Art History

Portraits of Bosa gongsin (an honorary title granted by the King to meritorious officials who successfully led a political reversal in 1680) has underwent a sequence of production, destruction, and re-production over the course of continuous political reversals (in 1680, 1689, and 1694) during the reign of King Sukjong (r. 1674-1720). This essay examines political implications inherent in the portraits to argue that two kinds of memory— commemoration of a dead person and remembrance of a political disaster, both having been rekindled by the destruction of the images—are reflected in Portrait of Gim Seok-ju and Portrait of Gim Man-gi.
The destruction of the Bosa gongsin portraits in 1689 stands for the fall of the Western faction, whereas the re-production of the paintings in 1694 is indicative of the group’s political reinstatement. At the time of the re-production did an issue arise involving verisimilitude of the portrayals, however, because the sitters—meritorious subjects—have been dead for years.
The partisan coterie tried to settle the issue by putting reliance on portrait drafts, used earlier, and painter’s imagination. The members of the faction sought ostensible justification from a moral and ritual cause, but their true intention was to lick political wounds and to revive the glory of the old days through offering a valid ritual performance to their factional antecedents.
Displaying some inf luence from Qing dynasty portraits, the Portrait of Gim Seokju holds an important position in the history of Joseon portrait for its distinctive artistic formation and expression. While the painting has previously carried many questions concerning its nationality, date, and author, a close examination of the painting’s style and literary sources leads to an argument that Jo Se-gul (1636-after 1705) and Song Chang-yup (dates unknown) painted it together in 1694. This study also argues that the caricature-like rendition of Gim’s face and the unnatural depiction of his eyebrows in specific, which have long been considered inscrutable, are in fact a result of endeavors to achieve lifelikeness from the absence while producing posthumous portraits. In other words, the facial features, which had distinguished Gim Seok-ju in his lifetime, went through graphic exaggeration, I argue, in order to give an impression of verisimilitude to the pictorial representation for which visual memories of the deceased were the only source at the time when the earlier image has already gone.
The original Portrait of Gim Man-gi by his son Gim Jin-gyu (1658-1716) in 1680 was not able to escape destruction in the year of the political turmoil 1689, either; and the surviving painting is a re-production by a nameless artisan in 1694. Probably the assignment of the work to the artisan painter resulted from Gim’s decision that he would no longer brush, the announcement made after having experienced political hardships as well as severe incidents occasioned by a serious slip of the pen. Instead, Gim Jin-gyu transcribed a royal encomium to the portrait, which King Sukjong has bestowed on a separate sheet of paper, onto the portrait scroll itself. The royal eulogy adds to the visual grandeur of the scroll and reinforces a signification intrinsic to the remaking of the portrait, that is to say the political reinstatement.
Gim Jin-gyu’s transcription is not merely for its content but itself a tracing copy of every character in the King’s writings: perhaps he hoped that the transference of the permanence and immortality, the virtues indwelling to royal literary outputs, would prevent the portrait of his father from any future damage. A visual signifier denoting the honor of the meritorious official, the King’s writing is on the other hand an inscription with which Gim Jin-gyu’s personal and political afflictions are embedded.
The portraits of Bosa gongsin occupy a special place in the entire history of the Joseon portraits of meritorious officials for their making process and artistic expression. In addition, they make a representative case of interweaving the multiple threads of the personal history of an individual, the political affairs and currents, and the art history. Previous scholarships have paid limited attention to the styles and the techniques, however. This essay takes its significance by expanding the perspective and the discursive range of the portraits, drawing scholarly attention to the political nature of the images, the impact that the destruction of the images brought to a new artistic formation, and the issues of representation and verisimilitude.

Paintings drawn by westerners or mixed with Chinese and western drawing techniques were imported into Joseon in its late period through the travel to Beijing by an envoy. It had a great effect on painting styles and techniques in the Joseon Dynasty but there are few empirical data on imported paintings, inevitably resulting in less related studies. Hence, Oil portrait of Park Hoe-su, which is the only extant portrait of the Joseon envoy drawn by a westerner and manufactured in China, has the significant value for material in researching the history of sino-Korean relation and of eastern-western art exchange.
Park Hoe-su (朴晦壽) seems to have a westerner draw this painting during the travel to Beijing in 1833 so it may be regarded as the oldest in oil portraits of Joseon people. Its value for material holds good for researching Chinese oil portraits in the early 19th century since there are few related data even in China.
As a characteristic of this painting, it was kept by attaching to a square fringed wooden box. Oil painting may be damaged owing to a material characteristic if kept in a scroll. Hence, a protective box was made in a form of wooden case (木龕) for keeping an ancestral tablet and functionality of the portrait of the deceased could be maintained with fringe on wooden case. Chinese oil paintings were mainly manufactured and kept into a folding screen. However, in the Joseon Dynasty, portraits were used mainly for a ritual so it seems that keeping method for an ancestral tablet having a function identical to it was borrowed.

The 1935 Sketch for the Portrait of King Sejo created by Kim Eun-ho(金殷鎬) is one of a few Royal portraits, which allows us to identify a face completely. In the portrait, King Sejo gives a young and mild impression and it clashes with a long-standing image of King Sejo, or a historical memory where he was the monarch of the rule by force who seized the throne of his nephew. Therefore, it has drawn an attention of the public. On the other hand, there is an academic research assuming it is the unfinished version since the expression of the face is flat and rough. Considering that the face seems to have been damaged and changed in the process of transmission and have become far from the actual image of King Sejo, however, this Sketch is the completed version as the ‘Sketch’ in face. Such situation can be examined by the history of destruction conservation of the Portrait of King Sejo.
The Portrait of King Sejo, originally produced in the mid-15th century, had suffered severe damage and deterioration over time since Imjin War and Manchu war. Its repair works were done four times between 1637 and 1713. During the works much restoration has been done for the rest of the part except for the face including supplementation of missing strokes or coloring, whereas, only preservation has been done for the face without restoration. There was no reference for restoration of the original face since the Portrait of King Sejo was the only version in those days. In addition, there was strict principle of “Ilhobulsa”(一毫不似, meaning literally that ‘it is not the same person if a single hair is not the same as his hair’) for portraits. Therefore, no one could dare to restore by imagination.
In 1735, under the judgement that repair was not useful anymore, it was decided to produce a copy in order to preserve the image. Historical records show that focus was put on copying the damaged face of the original as it was. However, restoration was done for some missing strokes in a way of respecting the authenticity. That is, its image came to be distanced from that of the original due to the damage at first and the subsequent modification by copying. And then, in 1935, Kim Eun-ho copied the version of the 1735 copy. The reason why there are few wrinkles and beards on the face of the 1935 Sketch for the Portrait of King Sejo is that strokes were missing by prior damage and there was no imaginary restoration of them in the process of repair·copy. Hence, facial image of King Sejo left at Sketch for the Portrait of King Sejo represents historical traces on which the portrait of King Sejo has been preserved and transmitted as well as it is the material evidence that allows us to get a sense of the ideas and aesthetics on the portrait by the contemporary people in those days.

This study aims to reveal the historical background and style of Inspection Tour of Jeju Island in the 18th century. This painting album mainly depicts local governor's inspection tour implemented in the Chosun Dynasty. Deeply and detailedly focusing on the various information on Jeju island, the painting album has the character of recording the natural history on Jeju island. Moreover the album represents a style of documentary painting comprised of various pictorial elements such as pictorial map, real-scenery painting and folk arts. The album is significant because of reflecting the ideology of the ruling class as well as reflecting the formative consciousness of its own region. This study will provide a wider and deeper understanding of the new style of documentary painting.

Most of visual materials on Jeju lsland in the late Joseon Dynasty has the characteristics of real scenery paintings and pictorial map. 《Tamna Sullyeokdo(耽羅巡歷圖)》 and later copies of Tamna Sipgyeongdo(耽羅十景圖) are the representative examples. Both of these are produced as the private memorial of Jeju local governors. However there is a difference in the purpose of production and characteristic. Lee Ik-tae's 'Tamna Sipgyeongdo', produced in 1696, was made with a small folding screen including Jeju Island's unique topography, magnificient view, and government facilities. Lee Hyeong-sang's album of 《Tamna Sullyeokdo》, completed in 1703, was composed of 41 paintings depicting the inspection tour and official duties. Thus its historical as well as practical characteristic was strengthened. No similar examples could be found later in the 《Tamna Sullyeokdo》, but the Tamna sipgyeongdo was continuously reproduced until the 19th century due to a simple and definite composition and as an enjoyment of appreciating Jeju landscape. The recently released 《Jeju Silgyeongdo》 is a new type of Tamna simgyeongdo, and its public character has been strengthened by two scenes of government facilities. It is revealed that the composition of the later copies of Tamna Sipgyeongdo was changed by the purpose of production.

One of the outstanding phenomena in court painting during the late Joseon Dynasty period is the rapidly increased production of paintings and visual materials where the images of buildings including royal palaces and pavilions were reproduced. At the court during the late Joseon Dynasty period, such architectural images were translated into forms including the paintings of court ceremonies, palaces, and cities, the paintings for decorating court, the illustrations in the Royal Protocol for the Construction of Royal Tomb(Sanreung Dogam Uigwe), the Royal Protocol for the Construction of the Palace(Yeonggeon Dogam Uigwe), and the Royal Protocol for Court Banquet(Yeonhyang Uigwe), and independent architectural designs. Their common characteristics include the use of a large screen, the exquisite deployment of architectural painting methods called gyehwa techniques, and the precise expression of details. This study examines the paintings and visual materials through which the architecture of the court was reproduced in the late Joseon Dynasty period from an architectural painting perspective. It verifies concretely that a growing number of architectural paintings were created within the field of court painting during this period, and casts light on the specific activities of court painters in waiting(chabi daeryeong hwawon, 差備待令畫員). In the court paintings during the late Joseon Dynasty period, architectural structures including palaces and public offices served as the venues for national and royal ceremonies to be held as well as the political spaces on which the rule of state was based. Also, in decorative paintings for court, palaces and pavilions were the places that symbolized a long, blessed, and glorious life, and pavilions were also among the kings’ favorite things. In addition, kings apparently loved subjects that required images of huge buildings such as a painting of a city or the painting of tribute mission to the son of heaven, and frequently set them as contest themes. The increased need for architectural paintings at court is verified by the Records of Daily Affairs Kept By Gyujanggak(Naegakilryeok) showing how many times architectural themes were set for the pavilion painting category and the figure and folk painting category of competitive examinations(nokchwijae, 祿取才) to give a government post that provided a stipend to selected court painters in waiting. Moreover, by examining the three documents of the Court Records of Folding Screens(Byeongpung Balgi) written in the late 19th century, this study identifies that numerous decorative paintings for the court featured architectural elements as their spatial background. Lastly, this study analyzes the activities of the artists who led the development of architectural painting in the late 19th century based on the architectural-painting-related results of the examinations. This analysis uncovers that Park Insu(朴仁秀) was one of the court painters in waiting who led the development of court architectural painting during the period from King Jeongjo’s reign(1776~1800) to King Sunjo’s reign(1800~1834). Afterward, a new generation of painters that were specialized in architectural painting replaced the old generation, and the form of expression changed during King Heonjong’s reign(1834~1849). It can be said that the innovation of the court architectural painting in the late Joseon Dynasty period was sparked by the will and preference of the kings during the late Joseon Dynasty period, as they were the ultimate customers who commissioned and appreciated the court paintings and sponsored the activities of the court painters.

본 연구는 동아시아 회화에서 건축물 주제의 회화를 지칭하는 화목(畵目) 용어로 사용되어온 ‘계화(界畫)’의 개념과 용례를 재검토하고, 이 용어에 내포된 문제점을 고찰하고 이를 대체하는 한국어 학술용어로 ‘건축화(建築畵)’를 제안하는 것을 목적으로 삼았다. 계화는 본래 도구를 이용하여 직선을 긋는 회화기법을 의미하지만, 원대 이후로 건축물을 그린 회화를 총칭하는 화목 개념으로도 사용되어 왔다. 이에 근거하여 현대의 동아시아 회화사 연구에서도 큰 문제의식 없이 건축물을 주제로 한 회화를 계화로 총칭해왔다. 이러한 상황은 한국 미술사학계에서도 마찬가지였다. 계화를 화목 용어로 사용하는 것은 여러 문제점을 내포하고 있다. 우선 다른 화목 용어와 그 개념이 대등하지 않다. 둘째, 계화라는 용어에는 기법과 화제, 화목의 개념이 혼재되어 사용되고 있다. 또 건축물을 그린 회화가 모두 계화기법을 사용한 것이 아니기 때문에 이를 화목 용어로 사용하는 것은 부적절하다. 마지막으로, 북송대에 계화라는 용어가 출현하기 이전인 남북조시대부터 이미 건축물을 가리키는 다양한 용어가 건축물 주제의 회화를 지칭하는 화목 용어로 사용되어 왔다. 이에 본 논문에서는 계화를 대신하는 한국어 학술 용어로 ‘건축화’를 제안하고, 그 정의와 대상을 논할 것이다. 더불어 중국의 화론서를 중심으로 건축물을 주제로 삼은 회화를 총칭하는 화목 용어의 변천을 살피고, 계화 용어의 시대별 의미를 재검토하였다. 이 과정에서 송대까지 중국 건축화의 출현과 전개 양상을 함께 고찰할 것이다.



This study aims to reexamine the meaning and use of ‘Gyehwa(Jiehua, 界畵)’ and suggest ‘Geunchughwa (建築畵)’ as its substitute in Korean language. Gyehwa has been used for a painting category term of architectural paintings in the East Asia. Originally, Gyehwa meant a painting technique to draw a straight-line using ruler. Close reading on the Chinese historical texts written by art critics reveals the following problems using Gyehwa as a painting category term. First, it is not equivalent to other painting categories based on the subject matter such as landscape paintings and birds-and-flowers paintings, etc. Secondly, this term has been interchangeably to refer to techniques, subjects and category of painting. In third, not all architectural paintings used Gyehwa technique. Finally, various words referring for architectural buildings had been used for indicating architectural paintings from the 4thcentury. Gyehwa as a painting category term has been used from the 14thcentury. Therefore, this study will suggest Geunchughwa as a Korean academic term for replacing Gyehwa and discuss its definition and sub-topics. Simultaneously, the emergence and development of Chinese architectural paintings will be explored.

漢宮圖는 조선 후기에 제작된 궁중장식화 화제의 하나로, 중국풍의 상상의 궁궐을 그린 건축그림이 다. 현재 상당한 수량이 남아있는데, 몇 개의 유형으로 구분할 수 있을 정도로 도상과 화풍이 유형화되어 있다. 중국에서는 궁중고사에 바탕한, 감계적 성격의 궁궐도가 명청대까지 지속해서 그려졌지만, 조선 중 기만 하더라도 중국의 궁궐도는 크게 인기 있는 주제가 아니었으며, 조선의 궁궐을 재현한 건축그림도 발달 하지 않았다. 그러나 조선 후기에는 건축그림이 새로운 회화 장르로 부상하는데, 한궁도 역시 이러한 흐름 과 무관하지 않다. 한궁도에 묘사된 궁궐은 동아시아의 신선 사상에 뿌리를 둔 이상경을 묘사한 것이다. 한궁은 역사적 으로는 왕의 모후가 노년의 즐거움을 누리는 공간이며, 도교신화에서 궁궐은 신선이 거처하는 공간이기도 하다. 이러한 상징성 때문에 중국에서는 화려한 궁궐누각도가 축수용 선물로 그려지기도 했다. 조선 후기 의 궁궐누각 이미지 역시 동일한 상징적 성격을 갖고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 궁궐누각 도상은 곽분양행락도, 백자도, 요지연도 등의 궁중장식화에서도 배경으로 묘사되어 태평과 복락의 공간을 상징하였다. 본 연구에서는 현전하는 한궁도를 누각산수도 유형과 궁궐누각도 유형의 2가지로 분류하였다. 전통 적인 궁중의 청록산수화풍이 구사된 누각산수도 유형은 곽분양행락도의 공간표현과 江南山水가 결합된 양상을 보인다. 이 유형은 19세기에 유행한 화제인 江南春을 묘사했을 가능성이 크다. 궁궐누각도 유형의 한궁도는 일부 작품에서 구도의 차이는 있으나 명암법, 단축법, 선원근법, 하이라이트 효과 등 서양화법이 고루 사용되었다. 서양화법의 구사와 건축물 위주의 도상은 중국의 쑤저우 판화와 밀접한 관련성을 보인다. 2좌 1쌍의 병풍 형식과 배경을 채색하는 방식은 일본회화와 연관이 있어 보인다. 또 한궁도에 묘사된 중국 풍 건축물은 19세기 건축물에서 실제로 확인되어, 이 시기에 조선에 불어 닥친 중화풍을 잘 반영하고 있다. 즉, 한궁도에는 중국을 통해 받아들인 서양화법과 일본화풍, 그리고 중국풍의 건축물이 결합되어 혼종적 양상이 나타나고 있다. 이 때문에 역설적으로, 한궁도는 19세기 조선의 궁중회화를 연구하는 데 동아시아 적 시각의 필요성을 절실하게 드러낸다.


Paintings of Han Palace are a subordinating theme of the court decorative paintings in the late Joseon. In those paintings, not a real palace of the ancient Han dynasty in China but imaginary palaces of China were depicted. At present, a considerable number of folding screens of Han Palace remain. This study aims to understand its style and characteristics, and to investigate its historical background within the trans-East Asian perspective. In China, paintings of palaces, based on historical court stories, had been produced for the didactic purpose until Ming (1368~1644) and Qing (1644~1912) periods. However, neither paintings depicting the Chinese historical palaces nor Joseon palaces were developed until the late Joseon period. Only brief floor plans of palaces or government office buildings were produced. Architectural paintings emerged as a new painting theme in the late Joseon period. Simultaneously, depiction of the imaginary Chinese palaces appeared and increased in the court decorative painting. The palace depicted in paintings of Han Palace reflects an East Asian concept of utopia based on thoughts of the immortality. In the context of Taoism, a palace or a pavilion is the place where the immortals live. Historically, a palace means the symbolic space where an empress dowager enjoyed the delight and comfort in her old age in Han dynasty. Because of these double meanings, images of a grand palace or a splendid pavilion were depicted in a painting as a gift for celebrating birthday in China. It is assumed that images of palace and pavilion had the same symbolic meaning in late Joseon period. The images of palace and pavilion were appeared as a background in other themes of the court decorative paintings. They symbolized a space filled with happiness and comfort; paintings of the Birthday Celebration for Guo Ziyi, One Hundred Children, or the Banquet of Queen Mother of the West (Seowangmo) would be good examples. Currently the remained paintings of Han Palace are stereotyped so that they can be categorized into 2 groups by image and painting style: a type of a landscape painting with pavilion and a type of architectural painting. The former is depicted in a manner of traditional green and blue style. Especially, this type illustrates the general arrangement of buildings taken from paintings of the Birthday Celebration for Guo Ziyi. The important thing is that a peaceful landscape of Jiangnan( 江南) waterside takes up substantial parts of the overall composition. Judging by images and historical documents, it is assumed that this type would have been described the spring of Jiangnan, which was a very popular painting theme in the nineteenth century in Joseon. The latter actively used the Western painting techniques such as linear-perspective, foreshortening, light and shadow, and highlight. The Suzhou print of Qing dynasty is assumed as the most influential source of the western painting techniques and architectural image drawn in Han Palace painting. The second type also reveals the influences of Japanese art. For example, the composition of two folding screen as a set and the all over coloring style in the background reflect the format and style of Japanese folding screens. Concrete depiction and emphasis on the Chinese palace architecture in the second type reflect the fashion of Chinese style in the 19th century in Joseon. The Chinese style buildings were popular among the wealthy literati residing in the capital; its style was applied even into the palace architecture of Joseon court. In conclusion, paintings of Han Palace reveal the hybrid aspect of the Joseon court painting: the mixture of the Western painting techniques adopted through China, the influences of the Japanese art and the imaginary architectural images of China. Thus, paintings of Han Palace emphasize the necessity of the trans-East Asian perspective, when studying the court paintings of the late Joseon period.

The cityscape painting, a significant painting subject in East Asian art history, serves as a visual testament to the urban landscapes of a premodern era. These artworks intricately capture various facets of urban life in premodern times, illustrating bustling streets teeming with denizens, including merchants, buyers, inquisitive onlookers, laborers, entertainers, and even grand processions. Termed “Seongsido” during the Joseon period, cityscape painting was a visual narrative that took root later in Korea compared to China and Japan, where rapid urbanization and demographic concentration prompted its earlier emergence. Typically commissioned by sovereign rulers, cityscape paintings in premodern East Asia, such as the renowned “Qingming Scroll” of the Northern Song era, symbolized a harmonious reign marked by urban orderliness.
However, in Korea, cityscape painting did not emerge until the late 18th century, coinciding with King Jeongjo’s reign. Previous research primarily approached Joseon cityscape painting as a genre painting. This study argues that the sudden appearance of Seongsido during King Jeongjo’s reign requires a careful examination within the context of court painting to understand its unique characteristics and multiple meanings.
To elucidate the circumstances surrounding the unprecedented rise of cityscape painting during King Jeongjo’s reign, this study conducts a comprehensive analysis. It commences with an examination of the initial ten poems of “Seongsijeondosi” ((a poem on cityscape painting) cityscape painting poem), composed in 1792 by Gyujanggak agents and high-ranking officials at King Jeongjo’s request. Subsequently, it investigates the themes associated with cityscape paintings and reviews records of the Chabi Daeryeong Hwawon (court painters in waiting) in the Naegagillyeok (Cabinet Calendar). The findings not only confirm a consistent predilection for cityscape painting among late Joseon monarchs but also underscore that Seongsido was a special painting subject for the select audience within the palace, comprising the king and a few literati officials.
Notably, King Jeongjo, known for his scholarly pursuits and in-depth study of Song dynasty history, established the Gyujanggak, emulating the institutional framework of the Northern Song dynasty. His recognition of the potent visual language and the tradition of producing and admiring auspicious paintings in the Northern Song court prompted him to task court painters with reviving the auspicious cityscape as a subject. Though these court painters may have referred to mass-produced reproductions of the Qingming Scroll from the Ming and Qing dynasties during their creative process, the cityscape paintings of late Joseon firmly rooted themselves in the tradition of East Asian cityscape art, particularly within the context of courtly artistic expression. Consequently, the cityscape painting commissioned in 1792 by King Jeongjo’s decree effectively embodied his aspiration for a peaceful reign (Taepyeongseongdae) and a society marked by profound unity (Daedongsahoe), ideals that he ardently pursued throughout his reign.