sacrifices and rituals. Therefore, a
brahmana student should avoid visiting a city. In the view of Brahmana ideologues, overseas and long-
distance trade would cause a loss of caste, and therefore it was prohibited. Contrary to Dharmasutras,
Buddha provided a firm support to the concept of private property as well as strict family structure.
Slaves, thieves, and royal employees were debarred from joining sangha. The teachings of Buddha
and Mahavira, which supported preservation of cattle wealth, had a wider impact. Their emphasis upon
non-violence and criticism of Vedic sacrifice was in the interest of peasantry particularly the big land
owning groups like gahapatis. As the agriculture spread in the fertile lands of the Ganga Valley the
cattle became increasingly important not only for dairy products but also for ploughing and
transportation.
A closer study of Jain and Buddhist literature shows that though they criticized Vedas and varna-jati
hierarchy, brahmanas and kshatriyas continued to be seen as higher social categories. They placed
kshatriyas before brahmanas in social hierarchy and shudras remained at the bottom of it. Both Jains
and Buddhists used the word brahmana in two senses- a) a brahmana varna and b) as a higher social-
intellectual status. Therefore, Buddha at certain places is called brahmana, indicating his higher social-
intellectual status. In fact, Buddhism had larger number of monks from brahmana and kshatriya varnas.
So was the case with Jainism, as all the chief disciples as well as teachers (acharys) of Mahavira were
brahmanas. The major section of Jain as well as Buddhist laity comprised mainly the wealthy

54
merchant/agriculturalist class (setthis, gahapatis), but even their presence in sangha was not high.
Likewise, though ideologically shudra’s entry into sangha was not barred their presence was negligible
only. It appears that both Jainism and Buddhism though began with a criticism of Vedic sacrifices and
the authority of brahmanas, they continued to function within the social structure which was highly
brahmanical. They managed to garner the support of wealthy and upper sections of the society, but
failed to change the societal hierarchy completely. They created parallel institution of sangha, which
possibly was based on egalitarian principles. However, within sangha gender hierarchies remained the
same as they were outside of it. These sects, thus, should be studied in the larger social, political, and
economic developments, which were taking place in that period.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Who was the first Jain tirthankara?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. Write the name of Mahavira’s wife.
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Explain Jain tri-ratnas.
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Comment on Buddhist tri-ratnas.
___________________________________________________________________________
5. Write the name of Sidhartha’s foster mother.
___________________________________________________________________________
6. Where second Buddhist council took place?
___________________________________________________________________________
7. What is the different between Svetambaras and Digambaras?
___________________________________________________________________________
8. Write a short note on karma theory.
___________________________________________________________________________

5.5 Second Urbanization- A Debate

In the view of D. D. Kosambi iron technology stimulated the spread of plough agriculture by clearing the
forests in the Ganga valley. It resulted in the production of sufficient surplus to sustain non-producing
sections of society, expansion of trade, emergence of metallic currency as well as towns and heterodox
sects like Buddhism and Jainism. Kosambi also attributed the success of Magadha against its enemies
to its proximity to the iron ores of eastern India in Chotanagpur. Kosambi’s views were further
developed by R. S. Sharma. Due to iron technology, agricultural production intensified in the Ganga
valley, and surplus became available, which could be collected and utilised by the kings to maintain
permanent army and bureaucracy. The dense forests of lower Ganga valley could only be cleared with
the help of iron axes. So is the case with heavy soil of Patna (in Bihar), which required the use of iron -
plough-share for cultivation by breaking it. As a section of society became free from production
activities, it could involve in professions such as bureaucracy, trade, manufacturing, rituals,
entertainment, and so forth. As a result, cities emerged, which particularly were the centre of non-

55
agrarian activities. The views of Kosambi and Sharma are criticised by scholars like A. Ghosh, Dilip K.
Chakrabarti and K. T. S. Sarao.
Surplus, according to A. Ghosh, is not a technical outcome, but it is a product of social and political
developments. When certain socio-political institutions begin to force the peasants for surplus
production, only then it was produced and diverted to non-agricultural activities. For example, the iron
technology, in spite of being known to the people of megalithic cultures, did not give rise to cities in
peninsular India. It shows that mere presence of some technology cannot make possible socio-political
and economic developments. It is also noticeable that from only four places (i.e., Ropar, Jakheda,
Kaushambi and Vaishali) iron-plough-share is found. Studies show that iron was used for military
purposes in the beginning, and only at later stage, it was used in agriculture and craft production. Dilip
K. Chakrabarti argues that knowledge of agriculture was already present in the Chalcolithic and
Neolithic cultures of India. Therefore, iron only stimulated, not created the already established village
economy based on agriculture as well as hunting. According to K. T. S. Sarao, cities emerged from
rural background in the Ganga valley, and initially they were the seats of political authorities. As the
demands of these primary cities, which were the centre of administration and ruling elites, grew, craft,
trade and commerce centric secondary cities began to emerge in the sixth century BC. In this way, A.
Ghosh, Dilip K. Chakrabarti, and K. T. S. Sarao held social and political reasons responsible for the
second urbanization.
5.6 Economy: Trade and Crafts, and Agriculture (Formation of Peasant Economy)
The emergence of sixteen Mahajanapadas and numerous cities in Northern India, with main
concentration in mid-Ganga valley was crucial in the rapid development of trade and commerce in the
region. The Mahajanapadas comprised several types of rural as well as urban settlements as appears
from the contemporary literature. The terms mentioned in Pali texts, like kuti, and grama, referred to
rural settlements. The kuti possibly was a settlement comprising two or three small houses or huts. The
term grama meant a village, or a hamlet, or a temporary settlement or even a caravan camped at one
place for some month. There were also present, settlements of specific professionals or craftsmen,
e.g., aramika-grama (village of park attendants), vaddhaki-grama (village of carpenters), nalakara-
grama (village of reed makers), and lonakara-grama (village of salt makers). The villages of brahmanas
and chandalas are also mentioned. The village head is mentioned as gamika/gramika or gama-
gamani/grama-gramani. Several terms like nigama, nagara, rajadhani, pura, mahanagara, pattana, and
puta-bhedana referred to settlements different from mere villages. The nigama as standing between a
village and a city perhaps referred to a market place, or to a small town of predominantly commercial
character. The term nagara referred to both fortified city and a city without fortification. On the other
hand, mahanagara referred to a great or big city. For example according to Mahaparinibbana Sutta
Champa, Rajagriha, Sravasti/Shravasti, Saketa (Ayodhya), Koshambi, and Varanasi were the
mahanagaras (big cities). The term rajadhani was in use for capital city, and pura referred to a fortified
settlement. It appears that where pura referred to only a fortified area of city, nagara contrary to it
referred to an area comprising the pura as well as an area outside it. The term pattana was used for a
port-town generally associated with commercial activities. Likewise, puta-bhedana ‘…was an interior
port or a transportation settlement, located at the bend or confluence of a river’. Ranabir Chakravarti
has pointed out that the term puta-bhedana meant a settlement where lids of the boxes or packages
(i.e. puta) of merchandise were broken or opened (i.e. bhedana). The capital city Pataliputra of
Magadha is mentioned as a puta-bhedana in Pali texts.
In the North-West Taxila (in present day Pakistan) was the entry point for traders coming from central
and western Asia. Taxila was linked to the cities like Mathura, Kaushambi, Sravasti/Shravasti, Kashi,
Vaishali, and Pataliputra in the Ganga valley. These cities were both political and commercial centres,
where goods were brought from far off places for trade. These cities were generally fortified for
protection from invasions as well as floods. The Ganga-river system also provided easy and cheap river

56
transportation and it stimulated the trading activities in the region. The major trans-regional route of
northern India linking the port of Tamralipti on the Bay of Bengal to North Western frontier region via
Ganga Valley was known as Uttarapatha. It had two major sections. The northern section starting in
North-West frontier region ran through Taxila, Lahore, Jalandhar, and Saharanpur. From there it ran
through Bijnor, Gorakhpur towards Bihar along the Gangetic plains. The southern section of
Uttarapatha proceeded from Lahore to Pataliputra and Rajagriha via Rawalpindi, Bhatinda, Delhi,
Hastinapur, Kanpur, Lucknow, Varanasi, and Allahabad. These two sections were also connected to
several feeder or local routes. The Dakshinapatha (Southern trans-regional route) traversed the
Vindhyas and then ran through the fertile Malwa plateau to reach Deccan and further south, and, to
reach Sopara on the western cost of India. These routes were not only traversed by the monks and
armies, but also by the traders, artisans, and other professionals.
The setthis were the rich merchant financiers residing in urban centres. Traders were known either from
the commodity they traded (e.g., horse dealers, cattle-dealers), or from the place, they hailed (e.g.,
trader from Madra, trader from gandhara). The Buddha is shown in Buddhist sources as associating the
prosperity of cities with the activities of merchants, who were the re-distributors of commodities. Their
success in commercial activities, according to Buddha, rested upon- a) the insight into product quality,
price and profitability, b) shrewdness and c) dependability. The most influential members of merchant
class were the caravan traders, who were known as sarthavahas. They lead caravans and visited far
off places for trade. Overseas trade is also mentioned in Pali texts. India exported timber to Persia from
about 6th century BC onwards, and maintained trading relations with those living in South-East Asia.
The Greek texts often record the export of ebony from India to west. Besides timber, ivory objects,
dyes, and precious stones were also exported. The period also witnessed the use of metallic currency
for the first time. It came to be known as karshapanas or punch marked coins, struck at the weight
standard of 32 ratis or 57.6 grains. These coins are mostly available in silver but copper coins are also
found. They were possibly issued by the individuals or group of merchants. They had various marks on
one side, without any name. Terms like nishaka, satmana, kamsa, pada, masaka and kakanika,
frequently mentioned in Pali texts, now definitely referred to coins. The emergence of monetary
economy does not mean that barter system disappeared completely. It possibly continued to be in
practice in small level transactions. Cowry shells were also in use for economic transactions.
Several new professions and occupations now began to emerge. The king, who was the biggest
employer, maintained numerous employees such as- foot soldiers, archers, cavalry members, elephant
crops, charioteers, several ministers, governors, estate managers, royal chamberlain, elephant trainers,
police officers, jailors, slaves, and wage earners. Besides urban professionals like physician, surgeon,
and scribe, actors, dancers, magicians, acrobats, drummers, courtesans and ordinary prostitutes were
present in cities. Among artisans, vehicle maker, ivory worker, metal smith, goldsmith, silk weaver,
carpenter, needle maker, reed maker, garland maker, potter, weavers, jeweller, washer-man, and
barber were some of the important artisans. Many artisans were organized in guilds or professional
groups, which are mentioned in contemporary literature as gana, puga, sreni, and sangha. These guilds
comprised members belonging to same profession or craft. Such groups had their own rules and
regulations. The Gautama Dharmasutra associates agriculture, trade, animal husbandry, and usury
with the vaishyas. It also informs us that the farmers, traders, moneylenders, herdsmen and artisans
could lay down norms for their own professions. Even king is advised to take into account these norms
before taking any decision in matters relating to these professional groups.
By the sixth century BC, society increasingly became stratified and various professional groups
emerged. It was a period characterised by agrarian expansion, introduction of iron tools for maximizing
production, and formation of a stratified peasantry. The spread of plough cultivation, paddy
transplantation, and knowledge of varieties of rice, wheat, barley, sesame, mustard, lentils, plantation,
and mangoes indicate the crystallization and consolidation of sedentary peasant farming. In Irfan

57
Habib’s view, the peasant means a person, who undertakes agriculture on his own, working with his
own implements and using the labour of his family. Thus, peasantry comprises several groups ranging
from peasant proprietors to seasonal sharecroppers to landless labourers. The peasant is integrated
with his family household, a typical, and the most representative unit of production. Contemporary
literature informs us about various peasant groups, and thereby, it highlights the point that the
peasantry had not been a homogenous category. The Pali texts frequently refer to gahapatis as big
landowners. Brahmana-gahapatis are also mentioned contemporary literature, which suggests that as a
social category gahapati did not exclusively belonged to Buddhism or Brahmanism. Ordinary peasants
were known as karsaka or krsivala or kinasa. Through the control over vast landed resources,
gahapatis managed to accumulate enough wealth. Subsequently, some of them also started investing
in trade and commerce. The gahapatis, who were engaged in agriculture and invested in trade, came to
be known as setthi-gahapatis. They cultivated their land with the help of dasas (slaves) and karmakaras
(hired labourers). Terms like pamara, and halavahaka were other terms in use for landless labourers.
However, pamara, halavahaka, dasa and karmakaras were landless, they were crucial for sustaining
the mechanism of agrarian production. Rich bankers and financers, who were extremely rich, are called
setthis in Pali literature. Kutumbins were well-to-do peasant householders with a control over some
land. Since peasantry, particularly peasant proprietors, had been the main taxpayers, they constituted
an important component of state society.
Various processes associated with agriculture starting with ploughing, followed by sowing, irrigation,
removing unwanted plants, reaping, threshing, winnowing, and storing the crop are recorded in the
Vinaya Pitaka. Several implements were used in agriculture like plough with or without iron share,
sickles, spade, and various digging tools. Large number of crops both rabi (winter crops) and kharif
(autumn crops) comprising paddy, wheat, barley, millet, beans, rye, oats, lintels, sesame and
sugarcane were cultivated. The best quality of paddy was called sali and it was grown in Magadha.
Paddy transplantation was in practice, which further boosted its production. Among oils, sesame oil,
mustard oil, and castor oil, and among fibres, cotton, flax, and hemp were cultivated. Indigo and
madder were grown to produce dyes. Several of spices like long pepper, round pepper, beetroot, onion,
turmeric, ginger, and garlic, etc., were also cultivated.
Self Assessment questions.
1. Write a short note on Uttarapatha.
___________________________________________________________________________

2. What is the meaning of the term karshapanas?

___________________________________________________________________________

3. Who were gahapatis?

___________________________________________________________________________

4. Write a short note on guilds.

___________________________________________________________________________
5. Who were Setthis?
___________________________________________________________________________
6. How does Irfan Habib define peasantry?
___________________________________________________________________________
5.7 Summary

58
Students, the age of Mahajanpadas witnessed second urbanization in the Ganga valley, when several
cities, both as political and economic centres, became prominent. The expansion of agriculture enabled
the production of surplus, required for the sustenance of non-food producing classes such as rulers,
bureaucrats, priests, artisans, traders and so forth. Erstwhile religious practices such as grand
sacrifices involving the destruction of animal and grain wealth, lost popularity and both Jainism and
Buddhism, preaching non-violence, gained wider support. In nutshell, the post Vedic period/age of
Mahajanapdas witnessed the formation of a much complex society and economy, particularly in the mid
Ganga valley that became catalyst for subsequent developments in other parts of India.
5.8 References
 Sahu, B. P., (ed.) Iron and Social Change in Early India, Oxford University Press: New Delhi,
2006.
 Shrimali, K. M., The Age of Iron and the Religious Revolution, c.700-c.350 BC. (A People’s
History of India 4), Aligarh Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika Books: New Delhi, reprint
2011.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

5.9 Further Readings

Basham, A. L., The Wonder That Was India (A survey of the history and culture of the Indian
sub-continent before the coming of the Muslims), Picador an imprint of Pan Macmillan Ltd:
London, 2004 reprint.
Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.

5.10 Model Questions

1. Write an essay on the trade and craft activities of the post Vedic period.
2. Highlight the import features of agricultural developments of the post Vedic period.
3. Highlight the salient characteristics of Jainism.
4. Write an essay on Buddhist councils.
5. Highlight the differences between Mahayana and Hinayana.
6. Why merchant and artisanal classes supported Jainism and Buddhism? Write an essay.

--s—

59
 Lesson-6

THE MAURYAN EMPIRE: RULERS, ADMINISTRATION AND

ASHOKAS DHAMMA

Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Origin of the Mauryas
6.3 Rulers: Chandragupta Maurya, Bindusara, Ashoka
6.4 Maurya Administration
6.5 Ashokas Dhamma
6.6 Decline
6.7 Summary
6.8 References
6.9 Further Readings
6.10 Model Questions

6.0 Objectives
After reading this chapter you will be able to:
 Learn about the Origin of the Mauryan dynasty.
 Understand the military achievements of the Mauryan Rulers.
 Critically analyse the Mauryan administration.
 Analyse Ashokas Dhamma.
 Acquire knowledge about the structure of Mauryan army.
6.1 Introduction
Students, the rise of Magadha that began in the sixth century BC reached its peak during the
succeeding century and a quarter. In about 325-24 BC, Chandragupta Maurya established the Maurya
Empire that lasted for nearly 140 years. Greater parts of the Indian subcontinent came under the
domination of a single paramount power for the first time in the history of India. The making and
consolidation of the early pan-Indian empire of the Mauryas was made possible by the first three rulers
of the dynasty, namely the Chandragupta Maurya, Biindusara and Ashoka. Both literary and
archaeological sources provide information related to the Maurya rulers. Texts like Megasthenes’
Indika, Kautilaya’s Arthashastra, Vishakhadatta’s Mudrarakshasa and Buddhist texts (the Divyavadana,

60
the Ashokavadana), and Sri Lankan Buddhist chronicles, viz., the Mahavamsa and the Dipavamsa
throw light on the Maurya history. In a same way, Ashoka’s edicts, which are found from different parts
of Indian subcontinent, help the scholars to understand the life and ideas of Ashoka. In addition,
archaeological material, for instance, punch marked coins, remains of pillar hall (from Kumrahar, near
Patna in Bihar), sculptures, and terracotta images of the Maurya period are studied by scholars to
recreate the image of the Maurya Empire and its rulers.

6.2 Origin of the Mauryas

Little is known about Chandragupta’s ancestry and his life prior to ascending the throne of Magadha.
The Mudrarakshasa of Vishakadatta (700 AD) describes him as a scion of the Nanda house, his mother
being a slave woman named Mura. It is suggested that being the son of Mura, he became known as
Maurya, which eventually turned out to be a dynastic epithet. Since, Nandas are mentioned as shudras
in the Puranas, the Mauryas too are assigned a low social status. Contrarily, in Buddhist tradition
Mauryas are characterised as ksahtriya. For instance, the Divyavadana mentions Bindusara as the son
of Chandragupta, who was an anointed kshatriya. In a same way, Ashoka, son of Bindusara, is called
kshatriya. The Mahavamsa, a Sri Lankan chronicle, associates Chandragupta with a kshatriya clan of
the Moriyas of Pipphalivana. Likewise, the twelfth century AD Jain author Hemchandra in his
Parishisthaparvan text held Chandragupta as the grandson of the chief of the peacock-tamers’ clan
(Mayuraposhaka) implying thereby the dynastic name Maurya was derived from the term mayura or
peacock. According to Justin, the Latin writer Chandragupta was a man born in humble life. It was not
that he was a man of low caste but a common person, who aspired for royalty. Based on these views,
one can speculate the origin of the Mauryas from Moriya clan that originally ruled over Pippalivana in
the Nepalese Tarai region.

6.3 Rulers: Chandragupta Maurya, Bindusar and Ashoka

The birth of Chandragupta is obscure. According to the Mahavamsa, after the death of Chandragupta’s
father his mother shifted to Purushpura (Pataliputra), where he was born. Since his childhood, he
showed signs of leadership. Chanakya or Kautilya, noticed Chandragupta’s potential, and took him to
Taxila, where he was educated in all the arts. There was a purpose behind Chandragupta’s training as
Kautilya was preparing him to take revenge from the Nanda ruler, who had insulted him in the court of
Pataliputra. Traditions also maintain that Kautilya wanted the country to get rid of tyrannous Nanda
rulers, who had ascended the Magadha’s throne unlawfully because of their low varna-jati origin. They
had amassed wealth by enforcing heavy taxes over the poor and common people. Therefore, Kautilya
wanted Chandragupta to take initiative to dethrone the Nandas. Eventually, Chandragupta with the help
of Chanakya gathered enough resources to confront the Nandas. He defeated the last Nanda ruler,
Dhanananda and ascended the throne in either 324 or 321 BC. Elaborate accounts of the violent wars
between Chandragupta Maurya and the Nanda king Dhannananda occur in the Milindapanho (the
questions of Milinda), the Mudrarakshasa and the Mahavamsatika. By the time Chandragupta came
into power, Alexander was dead and his governors had partitioned his empire among themselves.
Alexander’s departure from the Northwest, leaving behind a fragmented political order, provided an
opportunity to Chandragupta for the expansion of Magadha’s authority in this region. On the other
hand, the areas of West Asia analogous to the Northwestern borderland of the Indian subcontinent
came under Seleucus Nikator, founder of the Seleucid dynasty with a power base in present day Syria.

61
Seleucus, desiring to conquer India, expanded his authority up to Bactria (in Afghanistan), which
brought him into conflict with Chandragupta.
The occupation of the Ganga-Yamuna doab region by Chandragupta Maurya brought him in conflict
with the Greek governors of the Punjab, who were in charge of these areas since Alexander’s
departure. Sometime between 317-316 BC, Chandragupta defeated the Greek governors of Punjab.
His victory over the Greek governors of the Punjab and the North-western frontier of the Indian
subcontinent resulted in the steady expansion of the Maurya rule beyond the Ganga valley and into the
North-western parts of India. His victories against the Greek governors paved the way for another
encounter with a separate Greek ruler. After Alexaner’s departure and death, extensive areas of West
Asia up to the north-western borderlands of the Indian subcontinent came under the charge of
Alexander’s general, Seleucus Nikator. In circa 301 BC, a military conflict ensued between the Seleucid
forces and the Maurya army. However, details of this conflict are unknown. The Greek records inform
us about a treaty, which was signed for resolving the crisis, between Seleucus and Chandragupta, who
is called Sandrocottus in the Greek literature. According to this treaty, Chandragupta in return of 500
elephants received from Seleucus several territories, viz., Gedrosia (Baluchistan), Arachosia (Kandhar
in present Afghanistan), and Paropanisadai (area to the southeast of the Hindukush). Chandragupta
Maurya is said to have provided 500 war elephants to Seleucus Nikator. It is reasonable to infer that
conditions of the treaty proved more advantageous to Chandragupta as he received three significant
areas in return of 500 war elephants. Resultantly, a considerable portion of Afghanistan came under the
Maurya control as an outcome of this treaty, and the same is supported by the presence of several
Ashoka’s edicts in this region.
Chandragupta’s conquests of trans-Vindhyan region are accounted by the Greco-Roman sources.
According to Plutarch and Justin, Chandragupta over-ran and subdued whole of India with the help of a
large army. The Junagarh inscription of Rudradaman-I (circa 150 AD), recording the construction of a
Sudarshan lake by the governor of Chandragupta, clearly shows the presence of Maurya’s authority in
Saurashtra (in Gujarat). In addition, the Jain texts talking about Chandragupta’s migration to Shravana
Belgola (in Karnataka) along with Jain monks, also suggest the presence of Maurya dominance in
Deccan. In this way, the credit for the creation of a vast Maurya empire goes to Chandragupta.
Chandragupta maintained diplomatic relations with the Seleucid rulers by sending presents. In return,
Seleucus sent an envoy, named Megasthenes, to the court of Chandragupta. However, the Indika, a
text composed by Megasthenes on India under the Mauryas, is lost. Excerpt of it are survived in the
writings of later Greco-Roman writers such as Strabo, Arrian, are Diodoros, etc. Megasthenes informs
us about the royal court situated in the capital, Pataliputra of the Mauryas. Jain traditions maintain that
Chandragupta towards end of his life migrated to Karnataka along with a Jain monk Bhadrabahu, and
died there in about 300 BC.
Bindusara
Bindusara, son of Chandragupta, succeeded to the throne in 300 BC and he ruled for about twenty-
seven years (c. 300 -273 BC). Mentioned as Amitrochates (Sanskrit amitraghata, i.e., destroyer of foes)
in the Greek sources, Bindusara sent a request to the Greek king Antiochus-I for supplying wine, fig,
and a sophist. Since, sophist was not a saleable commodity, only fig and wine were sent to Bindusara.
He was a capable ruler, who kept the vast Maurya Empire intact. Bindusara was supposedly a follower
of Ajivika sect. During the reign of Bindusara, according to the Divyavadana, a revolt happened in
Taxila against the local governor. On the direction of his father, Ashoka is mentioned to have
suppressed the revolt and kept Taxila under a firm control. He also managed Avanti from Ujjain as a

62
governor under his father. Ashoka thus was actively involved in the affairs of the Maurya Empire during
the reign of his father, Bindusara.
Ashoka
The history of the Mauryas enters its most significant stage during the reign of the third ruler of the
dynasty, Ashoka, son of Bindusara. Ashoka’s reign spans for nearly four decades (273-232 BE), which
is considered a landmark and of profound importance in Indian history. Bindusara died in 273 BC and it
was followed by a four-year long succession war among his sons. According to the Divyavadana,
Bindusara wanted his eldest son Susima to be the successor. But Ashoka, supported by the ministers,
particularly Radhagupta, refused to comply with his father’s wish. Thus, Ashoka’s reign started in 269
BC after a gap of four years from his father’s death and it lasted for about four decades until 232 BC.
Ashoka, is addressed in his edicts as devanampriyah priyadarshi raja, i.e., Beloved of the Gods, the
king priyadarshi. No grandiloquent title is attributed to him as it has been done in the case of later
rulers. The Sri-Lankan Buddhist texts, the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, maintain that Ashoka killed
his 99 brothers, except Tissa, before usurping the throne. Some scholars doubt the Buddhist legends
narrating Ashoka’s killing of his brothers. In fact, in one of his edicts, Ashoka directs his officials to take
proper care of his brothers’ households.
The Buddhist texts also inform us about Ashoka’s love story and marriage with Devi, a merchant’s
daughter of Vidisha, from whom he had two children: Mahindra and Sanghamittra. Names of Ashoka’s
queens like Asandhimitta, Tissarakhita and Padmavati have also been mentioned. The Allahabad-
Kosam pillar records the gifts made by another queen Karuvaki. The name of Ashoka’s mother
however has been a matter of much confusion. In the Divyavadana, she is called Janapadakalyani,
while in the Ashokavadana as Subhadrangi and in the Vamsatthapakasini as Dharma. Unlike
Chandragupta, Ashoka has only one military conquest to his credit. The Rock edict XIII records
Ashoka’s victory over Kalinga, which involved massive bloodshed, in his thirteenth regnal year, i.e., 260
or 261 BC. Right from the days of Bimbisara (of Haryanka dynasty) in the late sixth century BC till the
Kalinga conquest in 260/261 BC Magadha’s rise to political paramountcy in the Indian subcontinent
was largely the outcome of pursuing the policy of military conquest and annexation of vanquished
areas. The Kalinga conquest by Ashoka saw the culmination of this protracted process. Though
Ashoka’s state remorse for having unleashed terrible violence against Kalinga appears to be genuine,
that did not deter him from annexing the territory of Kalinga to the Maurya Empire. The bloodshed in
war had an immense impact on Ashoka, who, as the Rock Edict XIII states, abandoned the policy of
war and in its place embraced the policy of Dhamma after Kalinga war. The Rock Edict XIII while
recording the violence in the war and Ashoka’s repentance also states that such killing of life, forcible
carrying away of vanquished people and death of large number of people became inevitable when an
unconquered area was conquered. The statement almost sounds like a justification of the violence and
the loss of human life during the Kalinga war. The victory over Kalinga and its annexation to the Maurya
realm resulted in the maximum expansion of the Maurya empire.
Under Ashoka, the vast Maurya Empire shared boundaries with several of kingdoms and chieftaincies.
Rock Edict II provides information about his neighbouring chieftaincies, which were Cholas (in the
Kaveri delta, Tamil Nadu), Pandyas (in the Tamraparni-Vaigai deltas, Tamil Nadu), Satiyaputras
(Satyaputra, northern parts of Tamil Nadu), Keralaputras (the Chera country in Kerala) and
Tamaraparni (Sri Lanka) in south. Five Greek kings are also explicitly mentioned in Rock Edict XIII as
rulers over areas beyond Ashoka’s realm, and these Greek rulers (mentioned below) were clearly his
contemporary kings to whom he sent Dhamma missions. They are:

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 1. Antiyoka (Antiochus Theos of Syria, 261-246 BC)
2. Turamaya (Ptolemy Philadelphos of Egypt, 285-247 BC),
3. Antikini (Antigonus Gonatus of Macedonia),
4. Maka (Megus of Cyrene, death in 258 BC)
5. Aliksundara (Alexander of Epirus, 272-235 BC).
Ashoka, like his ancestors, maintained cordial relations with the contemporary Greek kingdoms. In
Rock Edict II, Ashoka proclaims to have undertaken several humanitarian works not only in his own
dominions, but even in the kingdoms of neighbouring kings. These humanitarian works comprised
arrangement of medical treatment for both humans and animals. He also imported and planted
medicinal herbs wherever these were not available. At the command of Ashoka wells were dug and
trees were planted on the roads for the enjoyment of animals and human beings. Ashoka also sent
Buddhist missions to foreign lands for the spread of Buddhist ideals. For instance, after the third
Buddhist council at Pataliputra, Ashoka’s son Mahindra and daughter Sangamitra led a Buddhist
mission to Sri Lanka.
The most significant aspects of Ashoka’s ruler have been his edicts, which are found from different
parts of his empire. Most of the edicts of Ashoka were written in Prakrit language and in two scripts:
Brahmi (in greater parts of the Indian subcontinent) and Kharoshthi (in the north-western parts of the
Indian subcontinent). Clearly distinguished as Dhammalipi (Edicts of Piety) by Ashoka himself, these
records are of the following types:
1. Fourteen Rock Edicts or Major Rock Edicts
2. Two ‘Separate’ Rock Edicts or ‘Kalinga’ Rock Edicts
3. Two Minor Rock Edicts
4. Seven Pillar Edicts or Major Pillar Edicts
5. A Rock Edict from Bairat (Rajasthan)
6. Two Minor Pillar Inscriptions
7. Inscriptions Engraved on the Barabar Hills close to Gaya.
To this must be added seven edicts of Ashoka written in two non-Indian scripts and languages, namely
Aramaic (a West Asiatic language and script) and Greek, including one bilingual and bi-scriptual
(Greco-Aramaic) edict. Ashoka’s inscriptions mark the beginning of Indian epigraphy. Ashoka’s edicts
brought in for the first time, elements of literacy in the history of the subcontinent. The most of Ashoka’s
inscriptions are called edicts because most of these records are promulgations, something analogous
to an ordinance of the king. Ashoka’s edicts are unique in Indian epigraphic tradition because Ashoka
issued his instructions therein in the first person, directly addressing his subjects.
The geographical distribution of Maurya edicts and epigraphs suggests that the Maurya Empire
comprised vast territories extending in west from Lamghan and Kandhar (in Afghanistan) to in East,
Mahasthangarh (in Bangladesh), Jaugda and Dhauli (in Odisha) and in north from Shahbazgarhi,
Mansehra and Taxila (in Pakistan) to in south Amravati (in Andhra Pradesh), Maski, Brahmgiri, and
Siddapura (in Karnataka). Several Ashokan edicts are located at/near Buddhist sacred sites like Sanchi
(Schism Edict), Sarnath (Pillar Inscription, Schism Edict), Rummindei (Pillar Inscription), Nigali Sagar

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(Pillar Inscription), Lauriya-Araraj (Pillar Edicts I-VI), Lauria-Nandangarh (Pillar Edicts I-VI), and Bairat
(Minor Rock Edict and the Bhabra Edict). A later date text, the Rajatarangini of Kalhana talks about
Ashoka’s rule over Kashmir. In Minor Rock Edict- I (Maski), Ashoka proclaimed that due to his untiring
efforts the gods were now made to mingle with the people residing Jambudvipa (i.e., Indian
Subcontinent) and now both rich and poor by pursuing the principles of Dhamma are able to attain
heaven. Ashoka apparently employs a term Jambudvipa for his empire in his edict. Likewise, his Major
Rock Edict-I records the spread of Ashoka’s message all over the prithvi, literally meaning the entire
world. However, in the Arthashastra the term prithvi refers to an area lying between the Himalayas and
the Sea, which has been equated with the Chakravartikshetra or the realm of a universal monarch.
Thus, Ranabir Chakravarti suggests that in Ashoka’s edict the term prithvi is employed for the Maurya
realm.
Evidences related to rulers, who came into power Ashoka are scarce and very little information is
available related to the post-Ashokan political conditions in the Maurya Empire. The last known Maurya
king appears to be Brihadratha, who was assassinated by his own Senapati (military commander)
Pushyamitra Shunga during the inspection of army. With the death of Brihadratha the Maurya empire
collapsed and Magadha came under the Shunga dynasty.
6.4 Maurya Administration

Self Assessment questions.

1. Who wrote Indika?
________________________________________________________________________________________
2. Who was Seleucus Nikator?
________________________________________________________________________________________
3. Write the names of Ashoka’s queens.
________________________________________________________________________________________
4. Which Maurya king conquered Kalinga?
_________________________________________________________________________________

The Maurya king, mentioned as raja, was the centre of the administration. He was supposed to be
dharmapravartaka, which means he had to be an ideal for his people. A person of high moral and self -
control, the Maurya king punished wrongdoers. He maintained peace in the empire in order to protect
the people and their property. Megasthenes informs us about the daily activities of the Maurya king,
who used to go out of his palace everyday to supervise the administration of justice. Even during the
time of relaxing he attended the administrative affairs. The Major Rock edict-VI (see above) issued by
Ashoka attests the concentration of power in the hands of Maurya king over all the matters related to
his empire. Several edicts, recording the commands of Ashoka, were issued to officials in different parts
of his empire. In context of administration, edicts acted in two ways. First, the edicts made the royal
orders public due to their location on highways, near cities and religious sites. Second, acted as a
symbol of royal might, the edicts, particularly the pillar edicts, reinforced the symbolic presence of the
Maurya king in every corner of his realm. Noticeably, Brahmanical rituals and sacrifices had very little
impact on the Maurya polity.
Central Administration

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A council of ministers assisted the king in administrative matters. Their duty was to advice the king on
various administrative policies and matters. In the Arthashastra, the term mantrin or mantri-parishad
appears for ministers or council of ministers. However, in Patanjali’s Mahabhashya, the term sabha,
referring to a larger council, is mentioned. Ashoka’s Rock Edict VI refers to the ministers as
Mahamattas or Mahamatras, who had been high officials. In addition, high priest (Purohit), commander-
in-chief (Senapati), crown prince (Yuvaraja), and superintendents (Adhyakshas). Ashoka created the
post of Dhammamahamattas, mentioned in Rock Edict V, for the propagation of Dhamma. As it
appears from the Arthashastra, the appointment of the Maurya ministers and officials, who were paid
cash salaries, depended on their ability and skills. The highest officer was paid an annual salary of
48000 panas and the lowest officer received 750 panas per annum. Megasthenes informs us about the
administration of Pataliputra, which was managed by thirty officials. These thirty officials were divided
into six committees, each comprising five members. Each committee, having a distinct department,
performed specific duties. First committee looked after the industries and crafts. Second committee
managed the comfort and security of visitors coming from distant places. The registration of births and
deaths and maintenance of census records in Pataliputra was a task assigned to the third committee.
The fourth committee supervised the matters related to trade and commerce, and the fifth committee
looked after the sales of products and supervised the use of standard weights and measures. Finally,
the sixth committee collected taxes on the goods sold in the markets of Pataliputra.
Provincial Administration
Usually, scholars divide the vast Maurya Empire into four provinces: Ujjain (western Madhya Pradesh),
Takshila (Taxila in north-west Pakistan), Tosali (Dhauli in Odisha), Suvarnagiri (in Karnataka),
managing four different parts of the empire. However, recent findings have brought into light the
presence of few more administrative units under the Mauryas. Ashokan edict indicates the presence of
Manemadesha (in central India) as an administrative unit under a royal prince (kumara). Likewise,
Girnar in Kathiaward, Gujarat, where Sudarshan lake was present, appears to be an administrative unit,
managed by a yavana official Tushapa (possibly of an Iranian descent). B. N. Mukherjee, based on
Ashokan edicts, suggests the presence of another administrative unit under a non-Indian origin
governor named Whsu (Vakshu?) in the Northwestern borderland. The provinces of Ujjaini, Takshila,
Tosali, Suvarnagiri and Manemadesa were under the command of kumaras or aryaputras, i.e., princes
of the royal blood. Ashoka had also served as a governor of Taxila and Ujjain, before his accession to
the throne. However, Girnar and the region of Northwestern borderland were under non-Indian origin
governors. Since, Girnar, located closer to western seacoast and Northwestern borderland, closer to
central and west Asia, witnessed a constant movement of non-indigenous people, comprising traders,
craftsmen, etc., governors of non-indigenous background were appointed in these administrative units.
The provincial governors were assisted by several officials known as Mahamattas, Pradeshikas,
Rajukas, Yuktas, Rashtrikas and so forth. As it appears from Pillar Edict I, these officials were divided
in higher, middle, and lower categories. The Samahartta (chief revenue official and in charge of account
department), and Sannidhata (treasurer and in charge of royal stores) were two of the high-ranking
officials mentioned in the Arthashastra. Samahartta supervised the collection of revenue from seven
heads: fortified cities, rural areas, mines, trade routes, irrigation projects, forests, and pastures. Among
high-ranking officials, Antamahamattas are mentioned in Ashokan edicts, who worked among the
border people and tribal populations. The Nagalaviyohalaka-mahamatas, mentioned in the Ashokan
edicts, were related to city administration. In this context, the Arthashastra informs us about city
superintendent (Nagaraka), who had Sthanikas and Gopas under him. Officials like Dauvarika (chief of

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palace attendants), the Antaravamshika (chief of palace guards), and Adhyakshas (departmental
heads) are also mentioned. Though in the Arthashastra, Adhayakshas are mentioned as high-ranking
officials, in Ashokan edicts they are called Mahamattas. The Mahamattas looked after frontier areas,
inner chambers of royal household, pasture grounds, and propaganda of Dhamma. The Rajukas were
other high officials, who, according to Ashokan edicts, were placed over many hundred thousands of
men. They enjoyed authority to either reward or punish the people at their own discretion.
The term Rajukas is an abbreviation of rajju-gahaka, i.e., ‘rope-holder’. In Jataka tales, they appear as
measuring the peasant fields to assess land tax. Therefore, they were the revenue settlement
officers/rural administrators. Similarly, Pradeshikas were also high-ranking officials, mentioned in
Ashokan edicts. They possibly were district-heads. Yuktas, mentioned as secretaries in the
Arthashastra, held subordinate positions in administration. The Yuktas, Rajukas and Pradeshikas are
instructed by Ashoka, to undertake official tours after every five years across the countryside to perform
their duties as well as to propagate Dhamma among the country people. Similarly,
Dhammamahamattas undertook tours of inspection every five years. Ashoka instructed the princes,
governing the province of Ujjain and Taxila, to send officers every year or before every third year for
inspection. (Separate Rock Edict (Dhauli)). The officials were expected to obey the king’s command
and perform their duties impartially. In Ashokan edicts, their impartial and obedient services are
expressed as being meritorious. In his edicts, Ashoka points out jealousy, anger, cruelty, hastiness,
want of perseverance, laziness and fatigue as the main reasons of an officer’s failure to perform his
duty impartially. Therefore, Ashoka instructed the officers to avoid these weaknesses, and pay attention
to their assigned duties. Only by doing so, according to Ashoka, they would produce great results. In
case they failed to do so, they would attain neither heaven nor favour of the king.
The Maurya king Ashoka himself undertook inspection tours termed dhamma-yatras, during which he
issued proclamations addressing several officials. On similar lines, Megasthenes provide information
about Chandragupta Maurya, father of Ashoka, who looked after the state affairs even while relaxing.
Ashoka, most likely following his father, maintained a network of informers (Pativedakas and Pulisani),
who were granted rights to approach him anytime day or night and anywhere in inner apartment, or at a
cattle-shed, or in his carriage or in gardens to provide information regarding public and state affairs.
The Pativedakas were probably the spies or reporters, while Pulisaniare identifiable with Megasthenes’
episcopoi or ephoroi (spies or inspectors). In the Arthashastra, a greater emphasis is laid upon the
constitution of espionage system to keep in check the opposition factions and enemies (Major Rock
Edict VI). The Maurya rulers also gave greater importance to the road networks and special officials
were appointed for the maintenance of roads. The Aramaic edict at Laghman informs us about a royal
road and an officer in charge, who looked after its maintenance. The same edict also records the
names of several places and distances. It suggests that this edict was placed here to provide
information regarding directions and distances to the travellers. Similar information is also provided by a
near contemporary of Ashoka, named Eratosthenes, who mentions about a royal road connecting west
Asia with Pataliputra, the Maurya capital.
Army
The army was one of the most important components of the Maurya state. The Greek accounts
mention that the army of Chandragupta Maurya comprised 600,000 soldiers. However, this number
appears to be exaggerated. Ashoka does not speak of the numerical strength of his army but its striking
powers are strongly impressed in his accounts of the victory over Kalinga. The army was indeed the
most visible manifestation of the coercive authority of the ruler. According to the Greek records, the

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Maurya army comprised thirty members constituting six boards of five members each. These boards
managed infantry, cavalry, chariot, elephants and supervision of equipments and transportation.
Similarly, the Arthashastra talks about four superintendents looking after infantry (patyadhyaksha),
cavalry (ashvadhyaksha), chariots (rathadhyaksha) and elephants (hastyaksha) respectively. Officials,
called Antapalas were in charge of frontier posts. The Arthashastra mentions the Senapati as the
commander of the army; he was one of the highest paid officials under the Mauryas, and he was paid
an annual salary of 48,000 panas (punch-marked coins). There is at least one historically known
Senapati of the Maurya army, and his name was Pushyamitra Shunga, who was the military
commander of the last known Maurya ruler Brihadratha.
Closely associated with the organisation of the army was that of the secret service, encountered for the
first time in the sources of the Maurya period. The Greek texts inform us about the presence of
overseers, inspectors, and spies, who are praised as the most reliable people in the realm. Kautilaya in
the Arthashastra advocates an elaborate network of espionage in which information gathered by the
spies and then it was supplied to the head of the secret service. To administer law and justice, the
Arthashastra suggests the constitution of two kinds of courts-Dharmasthiya (resolved personal
disputes) and Kantakashodhan (resolved matters related to individual and the state). Judges were
called Dharmasthas. Punishments for crimes range from the fines to mutilation of limbs to death.
Revenue: The Arthashastra repeatedly stresses on the significance of a strong treasury (kosha), and
the high ranking official who looked after the revenue system was called Samahartta (collector of
revenue). The Samahartta supervised the collection of revenue from the following seven heads: i)
fortified urban area (durga); ii) the countryside (rashtra); iii) mines (khani); iv) irrigation projects (setu);
v) forests (vana); vi) pasture grounds (vraja); and vii) trade-routes (vanikapatha). However, the most
important source of revenue was agriculture. The rate of land tax (bhaga) during the Maurya period is
likely to have been at least one sixth (1/6 th) of the produce; and bali (another land tax) too was
collected. But the rate of bali’s assessment is uncertain. It is the Arthashastra that recommends the
collection of water tax (uddaka-bhaga) from the peasants in return of the irrigation facilities provided by
the state. Megasthenes informs us that neatherds, shepherds, and hunters had to pay a levy, possibly
in kind, to state. Kautilaya is also the first theoretician of early India to have underlined the importance
of mines and minerals as valuable resources to the state. And state is perceived as the ultimate
authority over the resources lying beneath the soil. Taxes like shulka (toll tax from traders, merchants
and artisans), kara (periodic supply of resources, for instance wood, grass, etc. by villagers), paranaya
(emergency tax) and vishti (tax in the form of labour) were also collected by the state.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Who was a Samahartta?
_______________________________________________________________________________________
2. Who was a Rajuka?
_______________________________________________________________________________________
3. What is Vishti?
_______________________________________________________________________________________
4. Who was Pushyamitra Shunga?
_________________________________________________________________________________

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6.5 Ashoka’s Dhamma
The Prakrit term Dhamma (in Sanskrit Dharma) numerously mentioned in Asokan inscriptions has been
translated as religion by several scholars. Hence, the term Dhamma is popularly considered the
religious convictions of the Mauryan king Asoka, which developed after the Kalinga war. It is often
equated with Buddhism by scholars like R. C. Majumdar, Harprasad Shastri, and others. It was argued
that after Kalinga war, the Mauryan king Asoka became so disgusted with the massacre of people in
war that he gave up war and converted into Buddhism. Now Buddhism was made the state religion,
and Asoka through his rock edicts and pillar inscriptions propagated Buddhism among the masses. The
portrayal of Asoka as a devout Buddhist in various Buddhist annals and legends particularly in the
Divyavadana, the Asokavadana and so forth, further reinforced this perception of the scholars. The
recent writings of scholars like Romila Thpar, B. N. Mukherji, Upinder Singh, Ranabir Chakravarti and
others have provided different interpretations, who have come out with a more nuanced explanation of
Asoka’s policy of Dhamma.
Where, H. C. Raychaudhuri have Further that Asoka’s Dhamma represents moral and ethical principles
common to all religions, Nilakantha Shastri associates it with ethical codes of conduct formed by Asoka
for his subjects. Based on her detailed study, Romila Thapar argues that the Dhamma was an invention
of Asoka based on the moral and ethical principles borrowed from both Buddhism and Brahmanism.
Dhamma in essence, hence, was an attempt on the part of Asoka, suggesting a way of life, which was
highly moral, practical, and convenient for his subject population. Since the Mauryan Empire was not a
homogenous entity, and in fact comprised different cultures, communities, traditions, belief systems,
and economies, a central ideology to integrate these all was developed by Asoka, which was named
Dhamma. The Asoka’s Dhamma was not synonymous to Buddhism, and it is clearly attested by B. N.
Mukherjee. He argues that the term Dhamma was translated neither in Aramaic nor in Greek edicts of
Asoka as Buddhism. In the Kandahar edict, the term Dhamma is translated in Greek as Eu’sebeia
meaning the doctrine of piety. In Aramaic, the term Dhamma is translated as Qsyt meaning truth, and
Data meaning law, in Kandahar and Taxila Pillar edicts respectively. The non-violence (ahimsa) was an
overarching feature of Asoka’s Dhamma, which is clearly attested by several Asokan edicts prohibiting
the killing of animals.
The Major Rock Edict –I, records the prohibition of animal sacrifice and festive gatherings. According to
Romila Thapar, the ban on festival gatherings, leading to the killing of animals, was indicated in the
Major Rock Edict –I. The Pillar edict –V further provides a list of animals and birds, whose killing was
prohibited. The Major Rock Edict-II mentions the building of medical centres for men as well as for
animals. The Major Rock Edict-III advocates for a liberal attitude towards Brahmanas and Sramanas.
His Pillar Edict-VII propagated a proper courtesy to slaves and servants, obedience to parents,
respectful behaviour towards Brahmanas and Sharmanas, and generosity towards friends,
acquaintances, and relatives. The literacy in the Mauryan times was not widely spread, hence for the
propagation of Dhamma an elaborate arrangement was made by Asoka. The Major Rock Edict-V
records the institution of special officials, called Dhamma-Mahamattas for the propagation of Dhamma
among the masses. These officials were permitted to enter into the houses of the people of all the
classes including royal family. It appears from the Separate Rock Edicts (Dhauli and Jaugada) that the
rock edicts were meant to be read out on certain auspicious occasions loudly before people in order to
convey the message of the king.
6.6 Decline
The Mauryan Empire was the first empire, which controlled almost whole of the subcontinent
comprising two of the biggest river systems of the world- the Indus river system and the Ganga river
system. Although it was a pan-Indian power, it did not last long. The first three rulers-Chandragupta,

69
Bindusara and Ashoka- covered the maximum time period. Rests of the rulers, according to some
scholars, were probably not capable enough to hold the empire in its entirety due to its vastness and
within fifty years after Ashoka’s death, the empire collapsed. Nevertheless, controlling a vast empire as
that of the Mauryas was not an easy task for any ruler even of Ashoka’s calibre. He too in his edicts
admits that his instruction did not always reach every corner of the empire and so we hear of misrule by
the officials leading to revolts as in Taxila. Thus, if we take into account the recent view on
centralization theory, which has been propagated by Romila Thapar where powers were delegated for
smooth functioning of the empire then the argument of weak rulers as a cause of decline can be set
aside.
Haraprasad Sastri blames Ashoka for Pushyamitra Shunga’s coup in round 187 BC, which according to
him was a Brahmanical rise against the forceful policy of Dhamma and subordinated position of the
brahamanas under the Mauryas. According to the Puranas the empire collapsed around 187 BC, when
Brihadratha, the last ruler of the Mauryan dynasty was overthrown and assassinated by his military
commander Pushyamitra Shunga. This story has been substantiated by the 700 AD text, Harshacharita
of Banabhatta. In the view of Sastri, the ban over animal sacrifice must have also had annoyed the
brahamanas, whose livelihood was based on performing sacrifices. But all these reasons does not
support the cause of Brahamanical revolt as we all have seen earlier that Dhamma and Buddhism was
never forced upon the people. People had freedom to choose any sect and belief. In addition, Ashoka
in his edicts constantly makes a plea to the people for equal respect to brahmanas and shramanas.
The threat of invasions by the Bactrian Greeks in the early 200 BC could have been one of the reasons
of the Mauryan decline. A Bactrian Greek king, Demetrius, son of Euthydemos, crossed the Hindukush
in about 183 BC, and conquered Gandhara and Taxila region. He expanded his authority in Southern
Afghanistan, Punjab and Sind valley. He also invaded Saketa (in Uttar Pradesh) and Madhyamika (in
Rajasthan). The areas that were invaded by Demetrius were certainly part of the Maurya territory during
the heydays of the empire. In the light of the emergence of a powerful Greek kingdom in Bactria in the
late third century BC, it is unlikely that the Mauryan occupation of some areas in Afghanistan and the
North Western frontier region would remain intact after the death of Ashoka. Some of the scholars have
held Ashoka himself responsible for the speedy decline of the Mauryan Empire. H.C. Raychaudhury
characterises Ashoka’s policy of Dhamma as a pacifist policy, due to which he had shunned the policy
of iron and blood. Because of it, the military strength of the Mauryas had declined, and it failed to keep
in check the Greek incursions. However, nowhere it is mentioned in his edicts that Ashoka disbanded
his army. He continued the capital punishment and advised his successors to use violence, though only
when it is necessary, to keep in check the political crisis. Therefore, Ashoka cannot be held responsible
for the decline of the Maurya Empire.
The maintenance of a strong army and a large number of officers in the Maurya Empire must have
required enormous resources, which came largely from the agrarian sector. The maintenance of a huge
army and a vast bureaucratic set up needed large amount of funding. The economic base was
expanded during the early stages of the Maurya Empire, through the conquest of more and more areas
such as Kalinga. However, the Maurya rulers failed to expand agriculture beyond Ganga valley, which
was their stronghold, into the peripheral zones. In addition, India did not experience surplus generating
plough-based agriculture and large-scale agrarian expansion during the Maurya rule. Possibly, there
was a financial crisis during the later phase of the Maurya rule, which weakened the empire and caused
its speedy decline.

6.7 Summary
Students, the Maurya Empire that comprised almost entire Indian subcontinent from Afghanistan to
Bangladesh and Kashmir to Deccan came was founded by Chandragupta Maurya and enlarged as well

70
as sustained by his successors, viz., Bindusara and Ashoka. The third ruler, Ashoka introduced
significant changes in the administration, and one of the most significant developments was the
introduction of inscriptions/edicts. His inscriptions/edicts that are found from different parts of his
Empire are the main source of information about Maurya empire and Ashoka’s religious as well as
administrative policies. The Maurya administration appears to have been well organised; but it is
difficult to perceive that the administration was run solely and uniformly at the instructions issued from
the capital Pataliputra by the apex political authority. The Maurya administration seems to have
recognised local and regional variations which were accommodated and not wiped out. Nevertheless
the Maurya Empire is a landmark in Indian history as the pioneer in establishing a nearly pan-Indian
paramountcy, an efficient administrative system with a centripetal orientation. The idea of chakravarti
(universal) rulership was realised during this period.

6.8 References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, New Delhli: Primus Books, 2016 third
revised edition.
 Chakravarti,Ranabir, ‘The Mauryas’ in History of Ancient India, Vol. IV, Political History and
Administration (c. 200 BC- 750 AD), (From the end of the Maurya Rule to the Beginning of the
Dominance of Regional Dynasties), (ed.) Dilip K. Chakrabarti and M. Lal, Vivekananda
International Foundation and Aryan Books International: New Delhi, pp. 35-68, 231-275, 2014.
 Habib, Irfan and Jha, Vivekanand, A People’s History of India: 5- Maurya India. Aligarh
Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2011 reprint.

6.9 Further Readings

 Sharma, Rimjhim and Kumar, Ashish, Early India, up to c. 300 AD, Delhi, Book Age
Publications, 2019.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

6.10 Model Questions

1. Highlight the military achievements of Chandragupta Maurya?
2. Why Ashoka’s inscriptions are called ‘Edict’?
3. Write a note on Ashoka’s Kalinga war.
4. Write a note on Rock Edict XIII.
5. Write a note on the administration of Pataliputra.
6. Write a note on Ashokas Dhamma.

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72
 Lesson-7
POST MAURYAN POLITIES

Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Indo-Greeks; Sakas or Scythians
7.3 Kushanas
7.4 Satavahanas
7.5 The Gana-Sanghas
7.6 Sangam Chiefdoms
7.7 Summary
7.8 References
7.9 Further Readings
7.10 Model Questions

7.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 Acquire knowledge about the Indo-Greek rulers.
 Gain knowledge about the Kushans, their arrival into India, transformation into monarchies.
 Acquire knowledge about Satavahana ruling houses.
 Gain knowledge about the Sangam Age chiefships of peninsular India.
 Understand the process of transition from pre-state to state society.

7.1 Introduction
Students, the post Mauryan period, covering a period of about five centuries (c. 200 BC- AD 300),
witnessed the arrival of several non-indigenous polities into India, which coexisted and fought with
different indigenous ruling houses. Political systems, ranging from monarchy to gana-sangha to
chiefship thrived in these five centuries side by side in different parts of Indian subcontinent. Through
political and economic networks, India was now linked to central and west Asia and Mediterranean
world on the one hand, and South East Asia on the other hand. The rise of the Kushanas and
Satavahanas marks a transition from pre-state to state polity as they had emerged from pre-state
nomadic or tribal background.
7.2 Indo-Greeks; Sakas or Scythians
The Indo-Greeks, known as yavanas in ancient literature, were settled in Bactria region, south of Oxus
River in Northern Afghanistan. Noticeably, the Persian kings or Achaemenids had settled down several
Greeks in the Bactria region by about 5 th century BC. However, it was due to Alexander and his

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Seleucid successors that the Greeks emerged as the powerful political entity, settled in a vast region
contiguous to the North Western parts of Indian subcontinent. The Seleucid empire dominated a vast
region consisting of Anatolia, the Levant, Mesopotamia, Persia, Turkmenistan, Pamir region and parts
of present day Pakistan. The Parthians won their independence from Seleucid rulers by about 250 BC
and established firm control over West Asia. At the same time Greek governor Diodotus-I usurped
control over Bactria and proclaimed independence from Seleucid authority. The independent authority
of the third Bactrian-Greek ruler Euthydemos was recognized by the Seleucid rulers. Demetrius, son of
Euthydemos, crossed the Hindukush in about 183 BC, and conquered Gandhara and Taxila region. He
expanded his authority in Southern Afghanistan, Punjab and Sind valley. The Malvikagnimitram of
Kalidasa (circa 500 AD) informs us about a yavana invasion, which was repulsed by a Shunga prince
Vasumitra. Patanjali’s Mahabhashya (c. 200 BC) also provides information about a yavana invasion of
Saketa (in Uttar Pradesh) and Madhyamika (in Rajasthan) during the Shunga period.
H. C. Raychaudhuri has identified Demetrius with the yiavana invader, who is referred by Patanjali and
Kalidasa. When Demetrius was away fighting wars to conquer Northern India, Eukratides revolted at
Bactria. Eukratides subsequently defeated and killed Demetrius. As a result, there emerged two
competing Greek ruling groups- one, the Bactrian-Greeks, who were established in Bactria under
Eukraitides and his son, and second, the Indo-Greeks, who were established under Menander in North
and North Western parts of Indian subcontinent. Menander (circa 150-135 BC) was the most
successful, however, the last important ruler of the Indo-Greeks. The famous Buddhist text the
Milindapanho or Questions of Milinda provides valuable information about the philosophical temper of
the king Menander. His capital was Sakala or Euthymedia that has been identified with the present day
Sialkot (in Pakistan). After Menander, the Indo-Greeks failed to maintain their firm control and divided
into several small principalities, which continued to rule for some time. The Indo-Bactrians were
defeated by the Parthians in about the last quarter of the 200 BC, while the Indo-Greeks continued to
rule up to the 100 century BC-AD. Subsequently, they succumbed to the Saka invasions.
Sakas or Scythians
Various nomadic pastoralist tribes were present in the Central Asia, which were constantly on move in
search of pastures and resources. It appears from the Chinese sources that the tribes, viz., the
Yuezhis, the Sai or the Sakas and the Xiongnu or Hsiung-nu were often at war for meagrely available
resources. Frequent raids of the Xiongnus into the Chinese territories for resources forced the Chinese
authorities to protect their open frontiers. As a result, in the last half of the third century BC, the Chinese
Emperor Shi Huang Ti built the Great Chinese Wall. In about 170 BC in eastern parts of the Central
Asia, the Xiongnu defeated the Yuezhis and forced them to move westward. The Yuezhis then pushed
the Sakas or Schythians towards Bactria. The Sakas in turn ousted the Bactrian-Greeks, and then
moved towards North Western Indian subcontinent after destroying the Indo-Greek authority. On the
other hand, a branch of Sakas invaded eastern Iran and came in conflict with the Parthians. It appears
from their coins that Sakas gradually established themselves in Afghanistan, Punjab, Lower Indus,
Mathura, and Western Central India. According to R. S. Sharma, there were five different branches of
the Sakas: one was settled in Afghanistan, second in the Punjab with Taxila as its capital, third in
Mathura, fourth in the Western India, and fifth in the upper Deccan. The first Saka king was Maues or
Moga (circa 100 BC), who established the Saka authority in Gandhara, and his successor Azes-I
expanded the boundaries up to Mathura, Ujjain and Saurashtra coast. Another branch of Sakas was
established in Kandahar and Baluchistan under Vonoses and his associates. Earlier the Saka era 58
BC was associated with the Vikramaditya, the king of Malwa, who according to a Jain story defeated
the Sakas. However, now scholars suggests that it was possibly started by Saka king Azes-I.

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The Sakas were uprooted by the Parthians, who in turn lost their territory in the North Western India to
the Kushanas. However, a branch of Sakas, established in western India managed to survive up to the
fourth-fifth century AD. The western-central India was ruled by two different Saka houses, generally
called Saka-Kshatrapas: first, Kshaharata house to which Ghataka, Bhumaka and Nahapana (late first
and early second century AD) belonged. Second, the Karddamaka house, of which Rudradaman-I
(circa 130-50 AD) was the most famous ruler. The Kshaharata house was uprooted by the Satavahana
king Gautamiputra Satakarani. Later the fortunes of Sakas were revived under the Karddamaka house
of Saka-Kshatrapas, when Rudradaman-I defeated the Satavahanas. He dominated the region
comprising Sind, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Kutch, Konkan, Malwa, Kathiawar, Konkan, and Western Deccan.
He was the grandson of Kshatrapa Chashtana, and son of Jayadaman, who ruled over Avanti (Western
Malwa) from their capital city Ujjaini. It appears that initially the Saka rulers of western India served as
governor (Kshatrapa) of Kushanas but later under Rudradaman-I, they proclaimed an independence
status. The successors of Rudradaman-I failed to match his success. They were ultimately uprooted by
the Gupta rulers in the fourth-fifth century AD.
The Greeks introduced the practice of military governorship in the subcontinent. The governor was
called strategos, and had been the representative of the king in the conquered land. In this way, he was
required to maintain the power of the ruler over the conquered people. The Indo-Greeks were followed
by the Sakas, who continued the administrative systems of the erstwhile rulers of the Achaemenid and
the Seleucid polities. The Saka kingdom was divided into provinces (satraps), which were placed under
a governor (Mahakshatrapa or Great Satrap). A province was further subdivided into smaller units,
looked after by the Kshatraps or Lesser Governors. These governors were autonomous enough to
issue their inscriptions as well as coins. The Satrap system introduced by the Sakas remained
functional under the Kushanas, who further strengthened it. The Saka-Kshatrapa rulers of western India
were subordinated to the Kushanas. Through semi-military officers called Dandnayakas and
Mahadandnayaka the Ksatrapas exercised their authority in their provinces. However, village remained
the lowest unit of administration under a village headman (gramika).
7.3 Kushanas
The Yuezhis and the Xiongnu lived close to the northern borders of China. Kushanas belonged to one
of the five clans of a central Asian tribe Yuezhis, which maintained trading relations with the agrarian
society of China. The Xiongnu, where looted Chinese peasantry, and extracted booties from the
Chinese rulers, the Yuezhis maintained peaceful relations with the Chinese polities, playing the role of
merchants and suppliers of coveted items (e.g., jade stone, horses, etc.). The Xiongnus defeated the
Yuezhis around circa 176 BC, and pushed them towards west, which unleashed triggering effects on
the widespread areas of Central Asia and Afghanistan. The Yuezhis defeated the Saka or Scythians
and pushed them towards Indian subcontinent. The Sakas invaded Bactria and soon occupied various
parts of northern India after defeating the Indo-Greeks and other local rulers. However, the Yuezhis
soon followed the Sakas, and occupied Bactria under the leadership of King Kujula Kadaphises.
According to Ranabir Chakravarti, the capture of Bactria, noted for its agrarian resources, for the first
time helped the sedentarization of the nomadic Yuezhis. Their empire was the meeting point of the
Chinese, the Mediterranean, the West Asian, Central Asian, and the Indian civilizations. It is mentioned
in sources that Kujula Kadphises was able to assimilate the five clans of Yuezhis tribe, and transform
these into a powerful political authority. According to Chinese sources, Kujula-Kadphises died at the
age of 80, and he was followed by Vima-Kadphises. Noticeably, Vima-Kadphises issued the gold coins
for the first time in a systematic manner in India.

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According to R. S. Sharma two distinct dynasties of Kushanas –Kadphises house followed by house of
Kanishka- ruled one after another. This view of Sharma now has been brought into question after the
recent discovery of the Rabatak Inscription of Kushanas from Afghanistan. This inscription makes it
clear that Kanishka-I, and his successors enjoyed an unbroken descent and genealogy from Kujula
Kadphises onwards. Therefore, Kanishka-I, the greatest of Kushana ruler succeeded the Vima-
Kadphises, and his ascension in 78 AD to the throne marked the beginning of the famous Saka era.
The beginning of Kanishka-I’s reign in 78 AD implies that the Kujula’s rule should have begun in the
second half of the first century BC. He expanded Kushana control over central Asia (area east of Pamir
plateau and central Asian regions like Kashgarh, Sogdiana and Tashkent), which brought Kushanas in
conflict with the Chinese rulers. At the peak of their rule, Kushanas controlled firmly the area from Oxus
in the west to Pataliputra and Champa (in Bihar) in the east, from Kashmir in the north to Gujarat via
Malwa in the south. Kanishka-I (78-101 AD) was followed by Vasishka (102-106 AD), Huvishka (106-
138 AD) and Vasudeva-I (142/5-176 AD). The Kushana’s authority gradually diminished by the mid
third century AD with accession of the Sassanians, established in Iran, in the west, and assertion of the
gana-sanghas, located in the Punjab-Haryana-Rajasthan tract, in the east.
The Kushanas controlled vast territories, comprising various cultures and belief systems. This diversity
is also visible in the organization of their empire. Apparently, they did not govern their empire through a
centralized imperial system, and therefore, administered their vas territories through two capital cities,
viz., Bactria and Mathura. The nature of their control varied from region to region. Some areas were
directly administered, while in others greater power laid with the local governors (ksatraps). In some
other areas, control was exercised through existing rulers, who had accepted Kushana authority. The
Gana-sanghas, such as Malavas, Arjunayana, Audumbara, Trigarta, Vrishni, Shibis, Agastyas, and
Yaudheyas etc., were subordinated to the Kushanas, but they were allowed to issue their inscriptions
as well as coins indicating their quasi-autonomous status. As long as, the Kushanas were powerful,
these indigenous polities remained subdued. However, they did not hesitate in asserting their power,
when they found the Kushana rulers weak and unstable.
Kushana army possibly comprised infantry, cavalry, chariot, and elephant divisions. Due to their central
Asian nomadic background, it appears that cavalry would have been an important aspect of their army.
The horse-bits were already put in use by the Greeks and the Sakas, and during the Kushana period,
rudimentary stirrup was introduced, providing greater stability to a horse rider. The Kushana rulers have
used grandiose titles like maharaja, rajatiraja, soter, kaisara, devaputra, sarvalogisvara, mahisvara,
etc., to display as well as reinforce their higher position in relation to lesser chiefs, subjugated kings,
and high officials. While maharaja (Great king) was indigenous, rajatirara (King of kings) was borrowed
from the Parthians. Soter (saviour) and Kaisara (Caesar) was of the Indo-Greek origin, and devaputra
(Son of god) was possibly a Chinese title. The title devaputra, in fact, indicates Kushana’s attempt to
assume a divine status to legitimize their political authority. They further emphasised upon their divine
status by establishing Devakulas or royal temples/ sanctuaries, which housed the statues of their dead
ancestors. Remains of four devakulas, belonging to the Kushanas are found- one, in Mat near Mathura,
second, in Surkhkotal in Afghanistan, third, in Khalchayan and fourth, in Airtam, both in Uzbekistan. In
addition, the Kushana rulers were often portrayed on the obverse of their coins with a halo behind their
head. The figure of the ruler with halo was certainly designed on the coin to represent him as a
supramundane being. In this way, they promoted a cult of the emperor. Noticeably, they did not take
recourse to the performance of various Vedic sacrifices to establish the claim for their divine descent
and divine authority. Another important feature of the Kushana’s notion of kingship was the dual-ruler-
ship or simultaneous rule of two kings, senior and junior kings.

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 Self Assessment questions.

1. Which text of Kalidasa informs us about the Indo-Greek invasions?

___________________________________________________________________________
2. Which Indo-Greek ruler had made Sialkot his capital?
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Who started the Saka era?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. What is the meaning of the term Mahakshatrapa?
___________________________________________________________________________
5. When Vikrama era begins?
___________________________________________________________________________
6. Who founded the Kushana dynasty?
___________________________________________________________________________

7.4 Satavahanas
The Puranas mention Satavahanas as Andhras or Andhra-Bhritiyas, and hold Simuka as the founder of
the dynasty. In the view of Ranabir Chakravarti, the Satavahana possibly was a clan or branch of the
Andhra tribe or people, who managed to gain political authority in the Deccan and western India. The
Satavahanas were indulged in a long-drawn struggle for political supremacy in western India and
Malwa region with the Saka-Kshatrapas. According to R. S. Sharma, Satavahanas were not Aryans;
rather, they were indigenous people with matrilineal traces. They were the earliest indigenous tribe that
was transformed into a monarchical polity, and were simultaneously brahmanised. The earliest known
Satavahana ruler was Simuka, who founded the dynasty and controlled a region around about Paithan
or Pratishthanapura, his capital, in Deccan. He was succeeded by his brother Krishna or Kanha.
Gautamiputra Satakarni (106- 130 AD) was one of the most successful rulers of this ruling house. He is
credited with the success over the Saka-Kshatrapas of western India. The counter-struck coins of
Nahapana, a Saka-Kshatrapa king, are found from Jogultembi hoard near Nasik. These coins indicate
a crushing defeat of Nahapana by Satakarani.
The Periplus of Erythraean Sea, a Greco-Roman travelogue of an unknown sailor, further informs us
about the rivalry between the Satavahanas and the Saka-Kshatrapas. They were engaged in frequent
fights to gain control over the lucrative overseas trade through the ports on Western Ghats and fertile
Malwa plateau. The text records that when the Greco-Roman ships arrived at the port of Kalyana
(situated north of Bombay), which was under the Satavahanas, they faced a sea-blockage. These ships
then were carried away under the guard to Barygaza port, which was ruled by the king Nahapana.
Epigraphs show that Gautamiputra Satakarani firmly established his control over eastern Deccan,
southern and western parts of Gujarat, and Malwa region, and subsequently, assumed the epithet “Lord
of the Deccan”. He was succeeded by Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (AD 130-54) in 130 AD, who retained a
firm control over the territories left by the Satakarani.
The Kshaharata house, to which Nahapana belonged, was uprooted by Gautamiputra Satakarani.
However, another ruling house of the Saka-Kshatrapas, i.e. the Karddamaka, in subsequent decades,
asserted its authority under the king Rudradamana-I (circa 130-150 AD). He was the grandson of
Kshatrapa Chashtana, who ruled over Avanti (Western Malwa) from his capital city Ujjaini. It appears

77
that initially the Saka rulers of western India served the Kushanas as governors (Kshatrapa), but later
under Rudradaman-I, they proclaimed an independence status. Rudradaman-I defeated the
Satavahanas, and re-established Saka-Kshatrapa authority over Gujarat and Malwa region. Epigraphs
inform us that Rudradamana-I twice defeated the Satavahanas, but did not destroy them completely,
due to a matrimonial alliance. The last great king of the Satavahana dynasty was Yajnasri Satakarani
(AD 165-94), who managed to recover back Nasik, Konkan and Malwa region from the Saka-
Kshatrapas. However, his successors proved incompetent and the dynasty was destroyed by circa 220
AD. The Satavahana Empire, then after, was partitioned among the Abhiras, Ikshvakus, and Pallavas.
The Satavahanas, seemingly, did not have a centralized administrative system. Instead, a hierarchy of
officials, such as Amatyas, Mahabhojas, Mahatalavaras, and Maharathis, enjoyed significant power
under them. The Amatyas were appointed to control higher administrative units; thus, they were high-
ranking officials. They possibly also maintained land records, and wrote land grant charters.
Mahabhojas and Maharathis were possibly the local chiefs, who were subordinated to the authority of
the Satavahans. However, these local chiefs were allowed to enjoy various administrative and fiscal
powers in their respective regions in return of certain services and tributes. Epigraphs inform us that
these chiefs also had matrimonial relations with the Satavahanas. The kingdom was divided into
various Aharas or districts, which were also known as Rashtras. The term Ahara literally means ‘food’.
Every Ahara possibly had a Kataka or Skandhavara, i.e., a military camp. The lowest administrative unit
was village or grama, administered by a gramika or gamika (village headman). It also appears from
inscriptions that a police-cum-military contingent (gulma) under a Gaulmika was present in the
countryside as a representative of the royal authority.
The Satavahanas, as appear from the sources, were brahmanas. It, in fact, was against the prescribed
varna norms that assign education and priestly work to brahmanas. According to Dharmashastric
norms, kingship and statecraft was associated with the kshatriyas. Thus, it appears that varna norms,
though were strongly recommended by the law-givers, were not insurmountable at least for upper
varnas of early Indian society. Epigraphs inform us about the performance of Vedic sacrifices like
Asvamedha by the Satavahana rulers to legitimize their claim over the throne. The emergence of
Satavahanas from a tribal background as a monarchical authority is one of the salient examples of the
transition from pre-state to state polity. Thus, in order to justify their political authority, the Satavahana
rulers assumed a brahmana identity as well as performed Vedic sacrifices. In their epigraphs, the
Satavahana kings had claimed to be the protector of varnasramadharma, which was in disarray.
Nevertheless, the Satavahana kings are linked with brahmanical deities like Rama, Kesava, Arjuna,
Bhima, Garuda, Candra, etc., in their epigraphs in order to sanctify their power and authority.
Moreover, the image of Satakarni-I, along with his father Simuka, his queen Naganika, a Maharathi,
and three princes, is found in a cave at Naneghat. The Satavahana rulers, seemingly also claimed a
divine status by promoting their own cult. They have used epithets like Raja, and Maharaja, while their
subordinate rulers and chiefs referred to as Senapati, Maharathi, Mahabhoja, Mahatalavars, etc. This
according to R. S. Sharma displays a graded feudal hierarchy, i.e., unequal relationship, which in
subsequent centuries became prominent with the emergence of numerous grand epithets and titles
under the Guptas kings. Interestingly, Satavahanas kings are mentioned in inscriptions with their
mother’s name, e.g., Gautamiputra Satakarni (literally meaning, Satakarni, son of Gautami),
Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (literally meaning, Pulumavi, son of Vasisthi), Yajnasri Satakarni (literally
meaning, Satakarni, son of Yajnasri), etc. Seemingly, the Satavahanas though were brahmanised, they
continued to practice some of the local customs, which were not in conflict with the Brahmanical
ideology.

7.5 The Gana-Sanghas

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The Gana-sanghas were basically tribal oligarchies. Based on their regional locations, they can be
grouped into two categories: first category comprises those Gana-sanghas, which were situated in the
Himalayan foothills in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, e.g., Shakyas of Kapilvastu, Lichachhavis of
Vaishali, and Mallas of Kusinagara and Pava, etc. Second category comprises those Gana-sanghas,
which were present in the Indus Basin, Punjab, Haryana, and Rajasthan, e.g., Malavas, Arjunayana,
Audumbara, Trigarta, Abhiras, Vrishni, Shibis, Agastyas, and Yaudheyas, etc. Noticeably, in Gana-
sanghas, the king was one among all the tribal members, and he was generally selected or elected for
the position. The whole state was divided into small administrative units, placed under a raja. Each raja
had own army, storehouse and administrative system. The heads of these small administrative units
were part of the main assembly that looked after the affairs of the state. The decision making power
was in the hands of the main assembly.
The emergence of the Mauryan Empire ended several Gana-sanghas, which were located in the Terai
and north Bihar region by annexing their territories. However, the Gana-sanghas, which were located in
Indus Basin, Punjab, Haryana, and Rajasthan, retained much of their identity even in the Mauryan and
post Mauryan period. These oligarchies, though submitted to the authority of the two mighty empires of
early India, viz., the Mauryans, and the Kushanas, they retained their internal autonomy. Since the
coins are mostly minted in the name of oligarchy, it appears that in a Gana-sangha unlike in a
monarchy, entire community was held supreme. A large number of copper and few silver coins are
found belonging to Malava, Arjunayana, Audumbara, Trigarta, Abhira, Vrishnin, Shibi, Agastya, and
Yaudheya, and in several cases, these coins are found along with the coins of Indo-Greeks, Sakas and
Kushanas in hoards. Apparently, these different types of coins were in circulation simultaneously.
Noticeably, due to the changing political conditions of North Western India, some of these tribes
migrated to adjacent regions and curved out their principalities. In most of the cases, these Gana-
sanghas have claimed a kshatriya status by tracing their lineage from epic heroes.
The Ashtadhyayi of Panini (circa 500 BC) and the Mahabhashya of Patanjali (circa 200 BC) refer to
Malavas, who are mentioned in the Greek sources as Maloi. The Malavas, situated in modern day
Punjab, had allianced with Ksudrakas (Oxydrakai) against Alexander. However, after their crushing
defeat in the hands of Alexander, the Malavas migrated to Rajasthan. By second century BC, they
curved out an independent principality with a capital Malavanagara (modern Nagar or Karkotanagar, in
Tonk district) in Rajasthan. They were the earliest people, who used an era, i.e., vikrama-samvat of 58
BC, which is also known as krita era. The Malavas and Yaudheyas are mentioned in Panini’s
Ashtadhyayi as ancient people, living by the profession of arms. The Yaudheyas were situated between
Sutlej and Yamuna region. The Arjunayanas were located in the Bharatpur and Alwar region. The
Abhira was a foreign tribe that came into Indian subcontinent in the first century BC. They first settled
down in Punjab, and from there they moved into lower Indus Valley. From there, they migrated to
western Deccan via Saurashatra. According to Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (early
fourth century AD), the Gana-sanghas, i.e., Malavas, Arjunayanas, Yaudheyas, Madrakas, Abhira, etc.,
were defeated by the Gupta king Samudragupta, and they were forced to accept Gupta suzerainty.
Then after, we hear no more about the Gana-sanghas. It means, the emergence of the Guptas as the
paramount authority in the Ganga Valley by the mid first millennium AD marked the end of Gana-
sangha type of political system.

7.6 Sangam Chiefdoms

The northern India, when witnessed the end of the Mauryan Empire and the beginning of the invasions
of the Indo-Greeks, the Sakas and the mighty Kushanas, the peninsular India was gradually entering
into early historical period. The early historic period, generally known as the Sangam Age (circa 300
BC- AD 300), in south Indian context, witnessed the rise of the Chola, Chera and Pandeya chiefships.

79
Scholars like R. C. Majumdar, and K. A. Nilakanta Sastri have associated the advent of historical period
in south with the migration of Aryans from the north. In the view of R. S. Sharma, the influence of the
Mauryan state along with the movement of merchants and religious missionaries (i.e., Buddhists, Jains,
and Brahmanas) from north to south facilitated the transformation of megalithic society into state-
society. According to Sharma, this transformation was further stimulated by the Indo-Roman trade.
Contrarily, R. Champakalakshmi points out a marginal impact of Mauryan administrative structures over
the Chera, Chola and Pandya chiefships. In her view, the maritime trade with the Romans resulted in
the urbanization as well as formation of early polities in peninsular India.
According to K. Rajan, without studying the previous Megalithic cultures, we cannot understand the
foundation of early historic chiefships and urbanization in context of peninsular India. The Megalithic
people knew agriculture and were expert in various crafts, which most likely provided a firm background
for the emergence of early polities in southern India. Likewise, M. G. S. Narayana argues that the
power and prosperity of the Chola, Chera and Pandya depended upon the agricultural surplus
produced in the three river valleys of the south. He further adds that partly the surplus of peasant
production, and partly the gains of the great inland trade between Tamilakam and Deccan in addition to
overseas Indo-Roman trade, played a crucial role in the emergence and consolidation of local
chieftaincies. In this way, early historic period in south witnessed the convergence of several trends,
which collectively shaped the growth of society, economy, and polity here.
The land inhabited by Chola, Chera, and Pandya chiefships, laying between the banks of Kaveri River
in the north up to Kanya Kumari in the south, is mentioned as Tamilkam in the Sangam literature. The
Cholas were situated in the North East of the Pandyas, in the lower Kaveri valley and adjoining region,
with Uraiyur as their capital city. The Pandyas controlled the southernmost region from coast to coast in
the Tamraparni-Vaigai river valleys with Madurai as their political base. The Cheras were situated in the
North West of Pandyas in the western parts of the Kaveri River with Karur as their seat of power. Their
kingdom mainly stretched along the coast. Tamilakam has been conceptualized in terms of five eco-
zones (or tinais) in Sangam literature, which are- kurunji, mullai, neital, marutam and pallai. The kurunji
refers to a hilly region where millet, bamboo, and rice were part of diet. The mullai denotes to a pasture,
where cattle rearing, weeding the millets, etc., were source of livelihood. Here, varaku, camai, and
mutirai were part of diet. From agricultural point of view marutam was the best region, where rice
formed the major part of people’s diet. Here transportation, weeding, harvesting, and mating the cattle
were the chief occupations. For fishing and salt extraction, neital was famous. Here people traded fish
and salt to other communities living in non-neital zones. In return, they obtained items of necessities
like food, etc. Pallai was a dry zone and people here depended upon plunders and robberies for
subsistence. K. N. Ganesh suggests that tinai does not constitute a single independent zone rather
there were also existed ‘blending zones’ such as kurunci-pallai, mullai-pallai, mullai-marutam and
neital-marutam. In such blending zones, features of more than one and sometime two tinai or eco-
zones were present, providing a distinct identity to it. Thus, Tamilkam was not a homogenous geo-
ecological and socio-cultural unit. It, in fact, comprised various eco-zones as well as blending-zones,
which are well recorded in the Sangam literature.
The chieftains of the Chola, Chera and Pandya controlled the extremely fertile marutam regions of the
Kaveri, Vaigai and Periyar valleys respectively. These kings were called muvendar/vendar or
muvarasar/arasar in the Sangam literature. They had their own special insignia of royalty such as the
staff, drum, flag, and umbrella. The emblem of tiger belonged to Cholas, bow to Cheras and fish to
Pandayas. They also enjoyed the support of several local chiefs known as velir, who paid tributes to
them. R. Champakalakshmi where has characterized them as mere chiefdoms, Upinder Singh
considers them - Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas- as rudimentary states. Singh argues that since they
issued coins, facilitated as well as indulged in overseas trade, collected tolls, and consumed luxuries,
they cannot be reduced to the position of mere chiefdoms. Udiyanjeral was the first known king of

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Cheras. He was associated with the great war of Kurukshetra, mentioned in the Mahabharata. His son,
Nedunjeral Adan fought several battles. It is mentioned that he fought against Cholas and in this battle
both (Chola and Chera) kings died. And their wives performed sati. Adan had two sons, amongst whom
Senguttuvan, also known as the Red or Good Chera, was the most famous one. He is mentioned to
have defeated his rivals and successfully established his cousin on the throne. It seems that after the
second century AD, Chera power weakened considerably. On the other hand, Elara was the important
Chola king, who conquered Sri-Lanka and ruled parts of it for about fifty years. Karikala (literally
meaning ‘a man with the charred leg’) was another famous Chola king. According to a Sangam poem,
he defeated the combined armies of Cheras, Pandyas and lesser chiefs. He fought successfully several
battles, and established Cholas as the eminent political power in the far south. He brought the
forestland under cultivation and provided facilities of irrigation tanks. Karikala is credited with the
establishment of Puhar (coterminous with Kaveripattanam), which soon became the most important
port-city. He also built a 160 km long embankment along the Kaveri River by employing war-captives,
brought from Sri-Lanka. Soon after Karikala, Chola power declined as his successors were trapped in a
fierce succession wars. Nediyon (‘the tall one’), Palsalai Mudukudumi and Nedunjeliyan were amongst
the early Pandyan kings. Nedunjeliyan is mentioned to have defeated an Aryan (i.e., North Indian)
army. This king died of grief, according to Silappadikaram epic, as during his reign happened Kovalan’s
death. Another Pandyan king Nedunjeliyan, also known as ‘who won the battle at Talaiyalanganam’,
defeated the combined armies of two neighbouring monarchs (i.e., Chola and Chera) and five minor
chieftains. In the Sangam literature, we also find mentioning of lesser chiefs like Ay, Andiran and Pari
besides the Chola, Chera and Pandyas. The early historic period in South India, in this way, witnessed
frequent conflicts among the Chola, Chera and Pandya kings, who also fought against lesser chiefs.
Though wars and raids were important channels of resource accumulation, it appears that parts of
agriculture produce were also accumulated by the chiefs from peasants. However, the amount of share
collected of the agricultural produce is not specifically mentioned in available sources. From cattle to
precious goods were looted in wars and raids. War also involved plunder followed by arson and
destruction of habitation areas as well as agricultural fields. In addition to plunders/raids, the Chera,
Chola and Pandya kings also collected tolls and customs from traders on importing and exporting
goods. The collected resources from agriculture, trade, and plunders were then re-distributed in the
form of gifts among their kinsmen, lesser chiefs, brahmanas, bards, warriors, and other groups. The
gift-giving (kodai), in this way, was an important part of contemporary institution of re-distribution.
Majority of people, with negligible subsistence base, depended upon the gift-givers. Important institution
of resource-collection was plunder or raid. In fact, in Sangam economy, plunder/raid formed an
important component that provided resources for re-distribution. In the society, ‘warrior ethics’ were
highly praised. Several terms, e.g., vetcci (cattle raid), karanttai (cattle recovering war), vanji (chieftain’s
attack of a territory), kanji (defending war), and tumpai (getting ready for war) mentioned in the Sangam
literature, in fact, describe various forms of wars and plunders. The aim of a warrior’s life was to gain
glory (pukal), and death in a battlefield was greatly admired. Those who died fighting considered would
live in paradise. Defeated king practiced vattakirutal meaning ritual suicide to avoid social-infamy. The
hero-stones were erected in the memories of warriors died in battles and these hero-stones were
revered by the people. Warriors were mobilized by invoking tribal loyalty. Nowhere in Sangam literature
have we come across the presence of an institutionalized as well as bureaucratized army. It shows that
organization of army was still on tribal basis, and its only purpose was to conduct a plunder/raid rather
than protection of a territory. Elephants were an important component of army, besides cavalry and
infantry. Horses were imported from outside through sea-route into Pandyan kingdom. The title enadi
was bestowed upon the army-captain at a formal ceremony. It also appears that military and civil posts
were occupied by the rich peasants known as vellalas. Arasar was the term for ruling class, whose
members maintained matrimonial relations with the vellalas. The bards played an important role in
legitimizing the political authority of the kings by glorifying and praising their achievements. Besides

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them, under the increasing influence of brahmanas the performance of Vedic sacrifices also came to be
seen as a mean to legitimization by the early centuries of the Christian era. The Chola, Chera, and
Pandya kings also associated themselves with the Mahabharata and the Ramayana legends. Perhaps
its purpose was to connect with the epic tradition and thereby to legitimize their authority.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Which Satavahana ruler defeated the Saka-Kshatrapa king Nahapana?

___________________________________________________________________________
2. What is the name of Satavahana capital?
___________________________________________________________________________
3. What is the meaning of Skandhavara?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Who were Malavas?
___________________________________________________________________________
5. What is the meaning of marutam?
___________________________________________________________________________
6. Write the name of Chola capital.
___________________________________________________________________________

7.7 Summary
Students, the post Mauryan period saw the arrival of several non-indigenous polities (e.g., the Indo-
Greeks, Sakas, and Kushanas) from the North West, and the evolution of indigenous ruling houses
(e.g., the Satavahanas, and Sangam Age chiefships) in the regions outside Ganga valley. Since
several of these polities had evolved from either nomadic-pastoral or tribal background, their rise as a
monarchy display a transition from pre-state to state society. The gana-sangha type of polities
continued but they mainly remained confined to the North-West, and Western India.

7.8 References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.
 Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas & Institutions in Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass:
New Delhi, 1996.

7.9 Further Readings

 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.
 Habib, Irfan, A People’s History of India 6- Post-Mauryan India 200 BC- AD 300: A Political
and Economic History, Aligarh Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika Books: New Delhi,
2012.

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7.10 Model Questions
1. Who were the Kushanas?
2. Discuss the salient characteristics of the Satavahana monarchy.
3. What were the causes of Satavahana and Saka-Kshatrapa rivalry?
4. Why Chola, Chera and Pandeya polities are characterized as Sangam chiefdoms? Explain.

--s—

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 Lesson-8
POST MAURYAN ECONOMY (INDO-ROMAN TRADE)

Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Agricultural Production
8.3 Urban Centres, Ports, and Trade Routes
8.4 Indo-Roman Trade
8.5 Artisans and Traders
8.6 The Coinage
8.7 Summary
8.8 References
8.9.1 Further Readings
8.10 Model Questions

8.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you will be able to:

 Acquire information about cities, seaports, and trade routes.

 Understand the salient features of the Indo-Roman trade.
 Critically analyse the changes and developments in the coinage.

8.1 Introduction
Students, the centre of political activities in the post Maurya period shifted from Ganga valley to the
areas outside it. In the north-west, north and west India came into power the Indo-Greeks, Sakas, and
Kushanas respectively. The Satavahanas dominated the political scene in Deccan, and the peninsular
India was under the Chera, Chola and Pandeya chiefships. Along with these political developments in
the post Mauryan period, agriculture too expanded beyond the Ganga valley into hitherto forested and
virgin territories of Deccan, and peninsular India. Apparently, the emergence of state-polities in outside
Ganga valley areas stimulated the expansion of agriculture. It is so because, without strong agriculture
base emergence and sustenance of state-polity as well as trade-and-commerce was not possible.
Since neither administrators nor traders produced food, they depended upon the peasantry to fulfil their
subsistence needs. Thus, state system and expansion of agriculture went hand in hand in new areas.
8.2 Agricultural Production
Sources, ranging from epigraphs to literature indicate the expansion of agriculture for the first time in
Deccan and peninsular India. In Andhara Pradesh, the place called dhanyakataka in frequently
mentioned in Buddhist literature, and it literally means a rice bowl. It appears from its name that it was a
sedentary agricultural settlement famous for rice cultivation. As trading network expanded, demand of
cash crops such as cotton, sugarcane, coconut, black pepper, etc., multiplied. The text, Gatha-

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Saptasati of Hala (of the Satavahana lineage), informs us about a flourishing rural economy in Deccan.
A cultivator is called Halia, while a plough is referred to by the terms Hala and Langala in this text.
Cultivation of rice, barley, hemp, mango, sesame, cotton, sugarcane, mustard, and betel-leaves is
recorded. Seemingly, during the period under study, the cultivation of major cash crops like coconut in
northern Konkon, pepper in Malabar, and cotton possibly in the black soil of the Deccan became
popular. Sugarcane was another important cash crop. The high demand of Indian textiles in west
stimulated the cotton cultivation in Deccan. Large-scale coconut plantation was possibly for its fruit,
wine, oil, and coir. In ancient India, coconut coir was heavily used in ship industry. The planks were not
nailed rather fasten to build ships, which required large quantity of coir. The black pepper was highly in
demand in Rome, and therefore, it is called in Sangam literature as yavana-priya (loved by foreigners).
The Milindapanho, a Buddhist text, informs us about eight levels of agricultural operation ranging from
removal of the weeds from fields to harvesting and to crop winnowing. Agricultural tools like sickle, iron
ploughshare, axes, spade, etc., are found at Taxila and Sanchi in excavations. The excavation at
Nevasa has brought to light, remains of wheat, barley, rice, millets, sorghum, gram, pea and Indian
jejube from Satavahana levels. Remains of wheat, rice, lentil, and jejube are also reported from another
ancient site, Ter.
Rainwater and wells were used for irrigation. The text, Gatasapsati informs us about a water-lifting
device called rahattaghadiya, which possibly was in use for irrigation. It is a string of earthen pots
attached to a wheel in such a way that the water is raised up, pouring into a channel and flows into the
field. The rahattaghadiya devise was employed to draw water from wells and ponds. The guild of
Odayantrikas, i.e., makers of water machine, is mentioned in one of the Nasik inscriptions of
Satavahana times. Another inscription from Amaravati refers to the superintendent of water houses.
Possibly, this class of officers controlled the distribution of water in countryside. An inscription from
Kanheri records the donation of water tank by a merchant to Buddhist sangha. The Gauda stone
inscription (181 AD) from Gujarat, records that a well (vapi) was dug, and embanked by a Saka-
Kshatrapa general in a village for the welfare of all. The Junagarh rock inscription of Rudradaman (150
AD) provides information about a state sponsored irrigation facility. It mentions about the Sudarshan
Lake, which was built during the reign of Mauryan king Chandragupta. The inscription records that the
conduits (water channels) were added, during the reign of Ashoka, to this Sudarshan Lake, possibly for
irrigation and other activities. Due to some reasons, the embankment was breached in the first century
AD, and it was repaired at the command of the Saka-Kshatrapa king Rudradaman.
8.3 Urban Centres, Ports, and Trade Routes
The post Mauryan period also witnessed an unprecedented growth of urban centres and expansion of
trade networks across India and beyond. An overseas and overland network of International trade was
established that linked India to Roman Empire in the west and to China in the east. The erstwhile urban
centres in the Ganga valley continued to prosper due to a thriving trade, and, at the same time number
of new urban centres developed in various parts of the India. Pushkalavati (modern Charsada, in
Pakistan) was an important commercial centre during the Indo-Greek period. It was declined during the
Kushana period due to the emergence of another city, named Prusushapura (modern Peshawar, in
Pakistan). The famous Uttarapatha originated here, then reached to Chandraketugarh and Tamluk, via
Taxila, Sakala, Mathura, Kausambi, Varanasi and Pataliputra. Pushkalavati was linked to Balkh or
Bactria in the Oxus Valley (north Afghanistan) which was the nodal point of the trade routes linked to
China, Central and West Asia.
Taxila (in modern Pakistan) was an important city of post Mauryan period, and different mounds
belonging to different ruling houses are found here. At Sirkap remains of the Indo-Greeks and Parthians
are found. Kushanas built a city at Sirsukh near Sirkap at Taxila. The city was well planned and had
been an important cultural and economic centre. Sagala/Sakala (Sialkot, in modern Pakistan) was the

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capital city of an Indo-Greek king Menander. From Sunet (in Punjab) a hoard of thirty thousand
Yaudheya’s coin moulds, along with many seals and sealings, is discovered. It, therefore, possibly was
a capital of the Yaudheya gana-sangha. Hastinapur (in Uttar Pradesh) has yielded remains of houses
of burnt bricks, various objects of iron and copper besides terracotta figurines.
Mathura (in Uttar Pradesh) was the second capital of Kushanas, and had been a centre of Buddhism,
Brahmanism, and Jainism. At Mathura, a distinct form of sculptural art was developed generally known
as Mathura School of Art. With the growth of Indo-Roman trade Mathura emerged as nodal point of
various trading routes. Kaushambi (in Uttar Pradesh) was a fortified settlement and it occupied an area
of about 150 hectare within its defence walls. The prosperity of Kaushambi was due to its proximity to
the sources of iron ores and semi-precious stones in the Vindhya hills. It lacked strong agricultural base
due to its location in the poorest soils in Allahabad district. Vaishali (in Bihar) was a capital of
Lichcchavi gana-sangha, and was well fortified. Pundranagara (in Bangladesh) has been identified with
modern Mahasthangarh, and is mentioned in one of the Asokan inscriptions at a place where a
warehouse was located.
Sisupalgarh (in Odhisa) was a fortified settlement possibly representing the Toshali of Asokan
inscription or Kalinganagara of Kharavela’s capital. Another important feature of it was an impressive
gateway of the settlement. Satanikota (in Kurnool district, Andhra Pradesh) was situated on the right
bank of the Tungabhadra River, and it was protected by a rampart and a moat all around it. It also had
a very impressive gateway. Ujjain (in Madhya Pradesh) was an important urban centre as well as a
nodal point of several trading routes. It was linked to Broach (Barygaza, Bharukachcha) in the west, to
various urban centres in the north and to Deccan in the south. Pedabankur (in Maharashtra) was
possibly a mint place of Satavahana rulers as it has yielded several thousand Satavahana coins.
Bhokhardan (in Maharashtra) was located on the trade route from Ujjain to Paithan. Several punch
marked coins, coins of Satavahana and Kshatrapa rulers along with few terracotta seals and sealings
have been found from here.
Nagarjunkonda (in Andhra Pradesh) was an important Buddhist centre and a capital of Ikshvaku
dynasty. The remains of a fortified area within which royal residence was situated has been identified
along with the dwelling houses situated outside the fortified area. Amaravati (in Andhra Pradesh) has
been identified with an ancient city named Dhanayakataka literally meaning rice bowl. It was a Buddhist
as well as an important commercial centre. It was an inland port town on the Krishna River, where
several merchant guilds were functioning. Paithan (in Maharashtra), also known as Prathisthana, was
the capital of Satavahanas. It was an important centre of textile industry. It was linked in the north to the
cities of mid-Ganga valley such as Pataliputra, and Kaushambi via Ujjain and Maheshwar
(Mahishamati), and in south, it was linked to Ter. The route that linked Paithan with the cities of North
India is called Dakshinapatha in early Indian literature. A route passed across the Deccan to the lower
Kaveri valley and from there reached to Kanchipuram and Madurai in south. Ter (in Maharashtra) was
an important centre of textile production. It was situated on the important inland route linking the
eastern coast from Masulipatinam and Vinukonda to Barygaza. Two routes starting from Masulipatinam
and Vinukona meet at Hyderabad and from there join each other to move forward via Kalyan, Ter,
Paithan, Daultabad and Nasik to reach Barygaza. Vanji/Karur (in Kerala) was a capital of Chera
dynasty. It was a mint town and had been famous for jewellery making. Madurai (in Tamil Nadu) was a
capital of Pandya Kingdom and had been a centre of high quality cotton textile. Uraiyur (in Tamil Nadu)
was a capital city of Cholas. It was famous for fine quality of textiles.
On the mouth of Indus River, Barbarycum port was located, which was linked to Taxila via Patala
through a trade route that ran parallel to Indus. On western seacoast were situated Barygaza, Sopara,
Kalayana, Chaul, and Muziris. Sopara (Suparaka) was situated a few mile north of present Bombay. It
was connected to Paithan via Kalyan. Kalayana (Kalliene), located on the southern bank of Ulhas

86
River, was linked to ancient Nasik through the Thal pass, to Poona through the Bhor Pass, and to Junar
through the Nana Pass. Chaul (Semylla) is located at the south of present day Mumbai, in
Maharashtra. Muziris (Muchiri), on Malabar Coast, was the most famous and important port of Chera
Kingdom. The Greco-Roman sources mention about a force of two cohorts at Muziris to protect their
trade and building of a temple for Augustus by the Romans.
On the eastern seacoast were located ports such as Kaveripattinam, Masulipatinam, Tamralipta, and
Chandraketugarh. Kaveripattinam (Puhar) was the most important Chola port, also known from
Sangam literature and two famous Tamil epics- Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai. Ptolemy refers to
Masulipatinam (in Andhra Pradesh) as Maisolia. Tamluk or Tamralipta (in Midanapur dist. West Bengal)
was situated on the river Rupnarayan, and Chandraketugarh (in West Bengal) was situated in the
Ganga delta. It consisted of a cluster of 24 parganas district of West Bengal. The terracotta sealings
found here have impressions of ships or sea crafts. It was situated on the bank of the Vidyadhari River
and was a riverine port with the facilities of both coastal as well as high high-sea voyages. Seaports on
eastern coast of India linked different cities of India to South East Asia.

Self Assessment questions.

1. What is rahattaghadiya?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. Write a short note on Sudarshana Lake.
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Explain the term Uttarapatha.
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Explain the term Dakshinapatha.
___________________________________________________________________________

8.4 Indo-Roman Trade

With the expansion of Roman Empire, a demand for luxury items in the upper classes of the society
particularly for the exotic items of the east was created. China from the beginning was the main
producer of silk, which was highly in demand in the Roman Empire. The long and perilous overland
route, generally called Silk route, was developed linking the East Asia to the markets in the Roman
Empire. The place name, Loulan in China was the eastern terminus point. From Loulan the trade route
reached to Dunhuang/Tunhuang from where it was bifurcated to avoid the Taklamakan desert. Both the
routes again converged at Kashgarh and the route then reached to Merv or Margiana either through
Smarkand or through Bactra/Bactria. From Merv the overland route reached to Mediterranean sea-
board via Iran, Iraq, and Jordan. Noticeably, the Parthians had won their independence from Seleucid
rulers by about 250 BC. As a result, they established a firm control over West Asia. As they came to
control a greater part of this over land trade route, they imposed heavy taxation on merchants passing
through their territories, and it created greater difficulties for the Roman traders. Therefore, the Roman
traders were always in search of alternative routes to avoid exorbitant taxation and harsh attitude of the
Parthians.
Three important developments, by the beginning of first millennium AD, brought a considerable change
in the trading pattern of the existing silk trade route. First development was the emergence of Kushana
Empire, with a firm control over a region, stretching from central Asia to northern India. Second
development was the accession of Augustus to Roman throne, which ended decade’s long civil wars

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and established peace in Rome. Third development was the discovery of monsoon winds by the
Roman sailors, which made possible a direct and faster sea journey to Indian shores from Red Sea.
Now sailors could set out for western Indian ports with the beginning of South Western monsoon winds
from Red Sea in July. The backward journey had to be undertaken by December or as late as January
with the beginning of North East monsoon winds. The discovery of monsoon winds by the Roman
mariners increased the Indo-Roman trade manifolds. Here it is noticeable that the Arabs had long
known how to use monsoons in crossing the Indian Ocean, and thus played an important role in the
sea trade. However, the discovery by Roman mariners of the use of the monsoon winds to reach India
finally broke the intermediaries’ power. The Greco-Romans, therefore, did not invent the Indo-Roman
trade networks. Instead, they participated increasingly in the already existing trade networks, after
learning the pattern of monsoon winds, in the Indian Ocean.
Earlier, the Persian Gulf was the starting point for eastward trade, but due to a hostile attitude of the
Parthians, the Red Sea gradually gained pre-eminence in Indo-Roman trade. The purpose was to avoid
Parthians, who due to a close proximity to the Persian Gulf enjoyed a considerable control over trading
activities here. Now, from the Red Sea the cargos were taken to Coptos and thence to Alexandria. With
the accession of Augustus, there established peace in Rome. As a result, the demand for exotic goods
from east, particularly of silk, gained greater momentum among the Roman gentry. At the same time
emergence of Kushana Empire in the central Asia and northern India, provided a secure and peaceful
meeting ground to traders of various ethnicities (the Chinese, the Greco-Romans, the Arabas and the
Indians) involved in long distance trade. Now the commodities could be brought to the Indian ports
through overland routes and trans-shipped to the Rome. The trade route now reached to Balkh/Bactria
from China and then ran through Kapisi and Kabul valley to Purushapura, Pushkalavati and Taxila.
From Taxila the goods reached to Mathura and from there to Barygaza via Ujjain. Another route from
Kashghar reached to India via Gilgit in Kashmir. From Mathura, another route branched off, and
reached to Chandraketugarh or Tamralipta, via Kaushambi, Vaishali, Pataliputra and Champa.
In Indian literature yavana term has been used for the Greeks in the beginning. Subsequently, it was
applied to all the foreigners coming to India from the region situated west of the Indian subcontinent.
India transhipped various commodities (e.g. spice like cassia, cinnamon, sandalwood, camphor, etc.)
obtained from South East Asia to Rome. South East Asia has been called Suvarnabhumi or
Suvarnadvipa in ancient Sanskrit and Pali literature, which literally means land of gold. Where the
Arthashastra refers to Suvarnabhumi in relation to the import of incense and aloe-wood, the Jatakas
mention about the sea voyages to Suvarnabhumi from Varanasi in the Ganga Valley, and from
Bhrigukachcha on the western seacoast of India. It clearly indicates to a well-established trade network
between India and South East Asia. Besides silk the commodities exported from India to Rome
comprised spices (e.g., black pepper, cinnamon, ginger, turmeric, and cardamom), incenses and
perfumes of various types, wild and fierce animals (elephants, rhinoceros, tiger, leopard, huge
serpents, and monkeys), Ivory, tortoise shells, textiles (muslin, woollen clothes), and precious stones
(diamond, emerald, turquoise).
Spices were used in Rome for perfume-powders, cosmetics, incense, and antidotes to poison. The wild
animals were used for staged hunts in coliseums famous in Roman cities. The best quality of textiles
was exported from Bengal coast, while the ordinary qualities of cotton clothes were produced at
Paithan and Ter, which were shipped to Rome from Barygaza. The Sangam literature also talks about
the ships of Yavanas (Greco-Romans) arriving at the Indian port, Muziris, with merchandise and gold to
buy pepper and other good. Due to a higher demand of black pepper in ancient Rome, it has been
termed by Romila Thapar as a “black gold” of ancient India. It appears that commodities were brought
from Muziris to Red Sea (possibly Myos Hormos), and were carried from there to Rome via
Coptos/Koptos and Alexandria. India imported fewer commodities such as wine, olive oil, corals, glass
objects, and beads, from Rome. As far as export to China is concern, we do not have much

88
information. However, it has been shown by Xinru Liu that the export to China from India comprised
chiefly the corals, pearls, glass vessels, and beads. Pearls were procured from south India and Ceylon,
and were exported to Rome as well as China.
8.5 Artisans and Traders
The Buddhist texts, the Milindapanha and the Mahavastu mention the presence of more than sixty
occupations. Various artisans are mentioned in epigraphs, such as - carpenters, bamboo-workers,
reed-makers, brazier, potters, masons, weavers, perfumers, clock-makers, oilmen, garland-makers,
jewellers, ivory workers, goldsmiths, brass-smiths, bronze-smiths, blacksmiths, and leather workers.
From this list of professionals, it appears that specialized individuals, expert in the production of a
particular type of commodity, had emerged by the early centuries of the Christian era. The localization
of crafts is also evident from Jataka stories, which mention villages named after the main profession of
their inhabitants- e.g., potters, carpenters, metal smiths, foresters, hunters, fowlers, fishermen, and salt
makers. Within towns, houses of specific types of craftspersons were often concentrated in certain
streets and quarters. Certain professions also became hereditary. In several Jataka stories, sons are
often depicted as following the profession of their fathers. Terms like sarthavahakula (family of caravan
traders), kumbhakarakula (family of potters), dhanyavanikakula (family of grain traders), and so forth
are mentioned in Jataka tales, which indicate the hereditary nature of certain professions.

The presence of various types of merchants has also been attested by epigraphical and textual
sources. Some of them are as follows: petty traders, caravan traders, merchant-financiers, master
mariner, and so forth. The gahapatis and setthis, were important social groups of contemporary society.
They enjoyed higher social position and status due to enormous wealth, accumulated from agriculture
as well as trade. They also were closely associated with the royal authorities. The term gahapati
referred to a rich landed class owning vast tracts of land as well as huge cattle wealth. It has been
Further that the increasing concentration of wealth in their hands and involvement in trade resulted in
the emergence of setthi-gahapatis or setthis or other ranks of merchants. In this way, the gahapati in a
narrower sense was a term of description that stood for someone primarily based on land, while the
term setthi-gahapati was used for a person engaged in agriculture as well as trading activities. The term
setthi refers to a merchant-banker, who is mentioned in several Jataka stories as a leader as well as a
representative of the merchant community in the royal court. Petty-traders were called vanika and the
sarthavaha was the term in use for caravan traders. The Jataka stories give accounts of long caravan
journeys. They mention people travelling on foot and bullock carts, and rich people travelling in chariots
and palanquins. They refer to wells and tanks along roads, and rest houses where weary traders and
travellers halted to rest and refreshment. In R. C. Majumdar’s view, due to insecure contemporary
conditions traders came together to form their guilds. They had to travel far off places for trade, and
such journeys involved greater uncertainties and threats posed by nature, bandits, and wild animals.
Thus, professional organisations of traders were formed to help each other during such professional
endeavours. In a same way, different craft specialists also formed their gilds in order to protect their
economic interests.
The sources inform us about various professional organizations known as sreni, gana, samgha, puga
and nikaya of artisans of a common craft or profession. They are generally translated as guild in
English. The Jataka tales refer to the guild of wood-workers, guild of smiths, guild of leather workers,
and guild of painters. Epigraphs from Deccan inform us about the guilds of weavers, potters, flour
makers, oil millers, bamboo workers, and merchants. These guilds laid greater emphasis upon
hereditary nature of occupation. It appears from the Jatakas and Smriti literature that these guilds were
headed by a jethaka or pamukha, who possibly were assisted by other officials. Guilds were
recommended, by the Yajnavalkya-Samhita, to be governed according to its own rules and regulations

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(sreni-dharma). According to the Yajnavalkya, Karya-chintakas were the executive officers who kept in
check the irregularities. They also resolved the disputes. Kings were generally advised not to interfere
in the matters of guilds as long as guild authorities were able to resolve the disputes. However, in case
they failed, then king was expected to step in to resolve the disputes. The guilds also worked as a
banker and deposited money on which interest was paid by them. A Nasik inscription of Usabhadata
records a perpetual investment of money in two different guilds of weavers. The interest on the money
was to be provided to the monks for clothes and other expenses by the guild. Similarly, Mathura Pillar
inscription of the time of Huvishka (circa 106 AD) records a perpetual investment in the guild of flour
maker. The interest on the investment was to be used for the maintenance of one hundred brahmanas,
and to provide food to the poor peoples, at a temple complex.
In spite of a hostile attitude of the brahmana lawgivers towards trade and commerce, inscriptional and
literary sources clearly record the participation of Indian traders in overseas trade. Few examples would
be sufficient to support this point. An inscription from Ghantasala (in Andhra Pradesh) of the first
century AD informs us about a master mariner (mahanavika), who was the son of a gahapati. The
Jataka stories too refer to sea voyages to Suvarnabhumi (South East Asia) from Varanasi in Ganga
Valley and from Bhrigukachcha, a port situated on India’s western coast. Since India transhipped
several commodities procured from South East Asia like cassia and cinnamon to Rome, these
commodities required Indian traders to visit South East Asia frequently. A third century AD Chinese
author, records that Indian ships carried six to seven hundred persons and were 40-50 metres in
length. Even the Greco-Roman author Pliny informs us about high capacity Indian ships, which carried
goods across Indian Ocean.
The Jatakas talk of ships made of planks of wood, equipped with three masts, rigging, sails, planks,
and oars. The crew of a big ship included the captain, pilot, a person in charge of manipulating the
cutter and ropes, and a bailer of water. Indian sailors used special birds to identify land. When released
from ship, these would fly towards land if it was nearby, but would otherwise return to the ship.
Noticeably, in Indian boats planks were not held together with nails, but were stitched together with coir
rope made especially for the purpose. Sewn boats were probably considered better suited to
withstanding the impact of strong waves and hitting the shore.
8.6 The Coinage
The period witnessed a spurt in the issuing of coins and for the first time, there began to appear
dynastic coins with the images of the rulers. Earlier silver punch marked coins (karshapanas) were in
circulation, issued by individuals or group of merchants. They had various marks on the one side of it,
without any name. Mostly, the punch-marked coins were made by cutting the sheets of silver in
rectangular, and then stamping five small symbols on the one side. Though the punch marked coins
remained in use, a new trend, influenced by the Indo-Greek coinage, increasingly became popular in
the subcontinent towards the end of the first millennium BC. It was the depiction of the name as well as
image of the issuing authority (i.e., king) on the one side of the coin, and depiction of revered deity/god
on the other side. Coins belonging to different dynasties, gana-sanghas, cities and individuals and so
forth are found, belonging to the post Mauryan period.
Numerous coins of foreign dynasties, such as the Indo-Greeks, Sakas, Parthians, Kushanas, and
Saka-Kushanas are found. Noticeably, by the first century BC, the punch-mark technique of making
coins was replaced by the development of die-striking technique and mould casting technique. Now the
depiction of realistic humans, deities, animals, and plants became increasingly possible. The use of
inscription also gained momentum in northern India due to the Indo-Greek influence. The Indo-Greek
coins are mostly bilingual and have two scripts- Brahmi and Kharoshthi. They, in fact, introduced for the
first time the depiction of the ruler’s portrait on the coin on the one side and of a revered deity on the
other, along with their names. The trend initiated by the Indo-Greeks continued to be in practice during

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the reign of the Sakas, the Parthians and the Kushanas, who came into power, one after another, after
the decline of the Indo-Greek power. Various Indo-Greek rulers –e.g. Demetrius, Antiochus, Diodotus,
Euthydemus, and Demetrius, have issued silver and copper coins for the circulation in northern India.
The Indo-Greek coins depict various Greek deities like Zeus, Heracles, Apollo, Nike, Pallas, Poseidon,
and so forth. In some of their coins, depiction of Indian deities like Vasudeva-Kishna with chakra
(wheel), and Balarama with a plough has been reported. Coins of the Saka rulers like Maues, Vonones
and Azes-I have followed the Indo-Greek coin patterns. The successor of Azes-I, named Azilises is
credited with the introduction of Abhisheka Lakshmi’s depiction on his coins.
However, the Kushanas, while retained few features, introduced by the earlier rulers, in their coinage
they also gradually introduced significant changes in it. The most important contribution of the
Kushanas was the introduction of gold coins at large scale in the Indian subcontinent for the first time.
The Kushana king Vima Kadphises is credited with the issuance of gold coins. In addition to gold coins,
silver and copper coins were also issued by the Kushanas. The Kushana coins depict various male and
female deities belonging to the Greeks, the Iranians, and the Indians belief systems. The Greek deities
like Herakles (Hercules), Zero (Zeus), and Helios (Sun god), and the Iranian deities like Mihira (sun),
Mao (moon), Oado (wind), Nana (nature goddess), etc., are depicted on the Kushana coins. As far as
Hindu divinities are concerned, we have the depiction of Oheso (Shiva), Ommo (consort of Shiva Uma),
Skandakumaro (Kartikeya, Shiva’s son), and Vasudeva (Vishnu), in their coins. Noticeably, Boddo
(Buddha) is also depicted in Kushana coinage. The earlier Kushana coins were bi-lingual (Greek and
Prakrit language), but the Kanishka progressively discontinued this practice and introduced the Bactrian
language in his coins. In the coins of later Kushana rulers, shows an increasing indigenous influence
and many of the coins have legends in brahmi script. The Saka-Kshatrapas’ coins were influenced by
the coins of Indo-Greeks and Saka rulers of northern and North Western India, and were made of silver
and copper mostly.
The gana-sanghas, situated in Northern and North Western India, such as Arjunayana, Audumbaras,
Kunindas, Kulutas, Malavas, Rajanyas, Sibis, Vrisni and Yaudheyas, have issued mostly copper coins.
Silver coins are few, and so far, no gold coin issued by them has been reported. Many of these coins
are found from the hoards that have also yielded coins of the Indo-Greeks, the Sakas, the Parthians
and the Kushanas. Apparently, these different types of coins were in circulation simultaneously. In most
of the coins, legends are in Prakrit except some of the coins issued by Arjunayanas, Malavas, Vrisni
and Yaudheyas, which have legends in Sanskrit language. The coins of Audumbaras, Kulutas, Rajana
have Prakrit legends in both brahmi and kharoshthi scripts. Like foreign dynasties, these indigenous
coins do not depict image of the king. However, in several coins images of revered deities (e.g.,
Laksmi, Siva-lingam, Siva, and Kartikeya) have been noticed. The coins also have various animal and
plant images/symbols like tree in an enclosure, tree in railing, palm leaf, bull, elephant, and horse, etc.
We do not find indigenous coins, with the image of kings, which was a common practice in the case of
the coins of foreign dynasties. Satavahanas issued coins made of lead, potin (copper mixed with tin
and other metals), copper, and silver. The coins of earlier Satavahana rulers have legends in Prakrit,
but Vasisthiputra Sri Pulumavi introduced a change and for the first time issued bilingual and bi-
scriptual coins. The legends on these bilingual and bi-scriptual, coins are in Tamil or Telugu. Many
coins are found from Taxila, Ujjain, Pushkalawati (modern Peshawar), Varanasi, Sravasti, Kaushambi,
Mahisamati, Tripuri, Suktimati, etc., with the name of the city. Seemingly, these coins were issued by
the city-administration or merchant guilds.
The Roman coins found in the Indian subcontinent are of Augustus or post Augustus period. Most of
them belong to the reigns of Augustus (31 BC-14 AD) and Tiberius (14-37 AD). It suggests that the
Indo-Roman trade was at its peak during the early centuries of Christian era. Based on coin findings,
the concentration of Roman coins appears to be in the Krishna Valley (Andhra Pradesh) and the
Coimbatore region (Tamil Nadu). However, few coins are also reported from northern and western

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India. The gold coins of the Romans were known as aurei and silver coins as denarii. Hardly any
Roman coin is reported from Northern India, except few coins, which are found in Taxila and Manikyala
(in Pakistan). Roman coins were possibly used as bullion, and in the case of Kushanas, it appears that
the Roman gold coins were melted to mint their own gold currency by them. The coins were carefully
selected for their use in India and preference was given to those coins, which contained high gold or
silver content. The Roman copper and bronze coins of the third -fourth century AD are reported from
Gujarat, Karnataka, and Southern Tamil Nadu.

Self Assessment questions.

1. What is Silk-route?
___________________________________________________________________________
2. Explain the term yavana.
___________________________________________________________________________
3. Which place is called Suvarnabhumi or Suvarnadvipa in early Indian literature?
___________________________________________________________________________
4. Explain the term sarthavaha
___________________________________________________________________________.
5. Write a short note on Indian ship making technique.
___________________________________________________________________________.
6. What are denarii?
___________________________________________________________________________.

8.7 Summary
Students, the post Mauryan period saw the economic changes at various fronts. On the one hand,
agriculture spread into Western India, Deccan, and Peninsular India, and several craft groups rose to
prominence, and on the other hand, India was linked to West as well as East through long distance
land as well as overseas trade routes. The Indo-Greeks introduced significant changes in coinage and
popularised die striking and mould-casting techniques in India, and the credit for the introduction of gold
coins in India goes to the Kushana king Vima Kadphises. Circulation of coins of both indigenous as well
as non-indigenous polities indicate the monetization of economy, and thereby the use of coins in
various types of transactions.
8.8 References
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

 Habib, Irfan, A People’s History of India 6- Post-Mauryan India 200 BC- AD 300: A Political and
Economic History, Aligarh Historians Society: Aligarh and Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2012.

8.9 Further Readings

 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.

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 Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas & Institutions in Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass:
New Delhi, 1996.

8.10 Model Questions

1. Write an essay on the Indo-Roman trade.

2. What types of crops became more prominent in the post Mauryan period?
3. Explain the functioning of early Indian guilds.
4. Highlight the salient characteristics of the Kushana coins.

--S—

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 Lesson-9
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: THE GUPTAS

Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Origin of the Guptas
9.3 Political History
9.4 Gupta Administration
9.5 Revenue System
9.6 Summary
9.7 References
9.8 Further Readings
9.9 Model Questions

9.0 Objectives
After reading this chapter you will be able to:
 Learn about the Origin of the Gupta dynasty.
 Understand the military achievements of the Gupta Rulers.
 Critically analyze the Gupta administration.
 Understand the Formation of the Gupta Empire.
 Acquire knowledge about the structure of the Gupta polity.

9.1 Introduction
Students, the period from AD 300 to AD 600 is one of the most important phases in Indian history,
which witnessed the presence of the Imperial Guptas in north India and under this polity a great
efflorescence in cultural arena, especially in creative literature, art and architecture took place. This
period was marked by the spread of Sanskrit all over India as a court and elite language, as a medium
of expression of the elite culture. Indian historians who lived and wrote during the period of the
Nationalist resistance to colonial rule portrayed the Gupta period as a ‘golden age’. The glorification of
the Gupta period can be viewed as a reaction of Nationalist historians to imperialist historiography. The
traditional understanding of the Gupta period underwent a radical revision in the 1960s and 1970s. This
was part of an attempt to rectify the biases inherent in nationalist historiography. It was also part of a
larger historiographical shift dominated by Marxist historians –D. D. Kosambi, R. S. Sharma and D. N.

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Jha, who argued that the main feature of feudalism existed in the Gupta period and were intensified in
subsequent centuries. The Gupta period thus was associated with decentralised political system,
serfdom and exploitation of peasantry, self-sufficient village economy, urban decay and rise of feudal
lords. During the 1970s and 1980s, B. D. Chattopadhyaya and Hermann Kulke put forward an
alternative historical paradigm. They argued that far from being a period of political breakdown, the
Gupta period was marked by the beginning of an intensive process of state formation at the regional
and sub-regional levels, and this process continued in the post-Gupta period. Romila Thapar uses the
term ‘Threshold Times’ for the same period, due to wider political, economic and socio-cultural changes
that took place in India.

9.2 Origin of the Guptas

Many scholars have paid considerable attention to the problem of determining the varna status of the
royal Gupta family, and different views are proposed in this regard. S. R. Goyal is of the opinion that the
gotra of the Guptas, namely Dharna, indicates that they could be of brahmana origin. Some other
scholars identify the Guptas as of vaishya varna. It is difficult to ascertain their varna status as there is
no authentic source providing these details. The origin and original home of the Guptas is obscure; but
it is likely that they began their career as subordinate ruler of one of the branches of the later
Kushanas. Earlier it was thought that they ruled over a small principality of in Magadha but in recent
times the region of western Ganges Plain has been identified as their area of control. Inscriptions tell us
that Srigupta (c. 275-300 AD) was the first king of the Gupta dynasty and he was followed by
Ghatotkachagupta (300-320 AD); but they were not of much significance. It was only with the
Chandragupta I that the dynastic rule began, and he assumed the title of maharajadhiraja.

9.3 Political History

Chandragupta I
Chandragupta I was the first independent ruler of the Gupta dynasty. As the first sovereign ruler of the
family, he is credited with initiating an era (named after the Guptas, hence the term Gupta era) which
was continued by his successors uninterruptedly and it’s started in 319-320 AD. He took a politically
beneficial step by marrying into the Lichchhavi family. This alliance gave them the much needed
political significance and stability as Lichchhavis were an old and well established ganasangha of north
Bihar. The importance of this alliance can be found out from the legendary gold coins of Chandragupta-
Kumaradevi. In these coins queen Kumaradevi is engraved on the obverse and a seated goddess on
the reverse with a legend Lichchhavayah. The Chandragupta-Kumaradevi type of gold coin leaves little
room for doubt about the marriage alliance between the rising monarchical power in the middle Ganga
valley and a well-known non-monarchical clan in north Bihar. In the long run the marriage probably
resulted in the incorporation of the area around Vaishali within the Gupta realm. The political
significance of this matrimonial connection is intelligible nor only by the coin legend Lichchhavayah, but
also by one of the epithets of Samudragupta (progeny of this marriage), namely, the grandson of the
Lichchavis (Lichchhavidauhitra). The foundation of the Gupta power by Chandragupta I seems to have
brought the middle Ganga valley and the region around Pataliputra back to political limelight.
Samudragupta

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Samudragupta was the direct successor of his father Chandragupta I and he was definitely the most
outstanding political figure of his family. His stupendous efforts to raise the Guptas as the supreme
political power are presented in the Allahabad pillar inscription (also called Prayaga prashasti), the Eran
stone inscription and his coins. Samudragupta is referred to as Lichchhavi-dauhitra (grandson of the
Lichchhavis). This lengthy eulogy provides an impressive list of kings and regions that succumbed to
him during his long reign. It was written by his court poet, Harishena who composed it in thirty-three
lines. The inscription says that he was a great conqueror and uprooted no less than ten kings of north
India (Aryavartta). It mentions about the conquests in various stages:
Campaigns in Aryavartta- In the first phase king namely Kota-Kulaja of Kota family in east Punjab
was captured which is mentioned in the 14 th line. He again returned towards north from his south
campaign to exterminate other nine kings by the names Rudradeva (identified with a Shaka king of
western India), Matila (ruling near Bulandshah in Uttar Pradesh), Nagadatta (a Naga ruler of north India
or in northern Bengal), Chandravarman (ruling in the Bankura district, West Bengal), Ganapatinaga
(ruling over Mathura), Nagasena (a Naga ruler associated with Padmavati in Madhya Pradesh),
Achyuta (probably ruling over Ahichchhatra in Bareilly district of Uttar Pradesh), Nandin (possibly a
Naga king) and Balavarman (identified either with a king of upper Assam or of eastern Malwa).
Campaigns in South- The lines 19-20 speak about the 12 rulers from dakshinapatha who were
captured and then released. The 12 rulers are as following: Mahendra of Kosala (South Kosala,
comprising Raipur, Bilaspur, Sambalpur areas in Chhattisgarh), Vyaghraja of Mahakantara (the forest
tracts in the Baster region), Mantaraja of Kaurala (eastern Godavari district, Andhra Pradesh),
Mahendra of Pishtapura (Pithapuram near Kakinada in Andhra Pradesh), Svamidata of Kottura
(possibly in the Vizagapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh), Damana of Erandapalla (either in the
Vizagapatnam or the western Godavari district, Andhra Pradesh), Vishnugopa of Kanchi (Kanchipuram
in northern Tamil Nadu), Nilaraja of Avamukta (probably in the Anantapur district, Andhra Pradesh),
Hastivarman of Vengi (present Veggi or Pedda-vegi in the deltas of the Godavari and the Krishna
rivers), Ugrasena of Palaka (possibly located in the Nellore district, Andhra Pradesh), Kubera of
Devarashtra (probably on the eastern coast, Vizagapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh), and Dhanamjaya
of Kusthalapura (possibly in the western part of Andhra Pradesh).
Campaigns of frontier kingdoms-Line 22 mentions about the pratyanta states or the frontier
kingdoms. They were ready to offer tributes and obey the orders of the Gupta ruler. They also paid
personal obeisance to Samudragupta. These were the rulers of Samatata (Southeastern Bangladesh,
to the east of the Meghna river), Davaka (probably in the Nowgaon district, Assam), Kamarupa (upper
Assam), Nepal (modern Nepal) and Katripura (Kartarpur near Jullundhar in the Punjab or in the
Gadhwal area of Uttarakhand). He also mentioned to have subjugated the ganasanghas of Malavas
(Jaipur area, Rajasthan), Arjunayanas (located in the Delhi-Jaipur-Agra triangle), Yaudheyas
(Bharatpur, Rajasthan), Madrakas (between the rivers Chenab and Ravi in Pakistan), Abhiras (possibly
in western Deccan around Nasik), Prajunas/Prabhiras, Kakapuras (near Sanchi), Sanakanikas (near
Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh), and Kharaparikas (possibly in the Damoh district, Madhya Pradesh).
Campaigns in forest regions- Line 21 mentions about all the forest kings (atavika-rajas) who were
reduced to the position of servants.
Then there were mention of kings who rendered all kinds of service to Samudragupta, paying tribute
and self-surrendering by offering their daughters in marriage such as foreign rulers of north-west
(Shakas and Murundas) and kings with title Daivaputra Shahanushahi (definitely referring to the

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descendents of Kushanas). Consequently, Samudragupta has been given the title of ‘Napoleon of
India.’ Samudragupta was a king of many talents. He was not only a great conqueror who laid a solid
foundation for Gupta dynasty but was also an artist by nature as we see it in his coins where he is
depicted sitting on a couch, playing the vina (lyre). There are the coins known as the ‘ashvamedha
type’ in which a sacrificial horse is shown standing before a decorated yupa. Samudragupta is also
referred to by many names in his coins such as “parakramah (brave), apratirathah (invincible),
ashvamedha-parakramah (powerful enough to perform the ashvamedha) and vyagraha-parakramah
(brave as a tiger)”.
Chandragupta II
The growth and spread of the power of the Guptas continued unabated under Chandragupta II, son and
successor of Samudragupta, during the reign of nearly four decades (AD 375-414). Chandragupta II
was exceptionally chivalrous and had heroic qualities. It appears from sources that his accession to the
throne was not uncontested. It is indicated by sources that before him there was a king named
Ramagupta who probably was Chandragupta’s elder brother. This name has been found mentioned in
the drama, Devichandraguptam of Vishakhadatta, a seventh century dramatist. The story says that
Ramagupta was defeated in a battle with the Shakas and subsequently he agreed to surrender his wife,
queen Dhruvadevi. To save his family’s honour Chandragupta disguised as the queen and killed the
Shaka king and later killed his brother Rama and married his widow Dhruvadevi. The coins of
Ramagupta and inscriptions mentioning Dhruvadevi as Chandragupta’s wife gives some authenticity to
this story.
Chandragupta II led his early campaigns against the Shakas and annexed western India. To
commemorate his victory he issued special silver coins. He was the first Gupta ruler to have issued
silver coins which were clearly modelled after the circulating silver coins of the Shakas, and these coins
also bore his portrayal as a lion-slayer. The lion being still available in the Kathiawar-Gujarat area, the
coin probably signifies his conquest of western India. With this conquest, the Gupta territorial expansion
reached the westernmost part of the subcontinent and included the prosperous area of Gujarat noted
for its maritime trade. This win also provided the much needed security to western border of India and
also access to the western trade with ports being under their control. He continued with the policy of
marriage alliances and married the Naga princess, Kubernaga. Through this marriage he befriended
the Nagas of central India and a daughter called Prabhavatigupta was born from this marriage. She
was married to Vakataka King Rudrasena II who was ruling the Deccan. Soon within five years
Rudrasena II died and Prabhavatigupta, his widow acted as regent from c.390- 410 A.D. as his sons
were minors. This finally led to the Gupta control over the Vakatakas. Chandragupta is also supposed
to have got into a marriage alliance with the Kadambas of Kuntala (in Karnataka). His main aim was to
destroy the Shaka rule from western India completely and so around 411-12 A.D. he conquered the
Shaka kingdom by defeating the King Rudrasimha III. Mehrauli Iron Pillar in the Qutub Minar complex
speaks about a king Chandra as crossing the sindhu region of seven rivers; “he also conquered a
confederacy of enemies in Vanga (central deltaic Bengal); the ruler was a devout Vaishnava”. This
inscription is supposed to have been written in 4th century A.D. and includes a description of the military
achievements of King Chandra and his campaign to Vahlika (Bactria) which is also mentioned in the
Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa. Now all these references cannot be of some local ruler called
Chandravarman as some scholars believe. Rather indicate to the military exploits of the Gupta king
Chandragupta II as has been opined by some other scholars.

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Later he took the title of Vikramaditya or sun of prowess which has been linked to the legendary king of
that name who is associated with a strong sense of justice. During his time the Gupta dynasty extended
as far as the Kathiawad peninsula in Gujarat. It was in his time that literature and art achieved great
heights and we also get mentionings regarding the presence of navratnas in his court. His rule came to
an end in approximately A.D. 413/415 and he was succeeded by his son Kumaragupta I.
Kumaragupta I
The son and successor of Chandragupta II, Kumaragupta was brave enough to not only keep the vast
Gupta dynasty intact which had been consolidated by his father and grandfather but also to extend the
empire for the first time into north Bengal, north Bihar and Rajasthan. The Damodar Copper Plate
inscription (433-447 A.D.) refers to him as maharajadhiraja and show that he himself appointed the
governor (uparika) of Pundravardhana bhukti (province) being the biggest administrative division in the
empire. He is supposed to have performed the ashvamedha sacrifice and a stone inscription from
Mandasor (436 A.D.) mentions him as reigning over the whole earth. A large variety of gold coins was
issued by him and his coins had representations of the god Karttikeya. Towards the end of his rule the
north-western front of the empire experienced the Huna invasion; which his son, Skandagupta was able
to repulse and restore peace there. The last known date of his rule comes from a silver coin dated A.D.
455. The phase following his reign, however, is marked by problems within the realm, incursions from
without and dissension within the imperial family itself. Skandagupta, who apparently succeeded
Kumaragupta after AD 454, does not figure in the genealogical list of Gupta kings (in inscriptions and
seals) where a son of Kumaragupta I, namely Purugupta is mentioned. It has been suggested that
Skandagupta was possibly not the son of the Chief Queen of Kumaragutpa I, and therefore, he was not
the legal claimant to the throne following primogeniture. While Skandagupta’s records make a vague
allusion to his mother (possibly Devaki), the mother of Purugupta is categorically mentioned as
Mahadevi (chief queen) Anantadevi. However, if one concedes the possibility of a struggle of
succession after or on the eve of the death of Kumaragupta I, Skandagupta seems to have been the
direct successor.
Skandagupta
Skandagupta faced troubles from two sides- invasion of the Hunas from north-west and domestic
problems from within the empire, involving court rivalries. It was becoming difficult to keep them under
control and fiscal crisis was also taking toll on the empire as the coins show debasement. Though he
repulsed the Huna invasion he could not control the internal disintegration. He had to fight
Pushyamitras whose identity is not very clear. Junagarh inscription however informs us about the
public works taken during his time. It mentions specially about the repairing of Sudarshana Lake by his
governor Parnadatta. His last known date is 467 A.D. Skandagupta was the last Gupta ruler who
retained the vast territories of the empire intact, though it was not free from troubles. After his death the
Guptas lost forever their authority in western India.
Later Gupta Rulers
Skandagupta was succeeded by Purugupta who was followed by a number of kings in quick
succession such as Kumaragupta II, Budhagupta, Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta III and Vishnugupta.
There were fresh invasions of Hunas under Toramana and Mihirakula in the late fifth and early sixth
centuries. Though Mihirakula was defeated by Yashodharman of Malwa and Narasimhagupta Baladitya
of the Gupta dynasty simultaneously this did not help in reviving the past glory of the Gupta dynasty.

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The later Gupta kings were also not powerful enough to control the vast empire by finding out the
solutions for political and fiscal crisis. At last by 550-555 A.D. the Gupta dynasty came to an end. As
the Gupta empire finally ceased to exist in north India the political arena was apportioned among the
erstwhile vassals of the Guptas, viz., the Maitrakas of Valabhi, the Pushyabhutis of Thanesvar, the
Maukharis of
Kannauj, the Later Guptas of Magadha (different from the imperial Guptas), some independent rulers of
Vanga, the Parivrajaka and the Uchchakalpa rulers in central India. These powers first ended their
allegiance to the Gupta emperors, then assumed independence and finally established mastery over
their respective regions.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Who composed the Allahabad Pillar Inscription?
______________________________________________________________________________________________
2. Write a note on Samudragupta’s southern campaign.
______________________________________________________________________________________________
3. Who was Ramagupta?
______________________________________________________________________________________________
4. Which Gupta king defeated the Shaka rulers of western India?
________________________________________________________________________________________

9.4 Gupta Administration

The Central Administration
King
The study of management of the affairs of the monarchical state cannot be completed without a close
look at the power and position of the king since he was the pivotal figure of the administrative system.
The king was the central figure in the Gupta Empire and assumed certain extremely impressive imperial
titles like maharajadhiraja (the great king of kings), parameshvara (the supreme lord), parama-
bhattaraka etc. These grand titles had some echo of the rulers of north-west and carried the flavour of
divinity in it like the epithets-parama-daivata (the foremost worshipper of the gods) and parama-
bhagavata (the foremost worshipper of Vasudeva Krishna). The claim for divinity by the Gupta rulers is
also supported by the writings on Allahabad prashasti in which Samudragupta is described as “a god
dwelling on earth as Purusha (the supreme being) and as the equal to the gods Dhanda (Kubera),
Varuna (sea god), Indra, and Antaka (Yama)”. This however not only shows claim for divinity but
indicate some kind of functional resemblance between god above and king on earth. We also have
references to Chandragupta II issuing coins with the representation of the Chakrapurusha (the
personification of Vishnu’s Sudarshanachakra) on the reverse which was probably identical to Vishnu
himself and Kumaragupta’s coins with image of Karttikeya or Kumara as has been mentioned earlier,
shows an affinity with the concept of divinity. Despite the growing power of the monarchy, successions
to the throne were not always peaceful, as there are instances of the transgression of the law of

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primogeniture. This could have led to feuds over dynastic succession or founding a parallel branch. The
Guptas, seemingly aware of this problem, tried to obviate it by selecting, on several occasions, the
successor during the life-time of the reigning king. The heir designate (yuvaraja or yuvamaharaja),
distinct from other princes (kumara), was sometimes entrusted with the administration of important
provinces. The prestigious position of the chief queen of the Guptas is indicated by the designation
Mahadevi in official Gupta genealogies.
Council of Ministers and Other Officials
The actual burden of administration and executive functions was borne by a large number of
functionaries, generally designated by three terms amatya, mantra and sachiva. These terms were
often coterminous and interchangeable, and generally stood for high-ranking functionaries and
ministers. During the Gupta period, the king was assisted by the princes, ministers and advisers. The
Gupta bureaucracy was organized into different tiers. Many a time the crowned prince or the Yuvaraja
was given the responsibility of administering important provinces (desha, rashtra or bhukti) while other
princes or the Kumaras or sometimes could be taken as kumaramatyas also, were entrusted with the
administration of other provinces. The term kumaramatya is found on six seals of Vaishali which
suggests that they were officials of high ranking and the term amatya is used on several seals of Bhita.
So kumaramatyas must have been the most important officials among them. Sometimes these
kumaramatyas also held multiple posts such as that of sandhivigrahika and mahadandanayaka which
were probably hereditary in nature. For example, Harishena the author of Allahabad prashasti, worked
as kumaramatya, sandhivigrahika and mahadandanayaka. Minister’s offices were mostly hereditary as
we have reference to Udayagiri inscription of the time of Chandragupta II which says that Virasena
Shaba, the minister for war and peace, was holding this office by inheritance. The supreme judicial
power was in the hands of the king who was assisted by the mahadandanayaka or the chief justice.
Army
Minister called sandhi-vigrahika looked after the affairs of state in matters of war and peace but the
officials who led the army were called baladhikrita and mahabaladhikrita (commander-in-chief of the
army). There were other officials who were incharge of different military departments-pilupati (head of
elephants), asvapati (head of horses), narapati (head of foot soldiers)-who worked under
mahabaladhikrita. The officer-in-charge of stores was called ranabhandagarika.
Other Administrative Officials
There were some other officials connected with royal establishments-mahapratihara or the chief of the
palace guards and there were pratiharas who regulated ceremonies and granted the necessary permits
for admission to the royal presence. Another important official was khadyatapakita or superintendent of
the royal kitchen. Then there is mention of dutakas in the landgrant inscriptions who were associated
with the task of implementing gifts when gifts of land were given to brahmanas and others. They were
basically the spies. Another group of important officials were the ayuktakas who probably maintained
the moral and social discipline in the district. There is mentioning of ayuktaka in one of the Damodarpur
plates as head of the district town of Kotivarsha vishaya. The Allahabad prashasti too mentions about
ayuktakas.
Provincial Administration

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Epigraphic records throw more interesting light on the regional and local levels of administration. The
practice of dividing a large empire into a number of regional units with respective headquarters goes
back to the days of the Mauryas. This system of having multiple layers of administration continued with
some modifications by the post-Mauryan rulers. The commonest term to denote a large administrative
zone during the Gupta period was bhukti. The most important of these were Tirabhukti and
Pundravardhanabhukti etc. the most important official who was assigned to look after the affairs of
bhukti was the uparika. These officials were more common in the mid-Gangetic plain while in the
western India where the provinces were referred to as desha, the official assigned were called gopta.
For example, a Vaishali seal makes mention of the office of uparika at Tirabhukti while one of the
Damodarpur copper plates refers Chiratadatta as the uparika of Pundravardhana bhukti who was
appointed by Kumaragupta I. Similarly Junagarh inscription of Skandagupta describes about the
appointment of Parnadatta as goptri of Saurashtra in western India.
Though the term vishaya was commonly used to denote a district in the Gupta period, inscriptions do
highlight regional variations in the administration of the vishaya. For this, attention may be turned to
records from Bengal during the fifth and sixth centuries AD. The vishaya was entrusted to the district
administrator (vishyapati) who was appointed by the uparika. Five copper plates from Damodarpur in
northern part of Bangladesh (dating from AD 443/44 to 543/44) mention such vishyapatis, who had their
office at the district headquarters at Kotivarsha (modern Bangarh, south Dinajpur district, West Bengal).
Associated with him were the nagarasreshthi (chief merchant of the town), sarthavaha (chief caravan
merchant), prathamakulika (chief artisan) and prathamakayastha (chief scribe). This unique situation in
the sense that except the chief scribe, none of the other associates of the vishyapati were government
functionaries. They were private individuals and representatives of locally important groups; they
obviously belonged to an elite group. The Guptas thus initiated a system which would allow the
incorporation of non-officials as representatives of locally important groups in the district board.
Local Administration
The provinces were further divided into districts or vishayas and were under the administration of the
officials called vishayapatis. These officials were most probably appointed by the provincial governors.
For example, the Damodarpur copper plates from Bengal of 5 th-6th century A.D. mention about the
vishayapatis. The references in these plates are of certain land transactions issued to village officials by
the adhikarana of Kotivarsha vishaya. The vishayapati of Kotivarsha occupied the district headquarter
or adhishthana adhikarana and was assisted by four more officials- the nagara-sreshthin (chief
merchant of the town), sarthavaha (chief caravan merchant), prathama-kulika (chief artisan) and
prathama-kayastha (chief scribe). Except chief scribe, rests of the members were non-officials and this
was a new development during the Guptas.
At the village level the bureaucratic division was into ashtakula-adhikaranas or a board of eight
members of the village assembly, maharatthas or the elders of the community and gramika and grama-
adhyakshas or the headmen of villages. The village settlements were divided into various categories-
grama, palli; hamlet or gulma or a military settlement in origin; khetaka was also a hamlet, vithi, patta,
bhumi, pathaka and petha. For example, the Damodarpur copper plate inscribed during Budhagupta
mentions an ashtakula-adhikarana headed by maharattha. There is mentioning of another social group
called kutumbins who along with the maharatthas were well-to-do-agriculturists in the village where

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maharatthas got better status in the social hierarchy. A significant feature in the locality level
administration was the appearance of the samanta. The samanta, originally denoting a neighbouring
ruler in the Arthashastra, began to emerge as a vassal, serving an overlord. One such samanta –
Vijayasena- became powerful enough to be known as mahasamanta under Vainyagupta (AD 507) and
probably enjoyed control over a large area in the south-eastern-most part of Bengal.
9.5 Revenue System
The large number of wars fought during the Gupta rule must have been with the help of revenue
surpluses. So to manage this there was a revenue department about which some of the Gupta
inscriptions provide valuable details. Land revenue was the most important source of revenue during
the Guptas. The text Nitisara focuses on the importance of royal treasury and various sources of
revenue. In a Gaya copper plate inscription there is mentioning of a Gopasvamin who worked as
akshapataladhikrita (the keeper of the royal records) during Samudragupta. Their main duty was to
enter numerous matters in account’s register, check embezzlement and recover fines for loss due to
neglect or fraud; also it was their duty to recover royal dues from the sureties of servants. Then there
were pushtapalas or the record keepers who looked after the department of survey and management of
land as well as collected land revenue. Kamandaka in Nitisara suggests that a king should take special
care of his treasury. Narada-smriti states that the 1/6th of the agricultural produce should be taken as
royal revenue. This was called the bhaga. Gupta inscriptions also refer to many fiscal terms like
uparikara, kara, bhoga, bali, hiranya and udranga. Uparikara was levied on cloth and oil etc. when they
were taken from one city to another. Kara was a term used for taxes and bhoga was referred to the
periodical supplies of fruit, firewood, flowers etc. Bali is also taken to be a tax or king’s share of grain
which was like bhaga only. When king was given a part of agricultural produce as tax in the form of
cash it was called hiranya while udranga was the water tax. The organization of traders had to pay a
certain commercial tax called sulka. In case of non-payment their right to trade was cancelled and a
fine amounting to eight times of the original sulka was taken. There is a reference to shaulkika or
collector of shulka in the Bihar stone pillar inscription of Skandagupta. The king’s income from the royal
lands and forests was his personal income. There were other sources of revenue like from digging of
mines and manufacture of salt etc.

Self Assessment questions.

1 Write a note on Samanta?
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_________
2 Who was a Vishyapati?
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_______
3 What is Hiranaya?
_____________________________________________________________________________________
______
4 Write a note on the administration of Kotivarsha.
_____________________________________________________________________________________
______
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5 Explain the term akshapataladhikrita?
_____________________________________________________________________________________
__
9.6 Summary
Students, the rise of the Gupta polity in the middle Ganga valley introduced phenomenal changes in
northern India. However, Chandragupta I laid the foundation of this polity, but the credit to expand its
boundaries beyond Ganga valley goes to Samudragupta, who is rightly called Indian Napoleon by the
Nationalist Scholars for their military achievements. The next ruler, Chandragupta II further expanded
the Gupta boundaries and brought western India under the Gupta authority. During the reign of
Kumaragupta I’s reign the Gupta Empire remained largely trouble free; but towards the end of his reign
the Huna and the Pushyamitra caused political troubles in the Gupta empire. Skandagupta, who was
the worthy son of Kumaragupta I, had to really fight hard to keep the empire intact. He successfully
repulsed the Huna invasions and overcame the Pushyamitras. However, his successors were not
efficient like him. Skandagupta was succeeded by Purugupta who was followed by a number of kings in
quick succession such as Kumaragupta II, Budhagupta, Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta III and
Vishnugupta. There were fresh invasions of Hunas under Toramana and Mihirakula in the late fifth and
early sixth centuries. Though Mihirakula was defeated by Yashodharman of Malwa and
Narasimhagupta Baladitya of the Gupta dynasty simultaneously this did not help in reviving the past
glory of the Gupta dynasty. At last by 550-555 AD the Gupta dynasty came to an end. There were
administrative weaknesses such as the land grants brought feudal structure which led to disintegration
of central power and later gave rise to many small regional powers. The important feudatories of the
Gupta rulers were the Maitrakas of Valabhi, the Vardhanas of Thaneshwar, the Maukharis of Kanauj,
the Later Guptas of Magadha and the Chandras of Bengal, the Parivrajakas and the Uchchakalpa
rulers of central India.

9.7 References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, New Delhli: Primus Books, 2016 third
revised edition.
 Majumdar, R. C. and A. S. Altekar, The Vakataka-Gupta Age (c. 200-550 AD), Motilal
Banarsidass: Delhi, reprint 1971.
 Mookerji, Radhakumud, The Gupta Empire, Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi, 1973.
9.8 Further Readings
 Agrawal, Ashvini, Rise and Fall of the Imperial Guptas, Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi, 1989.
 Chakrabarti, Kunal, and Kanad Sinha, ed. State, Power & Legitimacy: The Gupta Kingdom,
Primus Books: New Delhi, 2019.

9.9 Model Questions

1 Highlight the military achievements of Samudragupta.
2 Why is Samudragupta called Lichchhaviduhitra?

3 Write a note on the Allahabad Pillar Inscription.

4 Write a note on Chandragupta II’s military achievements.

5 Write a note on the Gupta’s revenue system.

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6 Write a note on the Gupta army.

______

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 Lesson-10
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: PUSHYABHUTIS AND PALLAVAS

Structure

10.0 Objectives

10.1 Introduction
10.2 The Pushyabhutis
10.3 The Pallavas

10.4 Summary

10.5 References
10.6 Further Reading

10.7 Model Questions

10.0 Objectives
After reading this chapter you will be able to:

 Learn about the Pushyabhutis.

 Analyse the military achievements of Harshavardhana.
 Critically analyze the Political Developments.

 Understand the Rise of the Pallavas.

 Acquire knowledge about the military achievements of the Pallavas.

10.1 Introduction
Students, the decline of Gupta and Vakataka dynasties along with other contemporary dynasties led to
many changes in the field of polity, society and economy which became visible in different regions of
the subcontinent. There was a rise of some of the important dynasties during the period from A.D. circa
600 to 750. The contours of the kingdoms of early medieval India were fluid and are difficult to define.
Kingdoms are more easily identified by their nuclear areas and political centers than by their
boundaries. The political narrative of these centers reveals the presence of several kingdoms and two
of these kingdoms have been the Pushyabhutis and the Pallavas.
10.2 The Pushyabhutis
The Pushyabhutis initially had their base in the area around Sthanishvara (modern Thanesar in Ambala
district, Harayana). But during the reign of Harshavardhan (606-647 AD) the capital was shifted to
Kanauj (in Uttar Pradesh). The information about the Pushyabhuti or Vardhana dynasty comes from
two major sources-Harshacharita of Banabhatta who was the court poet of Harshavardhana and the

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account of the Chinese traveler Hieun Tsang/Xuanzang (travelling in India from AD 629 to AD 645).
There are also some inscriptions like Banskheda and Madhuvan plates and coins which mention about
the five early rulers of Pushyabhuti dynasty. Out of these five, first three have been given the title of
Maharaja.
Prabhakara-vardhana
The first three kings of the Pushyabhuti dynasty are mere names and do not seem to have exercised
considerable powers. The fourth king Prabhakara-vardhana extended his kingdom at the expense of
his neighbours, and assumed the imperial titles of Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja. His sovereignty
probably extended to the whole of the Punjab. He has been described as a great general with many
victories in Harshacharita. He was married to Yashomati who probably committed sati after his death.
In the beginning their centre of power was Sthanishvara (modern Thanesar in Ambala district, Punjab).
Prabhakaravardhana’s daughter Rajyashri was married to the Maukhari ruler Grahavarman, thus
forging a strong alliance between the two powers. He was busy in his aggressive expeditions when he
died in 604 AD, leaving two sons, Rajya-vardhana and Harsha-vardhana, and a daughter Rajyashri.
After Prabhakaravardhana’s death his eldest son, Rajyavardhana succeeded to the throne in 604/605
AD.
Rajya-vardhana
While Prabhakara-vardhana was rapidly extending the boundaries of his kingdom towards the west and
south, two powerful kingdoms were established in Bengal and Assam. One of these was the Gauda
kingdom that under Shasanka adopted aggressive military policy. The capital of Shasanka (AD 600-619
or 637) was Karnasuvarna (near Murshidabad) and under Shasanka the boundaries of Gauda kingdom
included much of Ganga valley and Odisha. He forged an alliance with Malava ruler against the
Maukharis of Kanauj (also known as Kanyakubaja), and occupied Kanaju after dislodging killing the
Grahavarman- the king of Maukharis. Thus, at the time when Rajya-vardhana ascended the throne,
there were two political leagues in Northern India under the leadership of two most powerful kingdoms
of Bengal and Thaneswar. It appears that the Bengal group under Shasanka took the initiative and
completely surprised the Maukhari capital. The king Grahavarman was killed and the queen Rajyashri
thrown into prison. So complete was the surprise that the first news of the battle and its tragic end
reached Rajya-vardhana at the same time. He at once proceeded with a force of 10,000 cavalry to
avenge the wrongs done to his sister. His promptness of action had its reward. He met with an
advance-guard of the enemy under the king of Malava and defeated him. Then with the small force at
his command, he proceeded towards Kanyakubja. On the way, he was killed by Shasanka, and his
discomfited host returned to Thaneswar.
The rise of Gauda as a most powerful polity in Ganga valley brought it in conflict with the Pushyabhutis.
The epigraphic records amply bear the fact that the political power of Gauda was not only firmly
entrenched in Magadha and major parts of ancient Bengal, but expanded as far as the Ganjam district
in present Odisha, where the Sailodhava kings ruled as Shashanka’s subordinate. Gauda faced
hostilities from the doab and also from the Kamarupa king Bhaskaravarman, who allied with Harsha
against their common enemy Shashanka. In spite of this, Gauda emerged as the most formidable
power in eastern India and successfully expanded its territorial possessions outside the geographical
limits of ancient Bengal. Harshavardhana however changed the political scenario of northern India
through his military conquests.

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Harshavardhana
The reign of Harshavardhana was marked by a number of military victories and the epithet of Harsha
as the lord of the entire Uttarapatha or north India (sakalottarapathanatha), accorded to him in the
inscription of the Chalukayas of the Deccan, further supports his presence as a major power in north
India. His life has been well described by his learned friend Banabhatta in the first formal charita,
biography, of a king, Harshacharita. He has eulogized the military achievements of Harsha along with
his personal achievements. His information also comes from the account of Hieun Tsang who visited
India during Harsha’s time. He has left much fuller account of his travels than that of the earlier Chinese
traveler Fa-Hsien/Fah Hian.
On the death of Rajya-vardhana the councilors of state offered the throne to his younger brother
Harsha-vardhana, also known as Shiladitya. At first the nobles of the court hesitated to offer, and the
young Harsha-vardhana was reluctant to accept the terrible responsibilities of kingship at such a critical
time, but all doubts and fear were set at rest by the indomitable energy and military genius which the
young king displayed on his accession in 606 AD. He swore vengeance at Shasanka and equipped a
large expedition against him. He also entered into an alliance with Bhaskara-varman, king of
Kamarupa, who was afraid of the growing power of Shasanka. But Harsha’s firs care was for his sister.
News arrived that she had been set free from the prison of Kanauj by the magnanimity of her foe, but
felt so distracted at the news of her brother’s death, that she retired to the Vindhya forest. There
Harsha-vardhana traced her, just at the very moment when, out of sheer desperation, she was going to
throw herself into fire (sati) with all her attendants. Having rescued his sister, Harsha-vardhana joined
his army on the bank of the Ganga and then proceeded on a career of conquest to the east with a view
to avenge the death of his brother by defeating Shasanka. He was successful in his military enterprise,
and conquered a great part of Northern India. Hiuen Tsang tells us that “he waged incessant warfare,
until in six years, he had fought the five Indias. Then having enlarged his territory, he increased his arm,
bringing the elephant corps up to 60,000, and the cavalry to 100,000, and reigned in peace for thirty
years without raising a weapon.” This sweeping statement about the success of Harsha’s arms requires
some correction. In the first place, the chief object of his military campaign was not fulfilled. However,
Shasanka was defeated, but Harsha could not terminate his reign, and he continued to rule till his death
either in 619 or 637 AD.
Harsha-vardhana ruled for forty years and he had probably defeated Shashanka and extended his
control over parts of Kongoda in Odisha. He was victorious against the ruler of Sindh in the north-west
and Valabhi in the west. He impressed his might on Kashmir. However, he suffered a crushing defeat at
the hands of the western Chalukaya ruler Pulakesin II. There are different assessments of Harsha’s
empire. He seems to have had direct control over Thanesar, Kanauj, Ahichchhatra, Shravasti, and
Prayaga, and he extended his empire into Magadha and Odisha. The Narmada was the southern
boundary of his empire. In the east, Bhakaravarman (king of Kamarupa) and Dhruvabhata accepted his
overlordship, while in the west, the king of Valabhi did likewise. The forest chiefs of the Vindhyas also
recognized his overlordship. This seems to have involved the payment of tribute as well as military
alliance. Some of the subordinate rulers, who had titles such as raja, samanta, and mahasamanta,
used the Harsha era of 606 AD (the year of accession of this king) in their inscriptions. Embassies were
exchanged with China during Harshvardhan’s reign.

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Harshavardhana was an able administrator who worked for the welfare of the people in a planned
manner. Hieun Tsang gives a vivid description of the beauty, grandeur, and prosperity of Kanauj, the
capital of Harsha’s empire. Regarding the king, he tells us that he divided the day into three parts-
attending to administrative duties during one, and devoting himself to religious works during the other
two. He made regular tours of inspection to different parts of his kingdom. He organized periodic
assemblies, which were attended by his subordinate rulers. Harsha is known to have made religious
land grants, and Hieun Tsang suggests that ministers and officials may also have been paid through
such grants. Much details of Harsha’s administration are not found but most probably a broad category
of officials continued from the Gupta period. Bana mentions forest guards known as vanapalas. There
is mention of an official called the sarva-palli-pati (chief of all the villages). Hieun Tsang states that
people were taxed lightly and that the king took one-sixth of the farmer’s produce as his grain share.
Inscriptions mention dues such as bhoga, bhaga, kara and hiranya- terms known from earlier
inscriptions. Hieun Tsang informs us about the Pushyabhuti’s army, which comprised infantry, cavalry,
chariots and elephants. The Banskhera and Madhuban inscriptions refer to the king’s camp of victory
containing boats, elephants and horses.
Harsha was a patron of learning and has been attributed with the writing of three plays-Ratnavali,
Priyadarshika and Nagananda. Of these plays first two are comedies in the classical style. The third
play has a contemplative theme influenced by Buddhist thought connected to the bodishattva
Jimutavahana. Banabhatta also tells us that Harsha was an accomplished lute player. His court was
adorned by learned scholars such as Banabhatta, Mayura (author of Suryashataka) and Matanga
Divakara. Soddhala, in his Udayasundari-katha, mentions the poet Harsha along with Munja and Bhoja.
Harsha is called gir-harsha (one whose joy lay in composition) by the same author. But the military and
political supremacy of Kannauj over greater parts of the Ganga valley was short-lived, as Harsha’s
successors are not known to have consolidated or augmented the power achieved by him. Harsha died
in 648 A.D. which left a gap in the political arena of the Pushyabhutis as there was no successor.
Harsha-vardhana does not appear to have left any heir to his throne which was usurped after his death
by his minister Arjuna or Arjnunashva. A curious story is related in Chinese books of a fight between
Arjuna and Wang-hiuen-tse. Arjuna is said to have plundered the property of the mission led by the
latter, and killed some of its escorts, upon which Wang-hiuen-tse fled to Tibet. To what extent this story
is authentic, it’s tough to say. However, it indicates political instability and confusion. Hence after a long
political confusion Yashovarman ascended to the throne in 715 A.D. and ruled till 745 A.D. Thereafter,
many rulers tried to establish their control over Kanauj but failed. Subsequently several new regional
powers rose in various parts of northern India.
Administration
Hiuen Tsang (630-644 AD) visited India and describes Harsha and his empire. Harsha personally
looked into his administration, and constantly travelled across his empire. His army had 1 lakh horses,
60 thousands elephants. Infantry, cavalry, and elephant were important components. Land grants were
made at large scale. Some royal officials were given land grant in lieu of their salaries. Hiuen Tsang
informs that the state income was divided into four parts: 1) expenditure of kings, 2) for scholars, 3)
officials and ministers, and 4) religious purposes. Roads were less safe, in fact, Hiuen Tsang was also
robbed several times during his journey. Evidently the roads were less safe, and the criminal code was
more sanguinary. Mutilation of the nose, ears, hands or feet was penalty for serious offences, and

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ordeals by fire, water, weighment, and poison seem to have been much in vogue. In this way, harsh
punishments were instituted for criminals such as mutilation of limbs, fines, imprisonments, and death.
Harsha-vardhana knew a great deal of China even before he met Hiuen Tsang, and in he sent an
embassy to Chinese emperor in 641 AD, who also sent an envoy in return. Soon after his meeting with
Hiuen Tsang Harsha sent a Brahmana envoy to the Chinese emperor who sent a second mission in 643
AD. Shortly after Hiuen Tsang’s return to China, and probably as a result of the detailed report
submitted by him, the Chinese emperor sent a third mission under under Wang-hiuen-tse. This mission
left China in 646 AD, but when it arrived in India, Harsha-vardhana was no more. The great emperor
died at the end of 646 AD or at the beginning of 647 AD.
Religious Beliefs
Though Pushyabhutis were the worshippers of Surya, Rajyavardhana was a devotee of the Buddha.
The Banskheda, Nalanda and Sonepat inscriptions of Harsha have described him as a worshipper of
Shiva but later he possibly was converted to Buddhism. Harsha-vardhana was the patron of Hiuen
Tsang, who is lavish in his praises of the great emperor. Most of the facts we know about Harsha are
known from the wonderful records left by the pilgrim, which, besides, give us a detailed picture of the
condition of India such as we do not find anywhere else. Harsha-vardhana met the Chinese pilgrim
Hiuen Tsang in west Bengal, and became highly impressed with his knowledge.
Harshvardhana initially was a shaivite but later due to Hiuen Tsang’s influence embraced Buddhism. He
built rest-houses and hospitals, and donated to Brahmanical and Buddhist monasteries. He in later part
of his life forbade animal slaughter. He erected thousands of Buddhist stupas on the banks of Ganga,
and number of monasteries. He annually summoned the convocation of the Buddhists, where
discussions and disputations were held among the monks, and he rewarded those who were most
successful in debate. Harsha became the patron of Hsuan Tsang, whom he had met in West Bengal.
He organized a religious assembly at Kanuaj in Hieun Tsang’s honour. It was attended by his
subordinate kings, Buddhist monks, Jains and brahmanas. He erected a big spacious monastery, a
tower of 100 feet high, and put a golden image of Buddha of his own height within the latter. A little to
the west of this was built a temporary palace for himself. Every morning the small image of Buddha, 3
feet high, was carried in splendid procession from the royal palace to the tower. The king himself
dressed as Indra (Shakra), and escorted by 500 war elephants, held the canopy and scattered pearls,
gold, silver flowers, and various other precious substances on the way. He was accompanied by
tributary kings on elephants, musicians, drummers, and so forth. After the procession was over, the king
offered garments, flowers, precious gems to the image of Buddha. Then after the feast, the men of
learning assembled in the hall to discuss and debate various topics, and Hsuan Tsang was given the
special place of honour. In the evening guest retired to their dwellings. The program was repeated every
day.
During one such program, Harsha was attacked during a procession, but the attempt on his life failed.
He survived. His palace and monastery were set on fire. The attack was organized by the brahmanas.
The chief culprits were punished severely while rest was pardoned. Then another assembly was held at
Prayag (Allahabad), which was attended by his vassals and others. After the assembly Harsha gifted
wealth and clothes and food to orphans, widows and needy. Hsuan Tsang mentions that: Harsha gave

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away all his wealth, including his gems and goods, his clothing and necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets, etc.,
to needy and destitute. All being given away, he begged from his sister an ordinary second-hand
garment, and having put it on, he paid worship to the Buddhas. This ceremony being over the
assembled kings severally distributed among the people their money and treasure for the purpose of
redeeming the royal necklaces, head-jewels, court vestments etc., and restored them to the king. Then
after a few days these same things were given away in charity. In this way the remarkable ceremony

Self Assessment questions.

1 Write the name of Pushyabhuti’s capital.
________________________________________________________________________________________
______
2 Who was Shasanka?
________________________________________________________________________________________
_____
3 Who was Hiuen Tsang?
________________________________________________________________________________________
______
4 Who defeated Harshavardhana?
was over.
5 ________________________________________________________________________________________
______
10.3 The Pallavas
From the close of the third century AD the history of South India remains very obscure until about the
sixth century. From that period onwards we can trace it in detail, practically without any break. During
the next three hundred years, i.e., from sixth to ninth century AD, we find the Pallavas as the dominant
power in the south. After the fall of the Satavahana rulers the south-western part of their empire, i.e.,
the region round Banavasi or Vaijayanti (Kanara districts), was occupied by the Chutu family whose
king bore the title Shatakarni; but they never grew very powerful and their rule was of short duration.
The eastern region, to the south of the Krishna, passed into the hands of the Pallavas who ruled over
Tondaimandalam, the region round the city of Kanchipuram, which was their capital. The region of
Tondaimandalam was located between the north Penner and north Vellar Rivers. There is reference to
an early ruler Shivaskandavarman in the inscriptions, who ruled in the 4 th century A.D. However, after
the end of the rule of the Kalabhras in the Tamilakam in the 6 th century A.D., there was political
confusion. It was amidst this situation when two powers-the Pallavas and the Pandyas- took control of
the situation.
The Pallavas are not referred to in the classical Tamil literature of the Sangam age, and are generally
regarded as foreigners who immigrated into the Tamil land during the rule of the Satavahanas, probably
as their governors or military officials. Some scholars have even identified Pallavas with Pahlava or
Parthian. Others, however, take them to be indigenous tribe, either identical with, or allied to the
Kurumbas. The names of some early Pallava rulers like Simhavarman and Shivaskandavarman are
known from a few copper-plate charters, written in Prakrit and probably belonging to the third century

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AD. All that we can definitely say about them is that they performed Brahmanical sacrifices and ruled
over a well organized kingdom that covered the northern part of the peninsula, extending from sea to
sea. Later then these were the kings, about eight in number, whose names are known from charters
written in Sanskrit. They may be placed between the fourth and sixth centuries AD. Vishnugopa of
Kanchi, defeated by Samudragupta, was certainly a Pallava ruler of this period. However, its only with
the reign of Simhavishnu during the last quarter of the sixth century AD, we tread upon firm ground.
Simhavishnu
The Pallava dynasty was founded by Simhavishnu (c. 555-590 A.D.) with capital at Kanchi, and the
same time, the Pandyan dynasty was begun by Kodungan with capital at Madurai. The information
gathered from one of the copper-plate grants dated in the sixth regnal year of Simhavarman records a
grant to a Jaina institution. It gives details about the achievements of the son of the king, whereas there
is no historical detail given of the king. By this information we can establish that Simhavishnu must
have been the yuvaraja and the real founder of the Pallava dynasty. Simhavishnu suppressed the
power of Kalabhras and conquered the region up to Kaveri and also came into conflict with the
Pandyas and the ruler of Sri Lanka. He was worshipper of Vishnu and so took the title of Avanisimha or
‘the lion of the earth.’
Mahendravarman I
Simhavishnu was succeeded by Mahendravarman I (c. 590-630 A.D.) who was a great patron of art
and contemporary of Chalukya ruler Pulakeshin II and Vardhana ruler Harsha. He took many titles like
Mattavilasa, Vicitra-citta and Gunabhara and was a great dramatist, poet, musician and builder. He
authored a play, the comedy entitled Mattavilasa-prahasana (The Delight of the Drunkards). With his
reign, began the conflict between the Pallavas and the Western Chalukyas. It appears that he was
involved in a war with the Chalukya king Pulakeshin-II, who defeated him and wrested the northern
provinces of his dominions. Here it is noticeable that Pulakeshin-II is the same king, who had defeated
Harshavardhana at the bank of Narmada and put a check on the growing power of the Pushyabhutis.
Narasimhavarman I Mahamalla
The conflict with the Western Chalukyas continued during the time of his son Narasimhavarman I
Mahamalla (c. 630-668 A.D.) who defeated the Chalukyans with the aid of his ally Manavarman, a Sri
Lankan prince. He not only resisted successfully the renewed invasion of Pulakeshin-II, but shortly took
aggressive. He advanced as far as Badami and occupied it after a siege, in course of which Pulakeshin
was defeated and lost his life (AD 642). He is supposed to have defeated the Cholas, Cheras, Pandyas
and also Kalabhras and sent two expeditions to help his ally Manavarman, the Sri Lankan Prince who
however later lost his kingdom and took refuge in Pallavan court. He was the most powerful king in the
South and raised the power and prestige of the Pallavas to a height unknown before.
Narasimhavarman was also a great builder and got some magnificent rock cut cave temples built
during his reign along with the chief port at Mamallapuram. The word Mahamalla means great hero.
The columns in these caves are comparatively slender. Their shaft is multi-faceted, sometimes fluted or
round, with cushion-shaped capitals and seated lions at the base. Some of the caves, such as the Adi-
Varaha cave, are preceded by a tank. The rock-cut caves at Mamallapuram contain many stricking
mythological scenes carved in relief. These include Vishnu rescuing the earth, Vishnu taking three
strides, Gaja-Lakshmi and Durga (in the Adi-Varaha cave), Mahishasuramardini in the Durga cave, and
Krishna lifting Goverdhana mountain (in the Pancha-Pandava cave). The relief carving of the Pallava

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cave shrines is generally shallower than that in the Deccan. However, the most dramatic of all the relief
of this period is the gifantic open air relief at Mamallapuram carved across two boulders, and the rock
surface depict either the descent of the Ganga or Arjuna’s penance. Narsimhavarman Mahamalla I is
also credited with the construction of five Ratha or Pandava rock cut shrines. The Ratha means a
chariot and the reference to temples as rathas may have been based on the idea that they were
representatives of the celestial chariots that the deities were supposed to move around in. The rathas
are known as the Dharmaraja (Yudhishthara), Bhima, Draupadi, Arjuna and Sahadeva rathas. Yuan
Chwang visited Pallava kingdom during his time and also Chalukya Kingdom during Pulakeshin II. The
Chinese traveler, Yuan Chwang has given some interesting accounts of the two rulers.
Mahendravarman II
Narasimhavarman I died in about c. 668 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Mahendravarman II, who
came into conflict with the Chalukyan ruler Vikramaditya I. He ruled for a very short period and was
succeeded by his son Parameshvaravarman I, during whose time the Chalukyan ruler Vikramaditya
renewed his conflict with the help of his ally, the Pandya king Arikeshri Parankusha Maravarman I. He
had to flee from his kingdom but was pursued by Vikramaditya to the banks of Kaveri River and
encamped at Uraiyur. However after planning prudently he won the battle with the Chalukyas and
returned with much booty. He continued to rule in Kanchi until his death in about c. 700 A.D.
Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha
Mahendravarman II was succeeded by his son Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha (c. 700-728 A.D.). His
reign was peaceful as the conflict with his contemporary Chalukyan rulers, viz., Vinayaditya and
Vijayaditya, was halted for sometime due to their defeat by Parameshvaravarman earlier. His reign saw
the building of some magnificent temples and marked by the shift from the rock-cut technique of temple
building to structural temples. The Shore temple at Mamallapuram is assigned to the reign of
Rajasimha, but additions may have been made in later times. The Shore temple has three shrine areas
containing a stone Shiva linga, Somaskanda (Shiva with Uma and Skanda, a popular theme in the
Pallava period), and Vishnu resting on the serpent Ananta. The two shikharas are terraced and slender.
The relief sculptures of the temple are very eroded due to the effects of the sea breeze and sand.
The Rajasimheshvara or Kailashanatha temple Kanchipuram is also assigned to the reign of
Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha. Within a large rectangular enclosure is a complex consisting of a main
shrine and over 50 subsidiary shrines. The main temple consists of a square sanctum enshrining a
linga, with an enclosed circumambulatory passage. It is surrounded by nine small shrines. The shikhara
is in the typical southern style. The pillared hall and verandah preceding the shrine may have been
added later. The enclosure walls of the complex have gopuras. The Kailashanatha temple is more
heavily ornamented with sculptures than other structures of the Pallava period. Representations of
Somaskanda are very frequent, and lions are a recurring motif on the enclosure wall.
Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha reign is also marked by significant literary activities as the great
rhetorician Dandin spent many years in his court. He also sent embassies to China, and was highly
honoured by the Chinese emperor who, curiously enough, also gave a honorary title to the Pallava
army “which was to be employed to chastise the Arabs and the Tibetans”. Due to his efforts maritime
trade flourished greatly during his reign.
Parameshvaravarman II

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Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha was succeeded by his son Parameshvaravarman II (c. 728-731 AD) as
his son Mahendravarman III who was supposed to be the yuvaraja died before him. He had a short
span of rule in which he was attacked by the Chalukyan ruler Vikramaditya II with the help, the Ganga
prince Ereyappa, the son of Sripurusha. Paramesvaravarman was killed in the battle at Vilande by the
Ganga ruler who also seized the Pallava umbrella. He was the last ruler of the main line of the Pallavas
and left no able successor. Hence, the officials at the centre chose a prince from a collateral branch,
Nandivarman II as their ruler.
Nandivarman II
After the death of Parameshvaravarman II in about 731 AD, Nandivarman II, who belonged to a
collateral branch of the royal family, was selected king by the chief citizens of the state. The new
Pallava ruler faced some opposition from the sons of Mahendravarma III but they were suppressed.
The young king, known as Pallavamalla, enjoyed a long reign and was engaged in prolonged conflicts
with the Pandya kings. Both sides claim victory in a number of engagements and evidently the Pandyas
did not achieve any conspicuous success. Nandivarman owned his success mainly to the loyal
devotion and great ability of his general Udayachandra, who also conquered for his lord some territories
in the north by defeating a Nishada chief, tributary of the Eastern Chalukayas. In order to check the
aggressive designs of the Pandyas, Nandivarman organized a confederacy against them with the rulers
of Kongu and Kerala. But the Pandya king Jatila Parantaka defeated them, annexed the whole of
Kongu and even advanced into the Pallava dominions as far as the Pennar River. Thus the efforts of
Nandivarman miserably failed. However, Nandivarman was successful in his expedition against the
Ganga Kingdom; he defeated the ruler Sripurusha and forced him to return the wealth captured earlier.
In spite of facing defeats in battles at the hands of the Rashtrakuta king Dantidurga and Dhruva,
Nandivarman managed to keep his kingdom intact.
Later Rulers
Nandivarman II continued to rule till c. 796 AD and was succeeded by his son Dantivarman (c. 796-847
AD), who was badly defeated by the Pandyas and the Rashtrakutas. Dantivarman was followed by his
son Nandivarman III (c. 846-869 AD). Nandivarman III defeated the Pandyas and recovered the
territories conquered by them. He was a powerful ruler and is said to have built up a powerful fleet.
However, he was badly defeated by the Pandyas towards the end of his reign, and he died in about 869
AD. He was followed by Nripatunga and Aparajita. The Pallava dynasty began to decline after the
Rashtrakuta king Govinda III invaded Kanchi and was finally overthrown in c. 893 AD by the Chola king
Aditya
I. Aparajita is supposed to be the last imperial ruler of the Pallava dynasty.

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Self Assessment questions.
1 Who founded the Pallava dynasty?
__________________________________________________________________________________________
2 Which Pallava ruler founded Mamallapuram?
__________________________________________________________________________________________
__
3 Write the name of pallava’s capital.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
_
4 Who built Rajasimheshvara or Kailashanatha temple?
__________________________________________________________________________________________
___
5 Write the name of the last Pallava king.
6 __________________________________________________________________________________________
____

10.4 Summary
Students, the Pushyabhutis and the Pallavas have been two major political power that came into
existence in the post Gupta period. Whereas the Pushyabhutis were located in the northern India, the
Pallavas dominated the peninsular India. Both the ruling houses had been engaged in constant warfare
with their neighbouring ruling houses and contributed significantly in cultural and religious
developments. Harshavardhan, who is also known as the lord of Uttarapatha, patronized Buddhism and
extended shelter to the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Tsang. On the other hand, several Pallava
rulers, for instance, Mahendravarman I, Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha and several others built
temples and shrines dedicated to Hindu Gods (Shiva, Vishnu and others). The period of the
Pushyabhutis and the Pallavas in Indian history is associated with the advent of the Early Medieval
Period, which witnessed the rise of several regional polities, regional cultures and vernacular
languages.

10.5 References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, New Delhli: Primus Books, 2016 third
revised edition.
 Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta, A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of
Vijayanagar, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011 thirtieth impression.

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10.6 Further Reading
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the
12th Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

10.7 Model Questions

1 Highlight the military achievements of Harshavardhana?

2 What were the reasons behind the Pushyabhuti-Gauda conflicts?

3 Write a note on the religious assemblies of Harshavardhana?

4 Write a note on the military achievements of Pallava kings.

5 Write a note on the art and architectural developments under Narasimhavarman II Rajasimha.

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 Lesson-11
EARLY MEDIEVAL POLITY: INDIAN FEUDALISM DEBATE

Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Indian Feudalism- A Debate
11.3 Criticisms of Indian Feudalism Theory
11.4 Integrative Processual Model
11.5 Summary
11.6 References
11.7 Further Readings
11.8 Model Questions

11.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 Understand the salient characteristics and criticisms of Indian feudal theory
 Acquire knowledge related to Integrative-processual model

11.1 Introduction
Students, the Gupta and post Gupta period witnessed significant political changes, particularly the
expansion of state society in peripheral and outlying regions. Several new ruling lineages were formed
at local and translocal levels that sought to legitimise their political power through various strategies.
Integration and transformation of tribal population and folk cults in Brahmanical monarchical state and
belief system were twin interrelated processes. These processes defined the character of early
medieval political powers. These developments have been explained through different theoretical
models, such as Indian feudalism and Integrative processual model. In present chapter, both the
models will be discussed.

11.2 Indian Feudalism- A Debate

The concept of feudalism in context of ancient and early medieval India was first proposed by D. D.
Kosambi, and in his view, it took a definite shape in two stages. First, feudalism from above implies a
stage, when kings began to transfer their fiscal and administrative rights over land to their subordinate
chiefs from the earlier centuries of the Christian era onwards. Second, feudalism from below was a
stage, when during the post- Gupta and Harsha’s period a class of landowners began to emerge within
villages as intermediaries between the state and peasantry. In Kosambi’s view, feudalism ended only
after the arrival of Britishers in India in the 18 th century. His views were subsequently accepted by R. S.
Sharma, no doubt with certain modifications. Unlike Kosambi, Sharma proposes a linear growth of

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Indian feudalism in India that reached its climax by the advent of Sultanate period. The feudal age in
India is divided into three phases: first phase (circa 300-750 AD), it witnessed the origin of feudalism.
Second phase, (circa 750-1000 AD) is associated with the crystallization and consolidation of feudalism
under three regional kingdoms, viz., the Rashtrakutas, Gurjara-Pratiharas and Palas. The last and third
phase (circa 1000-1200 AD) experienced the withering away of feudalism in India. In this way, Sharma
does not associate medieval period with feudalism in his analyses.
According to R. S. Sharma, feudalism in India emerged with the land grants to brahmanas, temples,
and monasteries from the early centuries of the Christian era. The Satavahana rulers were the earliest
to make land grants. The number of grants multiplied by the mid first millennium AD, when land in the
form of fields, villages, pastures, and forest tracts was granted to brahmanas, religious institutions (e.g.,
monasteries, temples), and at limited scale to officials along with fiscal and administrative rights.
Sharma argues that donor kings not only abandoned revenue rights but also judicial and administrative
when they gifted land. Once the judicial and administrative rights were granted to the donees, state
power disintegrated as the rulers relinquished all their claims over the gifted land. As land was granted
permanently, it meant the emergence of decentralised state. The functions of the collection of taxes,
levy of forced labour, regulation of mines, agriculture, etc., which were hitherto performed by the state
officials, were now step by step abandoned and transferred by the state to priestly class and later to
warrior class. It was by the reign of Harshvardhana that land began to be donated to state officials in
lieu of their salaries. In this way, the rulers increasingly became dependent upon feudal lords
(samantas), who were supposed to provide military services and tributes in return of landed estates.
Sharma links the origin of Indian feudalism with the changing fortunes of the Roman Empire in the
west, which by the fourth century AD was divided into two parts- West and East. Subsequently, the
Byzantines learnt the art of silk making (rearing of silkworm on mulberry leaves), and as a result, the
trade with India increasingly declined. No doubt, trade with China continued but it was in the hands of
Arab seafarers. Another reason of urban decay and decline of long-distance trade was the Huna
invasions in the fifth century AD, and it resulted in a great chaos in central Asia. These developments
caused an economic crisis, leading to a social crisis, in India by destroying India’s overseas trade
relations. In the Puranas and epics (i.e., the Mahabharata and Ramayana), informs us about a social
crisis, generally called Kali Age. Apparently, when vaishyas and shudras, due to oppression and
exploitation, refused to pay taxes and perform their varna based tasks, the rulers faced a severe crisis
in production. In such a situation, rulers began to make land grants at wider scale by 4 th-5th century AD
to tackle this crisis. The grant system hence relieved the state from collecting taxes and from
maintaining law and order by transferring these tasks to the donees.
The decline of overseas trade caused loss of income and livelihood to artisans, traders and craftsmen.
It also was a big loss to the political authorities as Indo-Roman trade brought to their treasury huge
amount of bullion and currency in the form of taxes and gifts. It was followed by the period of the Gupta
Empire, when several urban centres began to decline. In two phases, according to Sharma, cities
declined. In first phase, (3 rd -4th century AD) urban centres in Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and Karnataka (e.g., Sanghol, Hastinapur, Mathura,
Sravasti, Kausambi, Rajgir, Ujjain, Nevasa, Ter, Bhokardan, Paithan, Nasik, etc.) declined. The first
phase coincided with the decline of Satavahanas and Kushanas on the one hand and with the division
of Roman Empire into two parts –East and West. In the second phase (6 th -7th century AD) urban
centres in the middle Ganga Valley (e.g., Champa, Pataliputra, Vaishali, Varanasi, Bhita etc) declined.
The second phase coincided with the decline of Indian trade with Byzantine (East Roman Empire).

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However, it does not mean that all cities disappeared across India. Rather, as R. S. Sharma says, cities
that were either religious or political centres rose to prominence in the early medieval period.
Nevertheless, trade, restricted to luxury goods for feudal lords, princes, and landlords, also continued.
Due to the decline of trade and urban centres many artisans, merchants, and craftsmen shifted to
countryside and took up agriculture for survival. Along with the deurbanization, metallic currency also
went out of circulation. Since the economy was rural and villages were self sufficient, demand of
coinage slackened and several ruling dynasties such as Vakatakas, of the Gupta and post Gupta
period did not issue coins at all. Some dynasties such as Pallavas, Pandyas, Badami Chalukyas and
the Cholas, etc., have issued coins, but their number is very low. Metallic currency in this way was
absent in parts of northern India, central India, Bengal, Orissa, and the Deccan. Even in south, the
situation was not much better. It, Sharma argues, clearly proves his hypothesis that absence of trade,
currency, and urban centres lead to land grants and ruralisation thereby to feudalisation of economy.
Feudalism has to be seen as a mode of distribution of the means of production and of the appropriation
of the surplus. Feudalism appears in a predominantly agrarian society, which is characterised by a
class of landlords and a class of servile peasantry. In this system, the landlords extract surplus through
social, religious or political methods which are called extra-economic. In several cases by 7 th century
AD onwards, donees were donated land or village along with a control over wasteland, pastures, water
reservoirs, all kind of trees and bushes and pathways, etc. Such provisions transferred almost all
agrarian resources to the donees and peasants’ access to agrarian resources like water sources,
pastures, trees, etc., was restricted. The rise of feudalism in India is linked with the erosion of peasant’s
control over his unit (land) of production, coupled with his restricted access to the communal agrarian
resources. Serfdom too developed along with feudalism. In many cases, land charters clearly transfer
the peasants, artisans, and even traders to the beneficiaries. In most of the cases these villagers,
peasants, and other inhabitants are asked to stay in the village and carry out the orders of the donees.
Donees also enjoyed right of force labour (vishti). They could force peasants and other villagers to
provide labour for various activities.
11.3 Criticisms of Indian Feudalism Theory
R. S. Sharma precisely locates the origin and crystallization of Indian Feudalism in a period when
Europe was going through the same developments. Feudal order began to develop in Europe with the
decline of Roman Empire and establishment of Germanic kingdoms in different parts of the Europe. It
was precisely the time, when Europe was moving from classical to feudal age. Hence, the theory of
Indian feudalism apparently remained dependent upon the European framework of periodization.
Another problem with R. S. Sharma’s feudal model is the neglect of regional variations.
Contrary to Sharma, B. D. Chattopadhyaya has shown the development of several new urban or
exchange centres in the region outside Ganga-Valley in early medieval period. He points out that these
exchange centres were rooted in a local or regional agrarian economy. He highlights the presence of
Hatta, and Mandapikas, which became commonplace in the early medieval India. Emergence of such
local –regional level exchange centres indicates the third phase of urbanization 6 in the Indian
subcontinent. Largely agricultural goods were brought to local level exchange centres for sale and
these were also the places, where cesses on the goods were collected by the state. Centres like
Mandapikas combined both exchange and manufacturing of goods. It means virtual disappearance of

6
The first urbanization is associated with the Harappan Civilization that took place in the Indus valley in the third
millennium BC, and second urbanization, took place in the Ganga Valley in the sixth century BC.

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urban centres did not take place at all. Furthermore, Chattopadhyaya, based on his study of Bengal,
South-East Marwar in Rajasthan and south Karnataka, suggests studying the processes of state
formations in different regions on their own terms. He points out that the rural settlements in different
regions had different types of ‘access to and utilization of water resources.’ While in Bengal irrigation
depended upon rivers and streams, in south Karnataka it were tanks and in south-east Marwar it were
largely the wells that were the source of irrigation. There different regional geography not only shaped
the rural settlements but also their access to natural resources.
Curiously, the concept of Kali Age does not find place and similar anxiety in the Buddhist and Jain
literature. It shows that the concerns related to the functioning of varna norms were only confined to the
circles of brahmana writers. According to B. P. Sahu, such concerns or Kali Age concept perhaps
indicates a lack of confidence on the part of brahmanas. It was a time when state society was
penetrating into hitherto forest regions. Interactions with various tribal populations resulted in the
assimilation, acculturation, and modification of Brahmanical as well as tribal systems. In such a
situation, concerns related to the function of varna-jati norms became acute for the brahmana writers.
However, such concerns did not bother the Buddhist and Jain writers. The view that rulers by making
land grants partitioned away their authority also appears to be misplaced. In spite of making land grants
in several cases rulers retained control over the donated land. For instance, the Parivrajaka inscriptions
record that land was gifted to donee with several rights except the authority to collect the imposed fines
on thieves and mischief doers. In addition, a Vakataka inscription similarly permits the donee
brahmanas to enjoy the land grant as long as they do not commit treason and wage war against
kingdom, or be found guilty of murder of a brahmana, theft, adultery, and harm to other villages. They
were warned if they fail to follow the provided conditions the landed property would be confiscated by
the state. It clearly shows that land was not granted to brahmanas with absolute judicial rights and state
kept a firm control over them.
11.4 Integrative Processual Model
The Integrative processual model basically refers to the process of integration through which dispersed
socio-cultural elements are integrated in a dominant socio-cultural and political edifice. For instance,
the state-religion, i.e., Jagannatha cult played an important role in the consolidation of political authority
of the rulers of Odisha. In Odisha the emergence of state-polity from obscure tribal background
accompanied by the integration of indigenous religious elements and of the tribal population. Several
indigenous tutelary deities were Hinduised in order to gain the support of tribes surrounding the nuclear
areas controlled by the royals. At the same time, an autochthonous local deity was raised to the status
of royal deity, i.e., as Jagannatha cult was used by the rulers to claim a higher political status above
their subordinates and neighbouring kings in Odisha. According to B. D. Chattopadhyaya, important
features of the integrative model are:
i. Expansion of state society through the process of local state formation;
ii. Peasantization of tribes and proliferation of castes and,
iii. Cult appropriation and their integration into Brahmanism.
The transformation of pre-state societies into state-societies led to the formation of distinct regional
political, economic, and socio-religious orders. The post 4th century AD period witnessed the
emergence of several state-polities in hitherto forested and isolated regions from obscure tribal
backgrounds. In this process of transition from pre-state to state society, local tribal population was
peasantized and new caste identities were attributed to them. A section of tribe (chiefs and priests) was

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assimilated into upper two varnas –brahmana and kshatriya, while rest of the population was assigned
a shudra identity.
These new state-polities required resources to sustain it. Thus, they felt a need to expand agriculture in
hitherto forested and waste regions. Therefore, we find most of the land grants made to brahmans,
temples and others during the early medieval times in the peripheral and forested regions. In such a
task, brahmans were useful because of their knowledge of agriculture, season and irrigation, which
they spread among those who lacked it earlier. On the one hand, these brahmanas created mythical
lineages for the newly emerged ruling houses, and on the other hand, they introduced agriculture into
new areas with the support of the rulers. The purpose was to colonize those regions that lacked prior
agricultural activities. In a long run, land grant arrangements created a solid agricultural base for the
newly emerged state polities. As the agricultural activities expanded, local level exchange centres like
Hatta, Mandapikas, and Penthas emerged in different regions. Hatta were periodical local markets,
while Mandapikas and Penthas were exchange centres, where agricultural products and manufactured
goods were brought for trade. At these centres, dues and taxes were also levied on the exchanged
products by the officials. Thus, Mandapikas and Penthas acted as both exchange and administrative
centres. Noticeably, while Mandapikas were located in northern India, Penthas were mostly found in the
Deccan.
In addition, local obscure deities were established in temples as a personification of brahmanical deities
like Siva, Vishnu, and goddess Shakati. In the Gupta and post Gupta period, the Puranic religion
became increasingly popular and new ideas of worship came into being. Noticeably, the Vedic religion
that had well-defined rituals and was exclusive to the upper castes, Puranic religion was open to all
people including women and shudras. The Puranic religion laid greater emphasis on a) gift giving, b)
fasts and vows, c) pilgrimage, and d) local mythologies. The temples, associated with theistic cults,
became a part of Brahmanism from the Gupta period onwards. Simultaneously, elaborate rituals such
as bali, charu and sattra were associated with the worship of the deities. The assimilation of local cults
in the Brahmanical tradition had been an important process that had accompanied the transition from
pre-state society to state society. Generally, the brahmanas donees, which were granted land or
village, are projected as the main driving force leading to the expansion of agriculture, the
transformation of tribesmen into peasantry, and the assimilation of the local tribal cults. It implies that
with the formation of regional states Brahmanical ideology expanded in peripheral regions and among
pre-state societies. The aspiring chieftains build and control popular cultic shrines and pilgrimage
centres and through this process automatically become closely associated with the enshrined deity.
Such chieftains as being human representatives of these religious centres acquire the much needed
religious sanction and popular backing for their political power. Apparently, for devotees the rulers,
patronising local deities, or shrines, became a political authority that was intimately linked to the divine
powers. The acceptance of the Brahmancial ideology and social systems by the newly emerged
political houses, therefore, was an important development. The new ideology strengthened their claim
over political power, and simultaneously provided them a social framework, i.e., varna-jati system,
conducive to the functioning of a monarchical state. However, in this system, clan or tribal-ties exerted
little influence. The brahmanas as landowners or temple functionaries provided much needed services
to these rulers of obscure lineages by legitimising their origin
.
Self Assessment questions.

1. Who propounded the Indian feudalism theory?

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 ___________________________________________________________________________.
2. What is urban decay?
___________________________________________________________________________.
3. Write a short note on Kali age crisis.
___________________________________________________________________________.
4. Who were Samantas?
___________________________________________________________________________.
5. Explain the phrase ‘Peasantisation of tribes’.
___________________________________________________________________________.

11.5 Summary
The emergence of regional states across India in post 4 th century AD took place along with several
crucial social and cultural developments. As the state expanded in tribal and peripheral areas, tribal
population was peasantized by assigning new caste identities to different tribal groups, and it resulted
in the proliferation of castes. Simultaneously, tribal and folk cults were brahmanised and brought under
Hindu fold. Newly emerged ruling lineages extended their support to brahmanas by making gifts of land
to them. In return, brahmanas manufactured origin myths and fictional lineages for these rulers in order
to legitimize their political authority. In this way, formation of state society in the Gupta and post Gupta
period in India, indicate a long drawn and complex process of integration that brought dispersed social,
cultural and economic elements together in different spatial and temporal contexts.
11.6 Reference
 Sharma, R. S., Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalization, Orient Longman India:
Calcutta, 2001.

11.7 Further Readings

 Chattopadhyaya, B. D., Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press: New Delhi,
second edition 2012.
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, Macmillan: New Delhi, 2013 revised
edition.

11.8 Model Questions

 What are the salient characteristics of Indian feudal theory?
 What are the criticisms of Indian feudalism?
 Discuss the salient characteristics of the Integrative processual model.

--S--

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 Lession-12
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD: SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS

Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Land Grants and Peasantization of Tribes
12.3 Social Developments: Caste Proliferation
12.4 Untouchability
12.5 Summary
12.6 References
12.7 Further Readings
12.8 Model Questions

12.0 Objectives
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
 Acquire information related to the proliferation of castes.
 Critically analyse the emergence of untouchability in early India.

12.1 Introduction
Students, the land grants, peasantization of tribes and proliferation of castes have been few crucial
features of the early medieval society that shaped the life of people at large scale. Noticeably, these
features were not isolated developments, rather had been interconnected. The rulers gifted land in the
form of villages, cultivable fields, wasteland, pastures and forest tracts to donees either brahmanas or
institutions (e.g., temples, monasteries) or secular persons (e.g., royal officials, etc.). Land grants
particularly in forest tracts caused on the one hand the spread of agriculture, irrigation techniques,
knowledge of seasons and astronomy, and varna-jati hierarchy in tribal population and on the other
hand stimulated the absorption of these tribal people into state society. Once tribesmen became part of
state-system they were attributed new caste identities that resulted in the proliferation of numerous
caste identities. Simultaneously, the practice of untouchability that rose in the age of Mahajanapadas
gained a widespread practice in the earl medieval period.

12.2 Land Grants and Peasantization of Tribes

The land grant means a gift of land to either brahmanas or an institution (monastery, temple) or secular
persons, with or without revenue, administrative and judicial rights, and it was considered a meritorious
act. The Mahabharata, for instance, makes repeated exhortations to kings to gift land to brahmanas.
The Dharmashastra and Puranas likewise extol the gift of land to brahmans and promise that those
who bestow appropriate gifts on worthy brahmanas will attain fame in this world and happiness in the
world to come. The earliest indication that some of the brahmana settlements established by means of
royal decree enjoyed tax exemptions and privileges comes from the Arthashastra of Kautilaya. The

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Dharmashastra includes brahmanas among those who should be exempt from taxes and also extol the
merit of royal gifts of land to them. The Brihaspati Smriti clearly states that land gifted by kings to
brahmanas should be tax-free.
Nevertheless, the land-grant system was a phenomenon, the beginning of which can be observed from
the early century of the Christian era onwards, and in the early medieval period, it practically spread
across the Indian subcontinent. Land grants in hitherto forested and in virgin territories resulted in the
expansion of plough agriculture beyond Ganga valley. Agricultural expansion meant an introduction of
agricultural and irrigation technology in regions outside Ganga valley, which were yet to experience the
emergence of state-society. In addition, this led to the establishment of new relations of production,
control over means of production, and institutional management of agricultural processes. Villages
granted to brahmanas were known as agraharas, brahmdeyas, or shasanas. Although there are
records of royal grants to other sorts of beneficiaries, including Buddhist and Jain monasteries,
Vaishnava and Shaiva temples, and a much smaller number of ‘secular grants’, until about the 10 th
century AD, the majority of royal land grants were made to brahmanas. The earliest epigraphic record
of a land grant belongs to the Satavahana dynasty that refers to a grant of a village as a gift in an
Asvamedha sacrifice. Initially land grants were probably written on perishable materials like palm-leaf
and birch-bark, which could easily decay over the period. Thus, to avoid the loss of these transaction
deeds there most likely had emerged a requirement to use durable material to keep intact their
authenticity. Hence, to give authenticity to both- the donor and donee - gradually land grants began to
be recorded on copperplates. Sometimes, the donee himself got it recorded with the permission of the
king, and during the time of legal issues between the donee and the donor, these copperplates could
have acted as a witness.
In the pre-Maurya and Maurya times, the land grants were made to the priests, and these grants were
not exempted from taxes. However, in the Gupta-Vakataka period the brahmadeyya grant carried with it
judicial-administrative rights, giving much power in the hands of the beneficiary. For example, the
Vakataka princes at Berar gave up their control over all sources of revenue like pasturage, hides,
charcoal, liquor, forced labour (vishti) and all hidden treasures and deposits. These land grants paved
the way for the rise of brahmana proprietors. The system of giving land grants however was a mutual
give and take process as in return for land grants the brahmanas had to render religious services to the
donor. In the beginning, land grants were made in the outlying forest areas beyond Ganga valley. This
was done with the idea of bringing new lands under cultivation through brahmana donees, who spread
the knowledge of new methods of cultivation along with the knowledge of seasons (astronomical),
irrigation, and social hierarchy in new areas. In addition, the brahmanas now could have brought the
forest people into the fold of varna-jati. It gradually increased state income by integrating forestland as
well as people into a new economic order. Since, the donees hardly ever migrated into donated areas
with labour force they had to engage with the locals for labour services. Particularly in forested regions,
inhabited by tribal population, the donees stimulated the transformation of the tribesmen into peasantry
in order to organise labour force to undertake cultivation in forestland. As a result, a large tribal
population was peasantized and it was included into the ranks of peasantry.
Chronologically, the land grants appeared on a widespread scale first in the fourth-fifth centuries AD
over a large part of central India, northern Deccan, and Andhra. Subsequently, land grants were made
in the eastern India (Bengal and Orissa) and then they began to appear in Western India (Gujarat and
Rajasthan) in the fifth-seventh centuries AD. By the seventh and eighth centuries AD, the areas of
Tamil Nadu and Karnataka witnessed land grants at large scale. This was followed by the spread of
land grants in Kerala in the ninth century AD, and then by the end of the twelfth century AD the practice
of land grant almost spread across the entire subcontinent with the possible exception of Punjab.

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The land grants had been made in various areas that can be grouped into three different categories.
First, land grants were made in those areas already under cultivation or rural areas; second, land
grants were made in those areas that were inhabited by tribal population; and third, land grants were
made in those areas that lacked any prior habitation. In case land grants were made in those areas that
lacked any prior settlements, then the donee had to introduce there, a) advance production activities
(i.e., agriculture, cattle husbandry, crafts, etc.) and b) new types of production relations. The donees
were expected to ensure the cultivation of the endowed area for their sustenance. Even in case, the
area, where a donee was granted land, was under the occupation of tribesmen, indulged in less-
advance production activities (e.g., hunting and gathering), the donee introduced much advance
production activity (i.e., agriculture, cattle husbandry, crafts, etc.), and thereby, initiated a structural
change in tribal population. The brahmana donees played an important role in the spread of agricultural
techniques and weather knowledge in the tribal areas. Such spread of agricultural knowledge radically
altered the method of cultivation in tribal areas. The land grants introduced new landowners in the
existing agrarian communities through constant negotiations. As new landowners came with royal
backing, and often with advanced knowledge of organizing agriculture and other technologies, they had
a distinct edge over the existing peasantry or those recently converted to peasant status.
In a same way, when a land or village, inhabited by the peasants associated with agriculture, primarily,
was granted, the donee introduced changes in the production relations, while the production activities
remained the same. Noticeably, the land grants, made in already settled villages, did not mean eviction
of the erstwhile residents. Rather, it implied that instead of state, the inhabitants were expected to pay
taxes or dues to the donees. Land grant, hence, meant transfer of revenue rights to the donees by the
king. Land grants in already settled areas further implies that the purpose of it was not the expansion of
agriculture rather it seems to have been an attempt on the part of the rulers to consolidate as well as
legitimize its political authority. Hence, a land grant in different situations had varied character and
purpose. In this way, the increase in royal land grants during the early medieval period indicates higher
levels of control over productive resources by kings.
The fact that most of the land grants carried with them a tax-free status meant that villagers were
supposed to hand over various dues to the donees. Sometimes, inscription refers to taxes in a very
general way. At other times, they specify a long list of tax exemptions- i.e., taxes that the villagers had
to pay to the donees instead of to the state. In fact, that the donees were also often given rights over
water resources, trees, forests, and habitation area would have affected the rights enjoyed by the
village communities. In general, most village-level disputes had been settled by a section of the village
community, comprising village elders. Therefore, when inscriptions transfer judicial rights or the right to
collect fines for criminal offences to the donees, then it means an undermining of the rights of the
village community. In economic terms, the relationship between the donees and other rural groups was
marked by dominance and exploitation. In place of state exploitation, the control by the more close-at-
hand exploitation by the donees would no doubt have meant higher levels of subjection of the average
farmer. However, the level of economic dominance achieved by the donees was affected by a number
of variables such as ecology, the availability of arable land, the level of organization among the
brahmanas, and the presence or absence of competing social and corporate groups.

Self Assessment questions.

1. What is land grant?
___________________________________________________________________________.
2. Why land grants particularly to brahmanas are recommended in Brahmanical literature?
___________________________________________________________________________.
3. Explain the term Agrahara.

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 ___________________________________________________________________________.

12.3 Caste Proliferation

The varna system provided a larger framework and in it each varna could have end numbers of jatis
with its own social and ritual hierarchy and the practice of endogamy. The term jati is generally
translated as caste. Noticeably, the English term ‘caste’ has been derived from the Portuguese ‘castas,’
which refers to animal and plant species or breeds; as well as to tribes, clans, races, or lineages within
human societies. In relation to varna-jati, the term caste may be defined as a system of social
stratification characterised by hierarchy, hereditary, pursuit of one or a few particular occupations,
inequality, endogamy, restrictions as to taking food from outsiders, and the notion of purity and pollution
associated with hierarchy. In this way, varna-jati system originated as an ideology of hierarchy
legitimizing social inequality. It is not easy to identify how jatis emerged in the first place. They may
have been the result of a combination of factors- the hereditary nature of crafts and occupations, the
assimilation of tribal groups into the larger Brahmanical fold, and a social system that privileged birth
and regulated hierarchy through marriage rules and endogamy. Territorial and occupational differences
also played important roles in the emergence of segmented identities.
The term varna, literally meaning colour, first appeared by the end of early Vedic period, came to be
applied to the four hierarchically ranked occupational categories of the brahmana, kshatriya, vaishya
and shudra during the later Vedic period. Along with the emergence of state polities, and intensification
of agricultural production in the Ganga valley, the four varnas, distinct and separate from each other,
appeared as a full-fledged social reality. In the age of Mahajanapadas, the varnas tended to become
hereditary, endogamous, and birth-based, leading to the formation of jatis (castes). The term jati is
derived from the Sanskrit root jan, meaning to be born. Thus, birth increasingly became a crucial factor
in social ranking and the theory of karma and rebirth took a definite shape influencing the concept of
varna-jati. For instance, the Chhandogya Upanishad assigns a pure birth to brahmana, kshatriya and
vaishya, while the impure birth to the chandala, the dog, and the boar. Birth in the former category was
a result of good karmas, and in later category of bad karmas. In this way, by the age of
Mahajanapadas, varna-jati social hierarchy was firmly established, particularly in the Ganga valley, and
from here is in subsequent period spread across India.
The Dharmasutras (circa 500-200 BC) uses the term jati in the sense of caste more frequently. In
addition, they are unanimous in prescribing six-fold duties of study, sacrificing, giving gifts, teaching,
sacrificing for others, and receiving gifts for brahmanas, and participating in battles, protecting people
and wielding political, administrative, and judicial authority for kshatriyas. Contrary to them, vaishyas
were associated with production activities such as agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and
manufacturing, and shudras with services. Noticeably, the brahmanas and kshatriyas, a sizeable
number of them if not all, tended to withdraw from primary production activities (agriculture, animal
husbandry, etc.) and came to broadly represent ‘status’ and ‘power’ respectively. As a result, a gap
between the elite and the masses widened, intensifying the notion of the high and the low social
groups. Where the upper three varnas, i.e., brahmanas, kshatriyas and vaishyas were given a dvija or
twice born status, shudras were not only denied it but are also mentioned as the servants of dvijas. The
Dharmasutras associated agriculture with vaishyas while shudras appear as landless wage labourers.
They besides cultivating the landed estates of vaishyas, were also engaged in the occupations of
artisans, dancers, actors, etc. The Arthasastra suggests establishment of shudra cultivators in hitherto
uncultivated region, to expand agriculture. Such regions belonged to the state (crown land) hence here
shudra cultivators possibly appears more like sharecroppers rather than the owner of the landed
property.

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The Manu-samhita (circa 200 BC-AD 200) prescribes that if a shudra fails to secure livelihood by
providing services to upper three varnas, he should take up artisanal occupations. Manu, like the
Arthashastra, describes the shurda as a sharecropper. In this way, shudras were deliberately
prescribed to keep economically weak possibly in order to ensure a cheap supply of labour. Not only
had this shudras also faced numerous socio-judicious disabilities and oppressions. For a same crime
there were different punishments were prescribed by the Dharmasutras and Manu-samhita. Invariably,
where brahmanas were recommended mild punishments in most of the cases, shudras faced harsh
penalties, which also included execution in some cases. The Gautama Dharmasutra prescribes that a
brahmana would be liable to pay a fine if he abuses a kshatriya or a vaishya but in case of shudras he
would receive no punishment. While for the same crime the Apastamba Dharmasutra recommend that
the tongue of the shudra should be perforated. The Manu-samhita recommends severe punishments
for shudras for insulting dvijas, particularly the brahmanas. It is mentioned in the Manu-samhita that if a
shudra arrogantly try to teach a brahmana his duty, hot oil shall be poured into his mouth and ears by
the king.
As the society became increasingly complex, it became tough to organise society in accordance with
the fourfold varna system, and thus, a more nuanced social hierarchization was needed to be devised.
This gave rise to the theory of varnasamkara or intermixing of varnas, which ascribed their origin to
interbreeding among the members of the four varnas and also among their progeny from anuloma
(marriage with a woman of lower varna) and pratiloma (marriage with a woman of higher varna) unions.
The varnasamkara, according to Dharmasutras, was the main cause of the origin of multiple castes.
Inter-varna marriages resulted in the varnasamkara as the progeny of such marriages cannot be
assigned the varna of father; hence a new identity in the form of caste (jati) was given to them. It was
maintained that a son of a brahmana woman and a shudra male is chandala, while a son of a
brahmana male and shudra woman was called a nisada. However, it was an ideological justification for
the emergence of numerous castes on the part of brahmana ideologues. Hence, it in fact refers to the
various processes, discussed below, which theoretically had caused the emergence of numerous
castes over the period. The concept of varnasamkara was further developed in the Yajnavalkya-smriti.
Since the offspring of an inter-varna marriage cannot be assigned the varna status of his/her father a
new social identity became necessary for such offspring. This requirement resulted in the origin of
various castes. Manu, like Dharmasutras, held varnasamkara responsible for the emergence of various
castes like nisada, chandala, ayogava, etc. However, in reality the proliferation of castes had been a
much complex phenomenon.
In the post Vedic period, caste increasingly became a part of economic life of the people in early India,
as it was associated with different occupations. Now occupational hereditary and strict marriage norms
were made essential for the functioning of varna-jati system. Interestingly, various craftsmen and
professional groups (e.g., svarnakara, malakara, sutrakara and so forth) also gradually assumed caste
like characteristics as they laid greater emphasis upon the strict observations of hereditary occupation
and norms of marriages (endogamy, it means marriage within one’s varna-jati but outside gotra) within
the community. Many of these caste groups, associated with distinct craft or profession, were placed
within shudra varna, and as a result, shudras remained no more exclusively confined to non-production
activities. For instance, by the Mauryan period the shudras were increasingly associated with cultivation
and craft activities. Where the Brihaspati-smriti associated with the shudras the crafts of gold, base
metals, wood, thread, stone and leather, the Amarkosha’s list of craftsmen in shudra-varna comprised
the names of artisans, guild’s headmen, garland makers, washer men, potters, bricklayers, weavers,
tailors, painters, armourers, leatherworkers, blacksmiths, shell-cutters and workers in copper.
Interestingly, the Yajnavalkya mentions that shudra should take up trade if failed to maintain himself by
the services of above three varnas. In a similar way, took place a change in the position of brahmanas
in relation to their occupation. Now the high position was granted to brahmaņas controlling landed

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property and holding administrative or military posts, while those engaged in manual labour, officiating
as priests at pilgrimage-places or in temples or for individuals, were graded low. However, they
remained at higher position in comparison to other varnas or castes but within brahmana varna there
was a clear distinction based on economic or occupational position among brahmanas. This hierarchy
within brahmana varna was manifested through the creation of different caste identities. Moreover, their
specialization in rituals or Vedic learning (e.g., Chaturvedi, Trivedi, Dwivedi, etc.) on the one hand and
on the other the region they belonged to (e.g., Gauda brahmana, Kanyakubja brahmana, Maithila
brahmana, Utkala brahmana, etc.) also began to emerge as their caste identity. Whenever brahmanas
migrated to a new region, they maintained their erstwhile regional identity, which gradually became
their caste. In some cases when tribes were brought into Brahmanical social system, they continued to
have their own tribal priests who gradually were given a status of a brahamna.
The early centuries of the Christian era witnessed the issuance of numerous land grants to brahmanas,
temples, and monasteries in different parts of India. Due to these land grants, not only the agriculture
spread in hitherto forest areas and wasteland, but also significant administrative developments took
place. As a result, diverse new professional groups emerged that subsequently transformed into distinct
castes. The Kayastha community was one of such professional groups whose origin is credited to land-
grant economy. As large number of land grants began to make which involved the transfer of land
revenues and land to brahmanas, religious institutions and officials, administrative officials were
increasingly appointed to prepare drafts of land grants, and to maintain the records. The maintenance
of proper records was important in order to settle down boundary and ownership disputes. This job of
scribe was carried out by a group of officials known as Kayastha, Karana, Karanika, Pustapala,
Chitragupta, and Aksapatalika, etc. Initially educated people from upper varnas were appointed for this
post but later people from other varnas were also appointed as Kayasthas. Gradually, this group
developed its own norms regarding community endogamy and family exogamy in marriage relations,
and it was transformed into a distinct caste.
The land grants introduced significant changes in the tribal population, which were brought into a direct
communication with the state society through the donees or beneficiaries. These donees introduced
agriculture, irrigation techniques, knowledge of astronomy and social-hierarchy among the tribesmen,
who subsequently were absorbed into state society by attributing distinct castes. It resulted in a
significant increase in the number of castes during the first millennium AD. For instance, contrary to
sixty-one castes mentioned in the Manu Smriti, the Vishnudharmottara Purana, a text of about eighth
century AD, provides a list of thousand of mixed castes. Nevertheless, the new polities either coming
from erstwhile tribes or subordinated chiefs needed a legitimization to their authority for which they
were depending upon the brahmanas. As being the custodian of sacred knowledge and legal system,
brahamanas were able to create mythical lineages as well as new varna-jati identities for the new
rulers. The vamsanucarita section of the early Puranas records various mythical genealogies. These
mythical lineages have been used as a mechanism to legitimize the new political authorities by linking
their decent either with the mythical Suryavamsa (solar) or with Chandravamsa (lunar) group. The
Pallavas and Chalukyas of peninsular India, the Palas of Bengal and Bihar also had tribal origins. At the
same time influx of foreign people – the Greeks, Sakas, Pahalvas, Kushanas and so forth- created a
need to adjust these within four-fold varna hierarchy as they belonged to ruling authorities. These
foreigners are called yavanas in the Brahmanical literature. While the earlier Dharmasutras held the
yavanas as the offspring of kshatriya male and shudra woman, the Manu-samhita calls them as vrata-
kshatriyas or degenerated kshatiryas, who had discontinued the performance of Vedic sacrifices and
given up the observance of varnashramadharma (i.e., rules of varna and ashrama).
R. S. Sharma opines that most of these mixed castes were nothing more than backward tribes, who
were annexed to the four original and recognised varnas by giving them a wholly arbitrary genesis.
According to Suvira Jaiswal, when a tribe was brought into the fold of Brahmanical social structure,

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some leading families were accommodated in the higher castes of brahmanas or ksatriyas, while the
majority of its members were given the shudra status. The culture, customs, and tribal traditions were
remained intact as these new groups were given distinct caste identities along with the norms of
community endogamy and family exogamy in marital relations. R. S. Sharma supports this view and
states that as appears from the sources recording the presence of Abhira-brahmanas, Abhira
kshatriyas, Abhira vaisyas, Abhira mahashudras, and Abhira craftsmen of various type, a tribe was
never absorbed as a single caste or varna. During this period, the distinctions between vaisyas and
shudras were increasingly disappeared as many shudras began to take up professions traditionally
associated with vaisyas. Xuanzang (circa 630-644 AD present in India) mentions shudras as
agriculturists, which is further confirmed by the Narsimha Purana, which mentions agriculture as a duty
of shudras. The Manu-samhita have also recommended that during the time of crisis a vaishya should
take up the professions of shudra, i.e., providing services to upper varnas. The largest numbers of
castes, during the period under study, were emerged within the shudra varna. Where the Manu-samhita
mentions about sixty-one mixed castes, this number would become more than hundred if included the
list of additional castes given in the Brahmavaivarta Purana. The expansion of agriculture in hitherto
forested regions and peasantization of tribal people, e.g., Sabaras, Bhillas, Pulindas, Abhiras and
others also resulted in the phenomenal expansion of castes within shudra varna. Nevertheless, with the
proliferation of castes in the early medieval period, another phenomenon, i.e., untouchability, came into
practice at wider level.

Self Assessment questions.

1. What is varnasamkara?
___________________________________________________________________________.
2. How is anuloma marriage different from pratiloma?
___________________________________________________________________________.
3. Who were the vrata-kshatriyas?
___________________________________________________________________________.
4. How does Suvira Jaiswal explains the assimilation of tribal population into varna-jati hierarchy?
___________________________________________________________________________.

12.4 Untouchability
Towards the end of later Vedic period and beginning of the post Vedic period the varna hierarchy based
on endogamy and birth became hereditary. The Brahmanical law texts, Dharmasutras of Apastamba,
Baudhayana, Gautama and Vashistha, of post Vedic period (circa 500 – 200 BC) provided numerous
laws conferring privileges upon the higher three varnas (dvijas) and disabilities upon shudras.
Untouchability means permanent and hereditary pollution owing to physical contact with the section of
the Indian people and the group first identified for the purpose was the chandala. The Dharmasutras
are unanimous in holding the touch of the chandala as polluting and prescribe bath with clothes on as a
mean of expiation. It was maintained that the chandala also cause pollution through proximity, sight,
hearing, and speech. Physical association, and marriage ties with chandala, thus, were completely
prohibited and their segregation was legalised in the Brahmanical literature. In addition, it was
maintained that a person should not recite the Veda while a corpse or chandala are in the village.
Terms such as anta, antya, antyayoni, bahya, apapatra, signify untouchability, and it distinguishes
untouchables from shudras. In the Brahmanical texts, the origin of chandalas is traced from a union of a

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brahmana woman and a shudra male. The chandalas, who were considered untouchable, were
engaged in cremation of dead bodies, execution of criminals and hunting for livelihood.
The concept of karma first formulated in the Chhandogya Upanishada became a tool in the hands of
upper varnas-jatis to legitimize the exploitation of lower varnas, particularly of shudras. It was
maintained that the good and bad karmas of past life determined the birth in higher or lower varnas in
present life. The concept was also endorsed by both Buddhism and Jainism. Irfan Habib has pointed
out that even the great emphasis upon the Ahimsa or non-violence had played a crucial role in the
emergence and development of untouchablility. The merchants and land owning classes provided their
support to Buddhism and Jainism. In returned these classes were assigned a higher social status while
the tribal population and people engaged in manual crafts were reduced to lower social positions. A
closer study of the Pali texts shows that Buddhist ideologues also visualized a hierarchical society
based on good (uccha) or bad (niccha) family (kula), occupation (karma), and craft (shilpa). According
to Buddhism, kshatriya, brahmana and gahapati belonged to uccha kula while chandala, pukkusa,
nesada, vena and rathakara to niccha kula. It held agriculture, trade, and animal husbandry as the best
occupations. Similarly, counting, accounting, writing, and royal official were amongst the best
professions or crafts (shilpa). Contrary to it, service providing occupations and manual crafts of
storeroom keepers, flower-sweepers, reed-makers, potters, leather workers, and barbers were
considered socially low. Even in Jainism occupations other than royal services, agriculture, trade,
artistic works, and writing were highly despised as they involved killing of living beings. Among these,
trade was given a prominent position in Jainism as it involved lesser chance of killing the living beings.
The Jains also despised the matangas and panas, sub groups of chandalas as being inferior. The
groups like nesadas, pukkusas, venas, matangas and pannas belonged to aboriginal tribes and had
been engaged in hunting gathering economy. Since killing was considered, a grave sin by both
Buddhism and Jainism these peoples were condemned as well as reduced to the status of impure. In
this way, the changes in material conditions and economy were intimately linked with the changes in
social structure and the role of popular religions had been crucial in crystallizing these changes.
Furthermore, as the manual labour or occupation increasingly began to be denounced as being impure
by the brahmanas, people engaged in such occupations were reduced to the position of untouchables.
Nevertheless, some occupations began to be considered inferior as well as impure, which gradually
became the basis of excommunicating certain sections of people from society by branding them
untouchable. The bamboo workers, potters, weaver, leather workers, and barber were the lower
occupations in the Pali literature. In addition, five castes, i.e., candela, nesada, vena, rathakara and
pukkusa were despised as being impure. The Buddhist Jatakas indicate the prevalence of
untouchability in early Indian society. For instance, it appears from the Jataka stories that the candalas
were engaged in the occupation that comprised the cremation of dead bodies, removal of deal animals,
execution of criminals, street sweeping and so forth. They were made to reside outside the cities or
villages. Possibly nisadas, venas, and pukkusas were tribes, which were mainly engaged in hunting as
a livelihood. When these tribes were absorbed in brahmanical social system, they were considered
impure due to their occupation of hunting or fishing. The attitude of Buddhism and Jainism was also not
different. As they denounced violence, tribes that were engaged in hunting or fishing were increasingly
reduced to an inferior status in Buddhism and Jainism. However, unlike Brahmanism, both Buddhism
and Jainism kept the doors of their monastic institutions open for such communities on a condition that
they would give up violence and embrace ahimsa, i.e., non-violence. According to the Manu-samhita,
various mixed castes were untouchables, e.g., nisadas, ayogavas, medas, andhras, madgus, ksattrs,
pukkasas, dhigvanas, and venas, which should live outside the villages or cities. The untouchables
were made to live in utter poverty and humiliations. It was held that they should eat in broken dishes,
use iron ornaments and wear clothes of dead peoples. It was recommended to the people of upper

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varna-jatis that all kind of relations like marriage, debt, loan, food, drinks, etc., were to be avoided with
these people.
Noticeably, the untouchability developed in stages, and up to 200 AD, the Brahmanical texts refer to
only three or four castes – chandalas, Pulkasas, Meda,- as untouchables. These castes had rose from
tribal background, and as, due to the encroachment of forest areas, they lost their traditional source of
livelihood, many of them became part of settled society by undertaking menial jobs. In post- 200 AD,
untoucability further expanded and it became firmly rooted in Indian society. A Chinese Buddhist
traveller, Faxian (circa 399- 414 AD present in India) informs us that chandalas had to live outside
towns and marketplace, and were expected to strike a piece of wood when they approached so that
others should get out of their way to avoid their touch. In South India, the notion of untouchability
seems to have emerged in the late Sangam period. A work called the Acharakkovai refers to water
touched by a pulaiya person being considered defiled and unfit for consumption by higher caste people,
and states that even glancing at a pulaiya person was polluting. The Tamil epics also allude to the
practice of untouchability. In the Manimekalai, brahmanas are exhorted not to touch Aputtiran, the son
of a brahmana woman and shudra male, lest they be polluted.
By early medieval period, untouchables comprised two broad sections. The first included the backward
tribal communities whose original occupations and those acquired after integration with the mainstream
were not enough to give them economic security. Virtually landless, they served as the cheapest
source of servile labour in the countryside. With the progressive improvement in the overall condition of
the shudras and their displacing the vaishyas as the bulk of peasantry along with other landed classes,
the interests of the shudras and the untouchables often diverged. The second category of untouchables
included several depressed artisanal castes. With their hereditary skill and low wages, often in the kind,
they were another cheap and easily available source of exploitation. Neither of these categories of
untouchables was a homogenous unit, rather they were divided into several castes. The Parashara-
smriti records various expiations especially for shudras in case of their being polluted by the
untouchables. It shows that shudras were held different from the untouchables. Here it is noticeable
that the Sanskrit term asprisya for untouchability was first used in the Vishnusmriti, a text of the third
century AD. In the same way, the Katyayana (400-600 AD) uses the term asprisya twice. However, the
classical varna theory did not have any place for a fifth varna, in his commentary to the Brahmasutra,
Sankaracarya (early eight century AD) shows awareness of a school of thinkers, who regarded the
Nishada as a fifth varna and the Samba Purana (sixth-eighth centuries AD) refers to the fifth varna. In
this way, untouchability was evidently considered an integral part of the varna system.

Self Assessment questions.

1. Why were the chandalas considered untouchable?.

___________________________________________________________________________.
2. When was the term asprisya used for the first time?
___________________________________________________________________________.
3. Write a short note on Buddhist conceptualisation of good or bad kula, karma, and shilpa.
___________________________________________________________________________.

12.5 Summary

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Students, royal land grants introduced significant changes in the early Indian society and caused the
integration of tribal population in varna-jati hierarchy. The new entrants were provided with distinct
castes and as a result, number of castes went beyond thousands by the early medieval period. In
addition, several professions were transformed into distinct castes with an emphasis upon endogamy
and gotra-exogamy. However, as the varna-jati hierarchy crystallized, a section of society was pushed
to the margins by branding it untouchable.

12.6 References
 Jha, Vivekananda, (1997), ‘Caste, Untouchability and Social Justice: Early North Indian
Perspective’, in Social Scientist, Vol. 25, No.11/12, pp.19-30.
 Sharma, R. S., Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalization, Orient Longman India:
Calcutta, 2001.
 Sharma, R. S., Sudras in Ancient India: A Survey of the Position of the Lower Orders Down to circa
AD 500. Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi, 1958.

12.7 Further Readings

 Chattopadhyaya, B. D., Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press: New Delhi,
second edition 2012.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

12.8 Model Questions

1. Critically analyse the various factors causing the emergence of numerous castes in early India.
2. Discuss the origin of untouchability in early India.

Lesson-13

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 CONCEPTS AND TERMS

Introduction
Students, this chapter focuses on the important terms and concepts, which would help students to
understand the ancient Indian history in a more nuanced way. These concepts and terms are taken
from all the four units of the syllabus, and provide an insight into the history of ancient India.

Concepts and Terms

Mehargarh
The Neolithic site of Mehrgarh is located in the Kachhi plain, just at the mouth of river Bolan, and its
spread over 200 hectares. The site reveals seven occupational levels (Periods) of which only first two
Periods are Neolithic. The third Period is Chalcolithic. Period I (c. 7000-5000 BC) is the earliest and the
aceramic phase, which marks the transition from nomadic pastoralism to agriculture. It is divided into
two sub-phases: IA and IB. Evidence of two-row hulled barley, six-rowed barley, einkhorn wheat,
emmer wheat and bread wheat came from this level. In addition, Indian ber and dates have been
identified at the site. These evidences suggest that people of Mehrgarh were expert farmers who could
produce diversified cereals. Agriculture probably gave impetus to animal domestication since goats,
humped ox and sheep bones have been found. Bones of wild animals including buffalo are discovered,
some of which have cut marks suggesting continuity of hunting as one of the occupations. The houses
discovered at the site were built of regular size mud-brick that were sun-dried. These residential
structures were divided into small rooms with assigned areas for fire. Some larger ones with small cell-
like compartments might have been storehouses. The Neolithic tools consisted of chipped stone
blades, polished axes, Microliths along with querns, mortars, grinding stones, and bone tools including
awls and needles. Ornaments of beads of steatite and bangles of conch-shells are found with the dead
in the burials suggesting another craft-producing activity practiced by the people at Mehrgarh. Also
evidence of turquoise and lapis lazuli beads suggested long distance trading extending up to
Badakshan in Afghanistan in exotic items probably for ritual purposes. People in Period I were buried in
open spaces in oval pits where their bodies were placed in a flexed position. These evidences indicated
that people probably believed in afterlife and society had begun to be stratified with some people being
relatively prosperous and controlling the surplus grain produce.
Period II (c. 5000-4500 BC) is divided into three sub-phases: IIA, IIB and IIC. In Period IIA, pottery
made its appearance in a very limited amount and was hand-made. A significant discovery is of
systematic storage process that could be seen in the compartmented houses on hard clay base. In
some of these cell-like compartments, seeds of barley, cultivable only in the irrigated fields, are
discovered. This attaches lots of importance to storage since the area was rain deficient. This also
suggests some level of developed irrigation system. Occurrence of a large amount of charred
cottonseeds from the Period IIB too suggested control over water, which led to the cultivation of cotton
plants, thus showing earliest evidence of the source of textiles. Evidences are found of steatite industry
and bone tools industry in some of the buildings as stone and bone tools continued from the earlier
period also with an interesting discovery of sickle blades of stone set in the bitumen pieces, important

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for harvesting. The level of Period IIB reported of a ring and a bead of copper alongside a small copper
ingot while Period IIC shows the beginning of wheel-made pottery along with hand-made ones.
Miscellaneous objects found from Period II in general were: ivory tusk, lumps of red ochre and grinding
stones etc.
Gopati
In the Rigvedic society, the concept of hereditary kingship was not present. The tribal leader was also
known as gopati (literally meaning cowherd or lord of the cattle) because he was considered the
protector of both, cattle as well as tribe. He led the clan in the time of wars and cattle raids. He also
offered prayers and sacrifices to the gods on the behalf of his tribe. He was also called vishpati and
rajana. The epithet vishpati attributed to tribal chief meant ‘head of a clan, comprising kinsmen’. And
the term rajan, derived from the root raj (to shine) or the root ranj (to grow red, to paint, to decorate, to
charm), refers to a chief or tribal leader. The gopati/rajan, in place of territory, ruled the tribe or clan. In
the early Vedic society, neither was present a fixed legal institution nor was customs considered laws.
The chiefs were possibly advised by the clan elders in administrative and legal matters. In addition, the
gopati/rajan was assisted by purohita (priest) and senani (head of the army).
Vidatha
Three tribal assemblies- vidatha, sabha and samiti are mentioned in the Rigveda. The term vidatha is
mentioned 122 times, while sabha eight times and samiti nine times only. Out of these three, vidatha
was an important assembly. The term vidatha is derived from the root vid, meaning to know, to
consider, to possess and to exist. It was an assembly meant for secular, religious as well as military
activities. Not only men but also women participated in the activities of vidatha. It perhaps also looked
after the judicial matters. At the time of war, a war-chief was elected in Vidatha, which was also a place
where war-booty was distributed among the tribe members. People drank Soma juice, sang songs, and
indulged in joy-sports in vidatha, which was a folk assembly of the Indo-Aryans. The sabha, according
to Romila Thapar ‘was the council of the select and exclusive, whereas the samiti was an assembly of
the clan.’ Like vidatha, meetings of sabha were also attended by women, who are mentioned in the
Rigveda as sabhavati (meaning fit for attending the sabha). However, both the assemblies: sabha and
samiti gradually gained importance towards the end of the early Vedic period.
Bhupati
In a monarchical rule a clear difference between the king and subjected population (praja) was
maintained. King claimed a share of the agricultural produce in return of protection from internal as well
as external aggression. The boundaries of state that became fixed were guarded as well as managed
by the King through a complex bureaucratic-military edifice. Since decision-making power was in the
hands of an individual (i.e., King), the mobilization of resources, organization of bureaucracy and army,
regularization of trade and commerce became more efficient. The king now assumed several titles as
nrpati, naresvara, narendra, naradhipa, etc., emphasising his sovereignty or lordship over all category
of people (nara) in general. Panini in the Ashtadhyayi calls a ruler ‘bhupati,’ i.e., lord of the earth, which
further reinforces king’s territorial authority. The kingship became hereditary as well as primogeniture
became a general, however, surmountable practice.
Janapada/Mahajanapada

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The later Vedic literature for the first time mentions the term Janapada, literally meaning- ‘a place
where the people (jana) placed their feet first’. In other words, it referred to a rural settlement perhaps
of sedentary nature. The term Janapada gradually became synonymous of territorial kingdom often
named after a tribe that dominated it. This period witnessed the emergence of Janapadas like Kuru-
Panchalas, Kashi, Kosala, Kekayas, Madras, and Videha. A gradual development of state system,
which assumed a concrete form by the 6 th century BC with the emergence of Mahajanapadas, took
place during the later Vedic period. When some Janapadas defeated the other Janapadas and
enlarged their own territories by annexing the territories of other Janapadas, then they came to be
identified as Mahajanapadas. The Anguttara Nikaya mentions the presence of sixteen (solasa)
Mahajanapadas, wielding considerable political and economic powers in the post Vedic period.
However, the Mahajapadas had been associated with two distinct and often competing political
systems: gana-sangha and monarchy (rajyas), both having relatively fixed territories. The
Mahajanapadas, as appears from the Pali canonical literature, comprised several distinct spaces, viz.,
rural, urban, etc.
Gana-Sangha
The gana-sanghas were the tribal oligarchies. The term ‘republic’ for gana or sangha is misleading. The
history of the term gana goes back to the Vedic period as the term gana has been found at 64 places in
Rigveda, at 9 places in Atharvaveda and at several places in Brahmana texts. The root of the term
gana is gan meaning ‘to count’ thereby literally the term means ‘an artificial collection of people.’
Hence, it is used in the sense of a tribal or clan solidarity in the Vedic literature. As the society was
largely pastoral during Vedic times, with limited agriculture, the main method for procuring resources
was cattle raids. R. S. Sharma suggests that ‘the Vedic gana was an armed organization of the whole
clan or tribe.’ A change began to appear in the character of gana, with the expansion of agriculture and
sedentarizaton of society. By the sixth century BC, various officers began to appear for handling the
functioning of a gana, who were absent in the Vedic period. The term gana prefixed with sangha, i.e.,
gana-sangha began to be used for a tribal oligarchy, having a fixed territory. Some of the major gana-
sanghas had been - Shakyas, Lichchhavis, Mallas, Koliyas, Moriyas, Malavas, Arjunayanas,
Yaudheyas, Audumbaras, Kunindas, etc.
In gana-sanghas, the king (raja), who was either elected or selected, was one among all the tribal
members. The entire territory of a gana-sangha was divided into small administrative units,
administered by a raja as a representative of his clan or tribe. The heads of these small administrative
units constituted the main assembly for managing diverse administrative activities. The administration
of the Shakyas and Lichchhavis consisted of a king, vice-king, military commander, and treasurer. The
decision making power was in the hands of the main assembly. It is mentioned in the Buddhist literature
that the Lichchhavis of Vaishali had 7707 rajas. Unlike, a monarchy, in which only the King had a right
to maintain army, in gana-sanghas, each raja had his own army, storehouse, and administration.
Contrary to a monarch, enjoying a firm control over resources and revenue, in gana-sanghas resources
were divided equally among the tribe members. Whereas the varna hierarchy was prevalent in
monarchies, in gana-sanghas society was divided between kshatriyas, who controlled the land, and
dasa-karamkaras, who provided various labour services. Brahmanas as well as varna system hardly
had any influence in gana-sanghas.
Gahapati

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The Pali texts frequently mentions about gahapatis as the big landowners. Since, brahmana-gahapatis
are mentioned in the Buddhist literature, gahapati as a social category did not exclusively belong to
Buddhism or Brahmanism. They cultivated their land with the help of dasa-karmakaras, who were paid
for their services. The landlords employed non-family labourers for the cultivation of their large estates.
For example, a story in a Jataka, mentions that the son of Mendaka gahapati paid in cash six-month
salary to the dasa-karmkaras at a time, while Mendaka’s daughter-in-law paid six-month salary in kind
to them. It suggests the employment of paid labourers in agricultural activities in the post Vedic society.
The gahapatis were also present in royal court and enjoyed a close relation with royalty. As being the
landowners, they were the chief taxpayers. They appear to be a part of a list of seven jewels, viz.,
chariots, elephants, horse, treasury, women, ministers and gahapatis, that were linked to kingship. In
some Jatakas, gahapati is also mentioned as gamani or gramika (village headman). Noticeably,
through a control over vast landed resources, gahapatis managed to accumulate considerable wealth,
which several of them invested in trade and commerce.

Self Assessment questions.

1 Comment on Mehargarh.
_________________________________________________________________________________________
______
2 Write a note on Gopati and Bhupati.
_________________________________________________________________________________________
______
3 Comment on Janapada and Mahajanapada.
_________________________________________________________________________________________
______
4 Write a note on Gana-Sangha.
_________________________________________________________________________________________
______
5 Comment on Gahapati.
_________________________________________________________________________________________

Karshapana (Punch Marked Coins)

In about 600/500 BC metallic currency came into use; and they were known as karshapanas or punch
marked coins. The karshapanas were struck at the weight standard of 32 ratis or 57.6 grains. These
coins are mostly available in silver; but some coins are also found in copper. The individuals or group of
merchants possibly issued them. The karshapanas had various marks on one side of it, without any
name. Terms like nishaka, satmana, kamsa, pada, masaka and kakanika, mentioned in the Pali texts,
referred to coins. The emergence of monetary economy does not mean that barter system disappeared
completely. It possibly continued to be in practice at small level transactions.
Ashoka’s Dhamma

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The Prakrit term Dhamma (in Sanskrit Dharma) numerously mentioned in Asokan inscriptions has been
translated as religion by several scholars. Hence, the term Dhamma is popularly considered the
religious convictions of the Mauryan king Asoka, which developed after the Kalinga war. It is often
equated with Buddhism by scholars like R. C. Majumdar, Harprasad Shastri, and others. Contrary to
these scholars, the recent writings of scholars like Romila Thpar, B. N. Mukherji, Upinder Singh,
Ranabir Chakravarti and others have provided different interpretations, who have come out with a more
nuanced explanation of Asoka’s policy of Dhamma. Where, H. C. Raychaudhuri have suggested that
Asoka’s Dhamma represents moral and ethical principles common to all religions, Nilakantha Shastri
associates it with ethical codes of conduct formed by Asoka for his subjects. Based on her detailed
study, Romila Thapar argues that the Dhamma was an invention of Asoka based on the moral and
ethical principles borrowed from both Buddhism and Brahmanism. Dhamma in essence, hence, was an
attempt on the part of Asoka, suggesting a way of life, which was highly moral, practical, and
convenient for his subject population.
Saptanga Rajya (Seven Limbs of the State)
In Kautilaya’s Arthashastra, seven limbs (saptanga) that were essential for the constitution as well as
functioning of a state are described. These limbs are- Svami, Amatya, Janapada, Durga, Kosa, Bala
and Mitra. The Svami, usually a king (raja), was the foremost component of a state, who ruled his
territory with the help of Amatya (high-ranking functionaries). The Janapada, which stands for a
territory, more precisely a populated territory, was another important limb of a state. The Durga (fort or
a fortified urban area) seemingly referred to the capital of realm, where the king and his administration
were rooted. The Kosa (treasury) was considered a crucial organ of the state as it financed the
maintenance of other limbs. The Bala, literally meaning force, signifies the coercive authority of a king,
who was supposed to protect the property and lives of his subjects. The term Bala thus refers to police
or army of a state. The last and seventh limb mitra, literally meaning a friend or an ally, refers to
neighbouring or distant polities with which diplomatic relations were maintained. Kautilaya in this way
conceptualised an organic structure of a state in which different components worked in close
association in order to sustain the larger territorial unit, i.e., the territorial state or kingdom.
Stri-Dhana
The women were not given right to own moveable property, which usually transferred from father to son
or in the absence of son, to his other male relatives. And women were given limited rights. Thus,
woman was assigned a property (stri-dhana), comprising jewellery, clothes, and household articles that
had been gifted by parents, husband, or in-laws. A woman enjoyed greater authority over stri-dhana,
which she could pass on to her daughter or daughter-in-law.

Silk-Route
Traversing several countries and populations, the long and perilous overland route, known as the Silk
route, had been developed for supplying exotic commodities including silk to the western markets. The
place name, Loulan in China was the eastern terminus point of this long route. From Loulan the trade
route reached to Dunhuang/Tunhuang from where it was bifurcated to avoid the Taklamakan desert.
Both the routes again converged at Kashgarh and the route then reached to Merv or Margiana either
through Smarkand or through Bactra/Bactria. From Merv the overland route reach to Mediterranean

136
sea-board via Iran, Iraq, and Jordan. Later the trade route from central Asia reached to Balkh/Bactria,
which was a major converging point for caravans. From Bactria, the route ran through Kapisi and Kabul
valley to reach Purushapura, Pushkalavati, and Taxila. Taxila, which was another key converging point
of the caravans, was connected to central Asia in the West and different cities of the Ganga valley in
the east. The goods from Taxila reached to Mathura and from there to Barygaza via Ujjain. From
Barygaza, sailors sailed across the Indian Ocean to reach the ports situated in the Persian Gulf or the
Red Sea. Another route from Kashghar connected to India via Gilgit in Kashmir. From Mathura, the
trade route branched off and went up to Chandraketugarh or Tamralipta, via Kaushambi, Vaishali,
Ptaliputra and Champa. Tamralipta, connected to Southeast Asia and China via sea routes, was also a
converging point of several trade routes.
Shreni
The Shreni was term that referred to professional organizations, which were also known as gana,
samgha, puga and nikaya. The Shreni of the craftsmen or artisans of a common craft or profession are
mentioned in both literary and epigraphical sources. The term Shreni is generally translated as guild in
English. These guilds laid greater emphasis upon hereditary of occupation and in subsequent centuries
transformed into occupation based castes. It appears from Jatakas and smriti literature that these
guilds were headed by jethaka or pamukha, and possibly assisted by other officials. Guilds were
recommended, by yajnavalkya-samhita, to be governed according to its own rules and regulations
(sreni-dharma). According to him Karya-chintakas were the executive officers who kept in check the
irregularities and resolved the disputes. Kings were generally advised not to interfere in the matters of
the guilds as long as guild authorities were able to resolve the disputes; but in case they failed, then
king was expected to step in to resolve the disputes. The guilds also worked as a banker and deposited
money on which interest was paid by them.
Bali/Bhaga/Shulka
The terms Bali, Bhaga and Shulka referred to taxes that were collected by rulers in ancient times. The
bhaga means share of produce, which was assessed at the rate of 1/6 th of the produce and paid by
peasantry. Bali was another land tax that was collected by the rulers. The Shulka was another tax that
was mainly paid by traders, merchants and artisans, and it referred to toll tax. The taxes were important
for the state because the wealth collected through taxes helped rulers to maintain bureaucracy and
army, which were important components of state system.
Vishti
In the early medieval period, vishti became an important feature of revenue system. It was an extra-
economic coercion. The donees along with villages and lands were entitled to forced labour (vishti)
imposed upon the cultivators. In context of central India, Maharashtra and Gujarat vishti was levied for
the construction of roads, palaces, fortresses, and to provide various services to the royal army and
officials. Contrarily, in south vishti or vetti referred to bonded labour used in agriculture. Hence there
was a regional difference in the practice of vishti or vetti. This must have been a terrible burden on the
poorer sections of people, especially in the rural areas. Vasantasena in his Kamasutra mentions that
the village landlord could force the wife of a peasant to render various services like threshing crops and

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filling up his granary. This and the evidence of vishti demonstrate the coercive nature of imposing levies
by regular and irregular methods.
Prasasti
The term Prasasti refers to eulogies, which were composed by court poets for their patron kings. The
Prasasti glorifies the military achievements of the patron kings, and often equates him with divinities. D.
C. Sircar translates Prasasti as eulogy as well as a eulogistic inscription generally on stone or copper-
plate. Two of the popular Prasastis from ancient India are: Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman-I
and the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragutpa. Both of these are composed in Sanskrit and
glorify the patron rulers.
Mahayana
The emergence and spread of Mahayana (‘Greater Vehicle’) sect of Buddhism laid greater emphasis
on idol worship, rituals, and laity’s participation as a patron in Buddhist institutions. Mahayana sect
became famous in the early centuries of the Christian era. Unlike earlier Buddhist practices, Buddha
was raised to the status of God and he began to be worshipped. Now Buddha was conceptualized as a
benevolent divine being, who if worshipped would fulfil the desires of the devotees. The fourth council,
associated with the split between Mahayanists and Sthaviravadins, took place in either Kashmir or
Jalandhar under the Kushana king Kanishka’s patronage. The Mahayanists introduced the idea of
transference of merit, earned through the performance of worship, rituals, and donations, and it was
maintained that the worship of Buddha and Bodhisattvas generate merit that could be transferred to
parents or relatives. Accumulated merit had a capacity to bring prosperity, heavenly bliss, material
gains, and even salvation to the laity. Thus, in place of strict monastic discipline and self-control
worship, rituals and donations were promoted as an alternate means to attain merit as well as
salvation.
Hinayana
Hinayanists maintained that no one could help others in the attainment of salvation except showing a
right path through examples and advice. Therefore, every person was expected to strive for his own
salvation and become an Arhat. Hinayanists believed that Buddha and Bodhisattvas were not gods.
Rather they were celestial beings. According to them, a person only by performing good deeds and
self-control, based on four noble truths and eight fold paths, could attain salvation. This school spread
into Sri-Lanka, Mayanmar and in Southeast Asia.

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Self Assessment questions.
1 Comment on Stri Dhana.
________________________________________________________________________________________
____
2 Write a note on Silk Route.
________________________________________________________________________________________
_____
3 Comment on Bali/Bhaga/Shulka and Vishti.
________________________________________________________________________________________
____
4 Write a note on Mahayana and Hinayana.
________________________________________________________________________________________
______
5 Comment on Ashoka’s Dhamma.
________________________________________________________________________________________

Agraharas
D. C. Sircar in the Indian Epigraphical Glossary translates the term agrahara as tax-exempted village in
the possession of brahmanas. However, according to Ranabir Chakravarti, the term agrahara stands
for the donation or creation of revenue free plot(s) or even the entire village in favour of a religious
donee or a group of donees or a religious institution (a Brahmanical temple, a Buddhist vihara or a Jain
monastery) by issuing a copper plate charter under royal instruction or approval. The agrahara villages,
also sometimes referred as brahmadeya, mangalam, agaram, brahmapuram, agra-brahmadeya,
brahmadesam, and brahmamangalam, were villages granted to individual brahmana or group of
brahmanas or a monastery or a temple. However, compared to Buddhist monasteries the number of
agraharas granted to brahmanas is much higher.
Devadana
D. C. Sircar translates the term devadana as a gift made to a god or a tax-free land in the possession of
a temple. In several epigraphs, devadana is also mentioned as deva-bhoga, deva-deya, deva-daya, and
deva-agrahara. The temple received devadana grants primarily to use earnings from the gifted lands for
its own upkeep as well as for organising various temple rituals, festivals, and sacrifices. The
responsibility to manage temple affairs was of a brahmana’s committee, which looked after not only the
temple income from donated land but also managed the expenditures of the temple. Sometimes land
was leased out to the tenants, who were made responsible for providing the requirements of the
specified rituals or ceremonies for the maintenance of which the endowments were made. This shows
that how the tenancy dues could provide a definite and regular resource-base for the perpetuation of the
rituals and ceremonies in the temple. Noticeably, the members of the trusts or temple committees were
made the trustees of the land endowed to the temple with responsibilities of maintaining the respective

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rituals or ceremony out of the accruing revenue. Here the trustees were virtually enjoying proprietary
rights.
Vanigrama
The term Vanigrama refers to a professional organisation of merchants/traders, who belonged to
different regions and cultural backgrounds. There are some early medieval epigraphic documents that
narrate about to the creation of settlements for trader by political authorities. Such a group of merchants
were known as vanigrama, and both local and non-local/outsider merchants could have belonged to the
vanigrama (the term grama here denotes a body or group, and not a village). For instance, the Three
copper plates of the Toramana (c. 6th century AD) inform us about a Vaniggrama (known a Mannigrama
in south) which was a professional organization of merchants. Its members resided in different urban
centres e.g. Dasapura (Mandasor), Kanyakubja (Kanauj), Ujjain (in Madhya Pradesh) and Vadrapali (in
Gujarat) etc, and had come together to make religious donation to the temple of Vishnu.
Samanta
The hallmark of early medieval polity is noted in the Samanta system. The term Samanta originally
denoted a neighbouring king in the Kautiliya’s Arthashastra. The earliest connotation of Samanta in the
assumed sense of a vassal occurs in the Buddhacharita of Ashvaghosa (first century AD). The
Brihasapatismriti recommends payment to Samanta in land assignments for their rendering military and
other service to the ruler. Seven grades of Samanta figure in the Harshacarita. The Manasollasa
(twelfth century AD) lays down various types of gifts, for instance, grant of principality, grant of village,
grant of enjoyment of various local resources, etc., to ministers who were equivalent to Samanta.
Tirthankar/Arhat
The term Tirthankar generally appears in the Jain literature for twenty-four Jain teachers, for instance,
Rishabnatha, Parshvanatha, Vardhaman Mahavira and others. The term Tirthankar literally means fort-
maker, or one who builds fords that help people across the ocean of suffering; and it implies that the
Jain Tirthankars prepared the ford/path, which helped their followers to cross the world of illusion and
ignorance and helped them in the attainment of true knowledge. It means that a Tirthankar is more like
a spiritual guide for the Jain lay-followers. In a similar way, arhata means emancipation and in relation
to Tirthankar the term arhata refers to a person who is emancipated from the cycle of life and death.
Arhata is a person who has attained moksha/nirvana.
Uttarapatha
The major trans-regional route of northern India, connecting Tamralipti port, on the Bay of Bengal, to
the North-West frontier region and beyond via Ganga Valley, was known as Uttarapatha. It had two
major sections. The northern section, starting in North-West frontier region traversed Taxila/Takshila,
Lahore, Jalandhar, and Saharanpur, and from there along the Gangetic plains, it ran through Bijnor,
Gorakhpur towards Bihar. The southern section of Uttarapatha proceeded from Lahore to Rawalpindi,
Bhatinda, Delhi, Hastinapur, Kanpur, Lucknow, Varanasi, Allahabad towards Pataliputra and Rajagriha.
These two sections were also connected to several feeder or local routes. Raw materials and finished
goods were moved along this route. For instance, lapis lazuli from Afghanistan and central Asia are
found at sites extending from the Swat valley in the north-west to the Burdwan district of Bengal. The
Uttarapatha was a land-cum-river route. Buddhist texts refer to the riverine movement of traders and
goods along the Ganga. The distribution of Painted Grey Ware and Northern Black Painted Ware sites
along the Ganga and its tributaries, viz., Yamuna, Ghaghara and Sarayu, suggests that rivers formed

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major communication routes. The Ashtadhyayi and Jatakas mention ferries. But movements across
land were clearly also important. Buddhist texts frequently talk of caravans of traders moving along land
routes, and Buddhist monks too moved mainly on foot.
Dakshinapatha
The Dakshinapatha (the great southern trans-regional route) is mentioned in the Arthashastra, but was
operational from the early historical period. It stretched from Pataliputra in Magadha to Pratishthana on
the Godavari, and was also connected to ports on the western coast. It traversed the Vindhyas and
then ran through the fertile Malwa plateau to reach Deccan and further south on the one hand, and to
reach Sopara on the western seacoast on the other. Buddhist texts refer to merchants travelling from
Pataliputra and Kaushambi to Pratishthana. The Sutta Nipata tells the story of Bavari, a teacher of
Kosala, who built a hermitage on the banks of the Godavari in Assaka and sent his disciples on a
mission to meet the Buddha. They travelled through Pratishthana, Ujjain, Vidisha and on to Shravasti.
The physician Jivaka moved along the Dakshinapatha on his way to Avanti. The discovery of Painted
Grey Ware in the Malwa region and Northern Black Polished Ware in central India and the Deccan
provide archaeological corroboration of this route. The Vindhyas provided iron, copper, and various
types of stone to settlements in the Ganga valley, and these raw materials must have moved along the
northern sector of the Dakshinapatha.
Concept of Urban Decay
According to R. S. Sharma, the urban decline in the subcontinent took place in two phases. In first
phase i.e. 3rd -4th century AD many urban centres - Sanghol, Hastinapur, Atranjikhera, Mathura,
Sravasti, Kausambi, Ganwaria, Khairadih, Manjih, Chirand, Katragarh, Rajgir etc.- in Punjab, Haryana
and western Uttar Pradesh; and Noh, Ujjain, Nagar, Pauni, Kaundinyapura, Nevasa, Ter, Bhokardan,
Paithan, Nasik, Vadgaon-Madhavapur etc, in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and
Karnataka- were declined. The first phase declined was coincided with the decline of Satavahanas and
Kushanas on the one hand and with the division of Roman Empire into two parts –East and West. The
decline of trade caused loss of income and livelihood to artisans, traders and craftsmen. It also was a
big loss to the political authorities as Indo-Roman trade brought to their treasury huge amount of bullion
and currency in the form of taxes and gifts. It was followed by the period of Gupta Empire when several
urban centres began to show trends of decline. In post Gupta period by about 6 th -7th century AD, urban
centres in the middle Ganga Valley – Champa, Pataliputra, Vaishali, Varanasi, Bhita etc- declined. The
second phase of decline also coincided with the decline of trade with Byzantine or East Roman Empire;
and besides archaeological, literary sources also indicates to the decline of urban centres at mass
scale. The Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira (AD 505) rightly predicts the decline of towns and cities and
bad days for artisans and traders. Where earlier inscriptions mentions invariably the names of
merchants, artisans and craftsmen as the donor, the inscriptions of post 4th century AD increasingly
lack their names as donors. It clearly shows the decline in their status. Even the accounts of Husan
Tsang also indicate to the declining trends. He mentions that various Buddhist towns –Sravasti,
Kapilavastu, Ramagrama, and Kusinagara- were in deserted state. In early medieval period according
to R. S. Sharma, there emerged cities which were either religious or political centres (skandhavara) as
indicated by various inscriptions. Though trade continued but it was restricted to luxury goods for feudal
lords, princes, and landlords; and also for monasteries and temples. Due to the decline of trade and

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urban centres many artisans, merchants and craftsmen shifted to countryside and took up agriculture
for survival.
Kali Age Crisis
R. S. Sharma developed the concept of Kali Age Crisis in order to support his Indian Feudalism theory.
He has based his argument on the Puranas and epics, which contain several passages that talk about
social crisis or Kali Age. These passages belong to the 3rd century AD. They depict that peasants-rural
people, particularly Shudras and Vaishyas, due to oppression and exploitation refused to perform their
varna based tasks assigned to them. They refuse to pay taxes. In such a situation, rulers began to
make land grants at wider scale by 4 th-5th century AD to tackle this crisis. The grant system hence
relieved the state from collecting taxes and from maintaining law and order. The task was now
transferred to the donees.
Mandapika
The early medieval commercial scene witnessed the advent of Mandapikas (literally meaning, a
covered pavilion) in northern and western India. Inscriptions distributed over Kangra, Gwalior, Pehoa,
Bharatpur, Jabalpur, and with a definite concentration in Gujarat and Rajasthan, eloquently speak of
brisk commerce at Mandapikas, corresponding to modern mandis in more or less the same regions.
The epigraphic evidence showing Mandapikas as active centres of trade belongs to the period from AD
750 to AD 1000. The range of commodities transacted at Mandapikas is equally impressive, where
staples and luxuries alike were available. A significant feature is the availability of different type of
agricultural products and domesticated animals (e.g., betel/areca nut, black pepper, grains, green
vegetables, elephants, horses, cattle, etc.,) from neighbouring and distant areas at Mandapikas.
Several records from Rajasthan and Gujarat inform us about the cess/duty imposed by political
authorities, and tolls as well as customs were paid by merchants, traders and artisans to higher
authorities.
Nagaram
The early medieval Nagaram in the Tamil area had a distinct commercial character, and according to
one study about thirty-three nagarams in the Chola rulers kingdom are identified. Market or commercial
centres were known as Nagarams. The nagaram was an urban space, connected mainly with the
production and exchange of commodities, at the local, inter-regional, or international level. Agricultrue
produce also moved in and out of it. A Nadu could have one or more Nagarams. The Nagaram had a
corporate body consisting of merchants, members of which were known as the Nagarattar. This group
was also involved in land management; it owned and managed land known as nagarakkani from which
it collected revenue.
Varnasamkara (inter-mixing of Varnas)
The jati (caste) is a sub-group of varna category; therefore, even though there remained only four
varnas, multiple castes emerged under different varna categories as sub-groups. The cause, according
to Dharmasutras, of the origin of multiple jatis (castes) is varnasmkarana or intermixing of varnas which
in turn was the result of inter-varna marriages. For example: It was maintained that a son of a
brahmana woman and a shudra male is chandala, while a son of a Brahmana male and Shudra woman
was called a nisada. According to R. S. Sharma, “…most of these mixed castes were nothing more
than backward tribes, who were annexed to the four original and recognised varnas by giving them a

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wholly arbitrary genesis.” At the same time influx of foreign people –Greeks, Sakas, Pahalvas,
Kushanas and so forth- created a need to adjust these within four-fold varna hierarchy as they
belonged to ruling authorities. These foreigners are called yavanas in brahmanical literature. While the
earlier Dharmasutras held the yavanas as the offspring of Kshatriya male and Shudra woman, Manu-
samhita calls them as vrata-Kshatriyas or degenerated Kshatiryas as they discontinued the
performance of Vedic sacrifices and the observance of varnashramadharma. Manu, like Dharmasutras,
held varnasamkara responsible for the emergence of various castes like nisada, chandala, ayogava
etc. The concept of varnasamkara was further developed in Manu-samhita and Yajnavalkyasmriti.
Since the offspring of an inter-varna marriage cannot be assigned the varna status of his/her father a
new social identity became necessary for such offspring; and this requirement resulted in the origin of
various jatis or castes.
Puranic Hinduism
The English word ‘Hinduism’ is a fairly recent one and was first used by Raja Ram Mohun Roy in 1816-
17. However, the term ‘Hindu’ is older and it first appeared in Persian records for the land beyond the
Sindhu river. The word Hindu has been derived from Sindhu. In the course of the medieval period, the
term came to acquire a religious-cultural meaning. Modern day Hinduism differs from other major world
religions in many important respects, in that it has no found, no fixed canon which embodies its major
beliefs, practise, sects, and traditions. Some scholars argue that Hinduism is not so much a religion as
a set of socio-cultural practises; others argue that it is inexplicably linked to the existence of caste and
still others hold that we should talk of Hindu religions in the plural rather than the singular. The relative
newness of the word, the problems of definition, and the existence of much internal diversity, are not
sufficient reasons to avoid the use of the term Hinduism. The theistic cults (Vaishnavism, Shaivism,
etc), temple based worship, rituals, and rites, as well as concept of pilgrimage became gradually
popular from about 200 BC onwards and the Puranas that came to be compiled by the Gupta period
elaborated these religious practices. Although sectarian cults began to consider a particular god or
goddess as a supreme deity, there was also parallel process which visualised the Hindu gods as
closely related and performing complementary functions. This is evident, for instance, in the idea of the
triad of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva, present in the Mahabharata and more clearly developed in the
Puranas. In this triad, Brahma is associated with the creation of the world, Vishnu with its preservation
and Shiva its destruction. The acknowledgement of other gods and their being considered worthy of
respect is also evident from the fact that shrines dedicated to one deity often have sculptural
representations of other deities as well. Polytheism simply refers to a belief in many gods; but
monolatory means the belief in a supreme god without denying the presence of other gods. It is the
later term that best describes the Puranic Hinduism.
References
 Chakravarti, Ranabir, Exploring Early India up to c. 1300, New Delhli: Primus Books, 2016 third
revised edition.
 Sharma, Rimjhim and Kumar, Ashish, Early India, up to c. 300 AD, Delhi, Book Age
Publications, 2019.
 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From Stone Age to the 12 th
Century, Pearson Longman: Delhi, 2009.

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Model Questions
1 Comment on Puranic Hinduism.
2 Comment on Agrahara and Devadana.

3 Write a note on Vanigramma.

4 Write a note on Samanta.
5 Write a note on Uttarapatha and Dakshinapatha.

6 Comment on Urban decay and Kali age crisis.

7 Comment on Mandapika and Nagaram.

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