Dhurjati Prasad Mukerji
Dhurjati Prasad Mukerji
Dhurjati Prasad Mukerji
1
• D. P. Mukerji was a
Marxist who analysed
Indian history in terms of a
dialectical process.
• Tradition and modernity,
colonialism and
nationalism, individualism
and collectivism could be
seen as dialectically
interacting with each other
2
• He was born in 1894 in a
middle class Brahmin family
of Bengal.
• It was during this period that
the literary influence of
Rabindranath Tagore,
Bankim Chandra and Sarat
Chandra Chatterjee was at its
peak.
• There was renaissance of
Bengali literature at this time.
3
• D. P. Mukerji did his
graduation from
Bangbasi College,
Bengal. First he was a
student of history which
included economics at
that time, then he took a
degree in economics
4
• He did not confine to the
boundaries of a particular
discipline. It was perhaps
for this reason that he
became a sociologist, as
Sociology is the most
comprehensive social
science. He attained not
only national but
international fame as a
sociologist
5
• In 1922 he joined the
Lucknow University as a
lecturer in Economics
and Sociology.
• D. P. Mukerji always
thought that ideas of
Karl Marx were relevant
in India when adapted
to conditions of Indian
history and tradition.
6
• He always emphasised
the study of social
processes and social
movements.
• He was born in the
golden age of criticism
and reflected this age in
true senses in his own
work.
7
• To every subject he
brought critical criteria
from as many fields as
possible.
• He had the faculty of
looking at every problem
from a new angle. He was
an art critic, music critic, a
drama critic and a critic of
life. In him we find a blend
of Anglo-Bengalee culture
8
• D. P. Mukerji was a man
of aesthetic sensibilities.
• D. P. Mukerji became
the Director of
Information when the
Congress assumed office
in U.P. His influence
brought the spirit of an
intellectual approach to
public relations.
9
• He was also part of the
foundation of the Bureau
of Economics and
Statistics.
• He returned in 1939 to
the Lucknow University
when Congress
relinquished office on the
war issue at the beginning
of the Second World War.
10
• In 1947 he was appointed as
a member of U. P. Labour
Inquiry Committee.
• It was in 1951 that he was
made a professor.
• He was a founder member of
the Indian Sociological
Association and one of the
members of its Managing
Committee and its Editorial
Board.
• .
11
• He also represented the
association at the
International Sociological
Association of which he
became the Vice President
• He wrote several books and
articles in diverse fields.
After Independence he
watched political
movements with great
interest but was not a
politician in any sense.
12
CENTRAL IDEAS
• Marxism, according to
D. P. Mukerji, helped
one to understand the
historical developments
well but it could not
offer a satisfactory
solution to human
problems
13
• That solution was to be
found in the regeneration
and reinterpretation of
India’s national culture.
• He was opposed to the
positivism of modern
social sciences which
reduced individuals into
biological or
psychological units.
14
• The industrial culture of the
West had turned individuals
into self-seeking agents; the
society in the West had
become ethnocentric.
• By emphasising
individuation (i. e. ,
recognition of the roles and
rights of the individual)
positivism had uprooted the
social anchors of humanity.
15
Role of Tradition in Indian Society
• The individuals drew
their nourishment from
the tradition.
• They did not lose a
sense of purposes or
direction. But tradition
often became a
deadweight, as in India
16
• people made fetish of
it, that is, they idealised
it and worshipped it.
• Cultural stagnation was
bound to result on
account of the people’s
uncritical attitude
towards it.
17
• Therefore, individuation
must also be
encouraged. The
individuals can recreate
culture by infusing it
with new vigour
• The individual is to be
neither totally free nor
un-free
18
• For the evolution of a
healthy personality,
there must be a balance
between individuation
and sociation.
• Sociation is the bond of
the individual with
society.
19
• Individual’s freedom
must not be anarchy
but a creative
expression of the
tradition
20
Integrated Development of Personality
• Mukerji did not commend
to Indians the positivistic
construction of personality
• The Western personality
made a fetish of
achievement.
• Science and technology
had been harnessed to
great improvements in the
living conditions of masses.
21
• The capacity of human
beings to control nature
and use it to their
advantage are notable
achievements of the
modern age.
• the Western approach
could not lead to an
integrated development
22
• For an integrated
development of
personality there was
need for a balance
between technological
development and
human freedom.
23
• Even a socialist society
such as Soviet Russia
had failed to evolve a
balanced personality.
• There, the individuals
had been dominated by
the state or the political
party
24
• D. P. Mukerji’s
dialecticism was rooted
in humanism which cut
across narrow ethnic or
national consideration.
• In the West, the
individuals had become
either aggressive or
docile.
25
• The Western progress
was devoid of humanism.
The Renaissance and
Industrial Revolution had
freed individuals from
the grip of stagnant
medieval tradition but at
the same time reduced
the humanist content of
progress.
26
• The modern nationalism is
essentially nurtured in the
positivistic aspects of the
West.
• It could not be an
appropriate model for India.
• Besides, India’s middle
classes were a product of
Western impact on India.
They were uprooted from
their own indigenous
tradition.
27
• They had lost contact with the
masses. India could become a
modern nation if the middle
classes re-established their
links with the masses. Only
then a genuine development
was possible.
• For D. P. Mukerji growth was a
mere quantitative
achievement, development
was a qualitative term
denoting value-based progress
28
D. P. Mukerji’s Views on Unity in Diversity
• D. P. Mukerji was
involved in depicting
Hindu-Muslim relations.
• His search for truth led
him to discover
humanistic and spiritual
unity in the diversities
of Indian culture
29
• He was examining many
of the areas within the
broad framework of
Hindu-Muslim
interaction.
• There were three areas
of interaction which
were worthy of note.
30
i) Politically, the Islamic kings
ruled over the Hindu subjects
from eleventh to seventeenth
centuries A. D. in North India.
At the same time, there were
established alliances between
Muslim rulers and Hindu rajas.
Hence, there was a sense of
partnership between Muslim
rulers and Hindu subjects; this
was more evident during the
Mughal rule
31
ii) In economic relations,
during the Islamic rule
while the jagirdars
(military chiefs) were
Muslims, most of the
zamindars were Hindus.
These two groups shared
many interests in
common. Thus, together
these two classes formed
an alliance
32
iii) Culturally, in literature,
music, costumes,
cultivation of fine arts,
etc., there were reciprocal
influences. Both Sufism
and Bhaktism in the north
encouraged mutual
interactions. However, the
Muslims and Hindus
differed in their world
view.
33
D. P. Mukerji as an Economist
• His approach to
economics was,
however, distinct from
that of other
economists. He viewed
the economic
development in India in
terms of historical and
cultural specificities
34
• The economic forces in
India were influenced
by social values.
• During ancient times,
the king and the
members of royal court
did not own the lands.
35
• the tillers of land had to
give a portion of their
produce to the treasury
as tax or revenue in
return for the royal
protection. The
ownership of the land
was mainly vested in
the village councils.
36
• During the heyday of
Buddhism, the Sangha
(monastic organisation)
often managed extensive
lands, which were granted
to them by kings.
Although the individual
monks (Bhikshus) could
not possess or own
property, the Sangha
owned properties
37
• Just as village lands
were controlled by kin
and caste groups, which
were internally
autonomous, even
trade and banking in
India were managed by
kinship and caste
networks in pre-modern
times
38
• Commercial banking
was also controlled by
castes. There were
important money-
lending Hindu families
on the West coast
whose influence was
widespread especially
during Mughal rule
39
• Mukerji did not treat the
merchants as mere
parasites; on the contrary,
he regarded them as those
who established trade
networks between urban
centres and rural hinterland
• But during the colonial rule
they began exploiting as
they shed their earlier
cultural constraints
40
• The British rule in India
brought about
widespread changes in
Indian economy.
• The urban-industrial
economy introduced by
the British set aside not
only the older
institutional networks but
also the traditional
classes.
41
• In the new set-up the
educated middle classes of
India’s urban centres became
the focal point of society.
• these middle classes were
dominated by Western life
styles and thinking. The future
of India would be secure if the
middle classes reached out to
the masses and established an
active partnership with them
in nationbuilding
42
VERRIER ELWIN
43
• Verrier Elwin (1902-1964) was
a ‘self-made anthropologist’
and a public intellectual-cum-
reformer of his time.
• An ethically grounded and
committed institution-builder
and an iconoclast, who could
translate the real voices of
the tribal communities to
both the academic and
administrative discourses in
postindependent India
44
• He took Indian
citizenship.
• Elwin made the forests
in India his home and
treated tribal
communities of those
habitats like his own
kin.
45
• He occupied
administrative and
official positions
pertaining to the
development of tribal
communities distributed
in different parts of India
and actively contributed
to the process of nation-
building.
46
• Harry Verrier Holman
Elwin was the son of
anglican bishop
• Elwin went up to
Merton.
• He went Oxford
University
47
• Elwin was ordained an
Anglican priest at
Oxford.
• He came to India as a
missionary to join an
Anglical Orderin Pune.
48
• He wanted to become a
monk but before he
could do that, Elwin was
attracted by Gandhi and
got involved with the
struggle for
Independence in India
49
• Over a period of time, his
closeness with Gandhi grew.
• On one occasion, Gandhi
told him that he would take
Elwin as his son.
• Elwin stayed in Gandhi’s
ashram for about four years
and got associated with his
various projects and
mission.
•
50
• After those years of
working together, he
parted ways from Gandhi
on different issues of
dissociation, except that
of India’s right to freedom
from the colonial rule.
However, Elwin claims
that “contact with Gandhi
wedded me to India”
51
• Elwin’s participation in political
activities in India was viewed
seriously by church superiors
in his own country.
• The result was that the
government officials refused
to allow him to return to India.
• Finally, however, permission
was granted to him but in the
condition that he would keep
himself away from political
activities in India
52
• Choosing to be with the
tribal communities,
Elwin was, in a way,
refusing his own
Christian past and
forging a new idea of
freedom outside the
contours of European
modernity.
53
• For him, living amongst
the tribal people of the
forests was an
individual form of
freedom that had its
antecedents in the pre-
modernand in the pre-
capitalist ways of life.
54
• As resolved to make his
home among the Gond
tribe, in 1932, Elwin
moved with his friend
Shamrao Hivale to a
remote village in the
forests of the Mandla
district of the Central
Provinces
55
• This was the deciding
moment and a crucial
turn in his career, where
he started seeking fuller
immersion in the pain,
the suffering, the
poverty of the most
marginalized people in
the forests.
56
• He had spent around
twenty years in central
India, as a one-man
army and as fully
committed pressure
group for the rights of
the tribal people
57
• In January 1954, Elwin
took Indian citizenship.
• In the same year, he was
appointed as the
anthropological adviser to
the Indian Government,
with special
administrative
responsibility to work
onthe hill tribes of the
north-east frontier.
58
• Elwin passed away in
February 1964, a greatly
esteemed public
anthropologist in his
adopted land.
• He received the most
prestigious Padma
Bhushan and numerous
other medals and
awards
59
CENTRAL IDEAS
• Verrier Elwin is known
for his extensive study of
tribals. Some of his main
writings are focussed on
tribal life and identity.
His approach and
method of research have
inspired many
anthropologists and
sociologists
60
Cultural Autonomy of Tribals
• In 1932, Elwin moved
away from politics
towards social work and
anthropology after he
went to live among the
Gonds.
• He married a Gond girl
in 1940 but they
divorced each other in
1949.
61
• Elwin spent a major part of
his life among the people he
wrote about, the tribal
communities in Central and
North-East India.
• His first ethnographies, on
the Baiga (1939) and the
Agaria (1942), dealt with his
own neighborhoods since
both the communities were
closely connected to the
Mandla Gonds
62
• Elwin believed in the
cultural autonomy of
tribal life and value
system, which is a
unique civilizational
order according to its
on terms and
references
63
• Elwin's first work of
ethnography, The Baiga,
published in 1939,
reflected this
perspective of the tribal
lifewhich emphasized
unique collective
identity.
64
• This work was a massive
monograph about a tribe,
whose economy was
being ruined by the
expropriation of their
natural resources and
livelihood by the state,
and who had been
forcedto adopt
cultivation, which was not
preferred by them.
65
Issue of Tribal Identity
• The controversial position
that Elwin occupies among
the Indian intellectuals and
political activistsis well
known.
• Some of them
severelycondemned his
works and standpoint on the
tribal question with reference
to identity. However, Elwin
could also gather many
admirers of his works,
66
• In 1954, he was deputed
to the north-eastern
region as an advisor on
tribal affairs to the
Government of India.
• Elwin continued to write
and draft policy
documents with a view
to protect the interest of
the tribal communities.
67
• During his tenure in the
north-east region,
Elwin’s two books
entitled, ‘A philosophy
for NEFA’ (1957) and ‘A
new deal for tribal
India’ (1963), received
wide attention among
the reading publics
68
• The identity of a tribal
community can be a
production from within
the community that is
internal to the group as
a self-image or it can be
an imposition from
outside, which is
external to the group.
69
• The idea about ‘tribe’ that
reflects in the names of
different tribal
communities as well as
generic terms like
‘aborigins’, ‘adivasis’, and
‘Scheduled Tribe (ST)’ are
some of such propositions
either imposed by
outsiders or created by the
tribal people themselves
70
• Identity-based
movements among
tribal communities in
India have been a
subject of discussion
during the Colonial
period onwards.
71
• The survey conducted
by the Anthropological
Survey of India (AnSI)
identified a number of
movements in central
and eastern India; the
most important of them
being the movement for
the formation of a
Jharkhand state
72
• There were also social
movements among
Kurmi and other tribal
communities in
Chotanagpur seeking
towards an
autonomous tribal
status.
73
• There were also
movements in western
India such as the Bhagat
movements among the
Bhills and many
agrarian movements
among different tribal
groups as well as
political movements for
autonomy
74
• According to the ASI survey
conducted in the tribal belt in
central India, the movements
can be categorized into four
major streams:
75
• Movements for political
autonomy, agrarian and
forest based movements,
cultural movements based
on script and languages
characterize distinct forms in
which movements can take
place.
• Sanskritisation process also
had an influential role in
shaping the movements in
particular ways
76
• The Gonds and Bhils
raised their demand for
establishing a separate
state in the early 1940s.
But these movements
were not sustained as an
organized effort. At the
same period, there was a
political upraise in
Adilabad in 1941,
demanding a Gond Raj.
77
• Birsa Munda Revolt of 1895-
1901 of Singhbhum and Ranchi
was the most popular
movement against the
merchants, traders, land lords,
and government officers who
were responsible for alienating
tribal people from their land,
had increased the rental
charges, forced physical
violence, treated them as
lesser humans, and increased
interests on their debts
78
• These issues
contributed to a
massive revolt under
the leadership of Birsa
Munda, a revolutionary
leader among the
community.
• Munda mobilized
people against the
British government.
79
• He was determined to fight
against the mighty Britishers
and could mobilize the
people towards an
organized movement for
tribal autonomy.
• However, the movement
could not keep its
momentum as Birsa Munda
was imprisoned and died in
the year 1900
80
• most of such struggles
were intent to address
the basic question on
rights to land and
forest, the issue was not
separable from the
religious and cultural
fabric of the people.
81
• Because of this linkage
between economy and
culture, the denial of
the rights to access
forest and land
eventually connects to
the question of
community and identity.
82
• The post-Independence
period witnessed a
different turn in tribal
movements in which
the question of cultural
identity became
powerful in certain
contexts apart from the
issues of land and
forest.
83
• Tribal communities
started mobilizing
themselves with the
support of civil society
organizations raising the
issues of identity, civil
and political rights
84
• Elwin’s encounter with
the social reformers
who wished to bring in
prohibition and forbid
tribal dances, was also
part of a controversy as
he was accused of being
‘anti-reformist’.
85
• Elwin opposed this
move on prohibition by
the social reformers. or
him, the ethnocentric
tendencies cannot be
given room in any
activity towards social
reform.
86
• He strongly argued for
the preservation and
protection of unique
cultural forms which
were integral parts and
building blocks of the
collective lives of tribal
cultures.
87
Fieldwork and Methods
• Elwin’s caliber in doing
fieldwork is
incomparable.
• he lived for long and
sustained durations
with the communities
that he wrote about,
becoming one among
them.
88
• This attitude towards an
aesthetic sense-making in
his writings made him a
literary figure, which
overshadowed his identity as
an anthropologist
• His autobiography ‘The tribal
world of Verrier Elwin’
obtained the most
prestigious Sahitya Akademi
award for the best book in
English.
89
• Elwin’s two most
famous books are
• Leavesfrom thejungle
(1936) and
• The tribal world of
Verrier Elwin(1964).
90
Some important works
• The Baiga (1939)
• The Muria and their
Ghotul (1946)
• Myths of Middle India
(1949)
• Bondo Highlander (1950)
• Tribal Art of Middle India
(1951).
•
91
• Tribal Myths of Orissa
(1953)
• The religion of an Indian
Tribe (1955)
• The philosophy of NEFA
(1957)
• The Tribal World of
Verrier Elwin: An
Autobiography (1964)
92