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PhD Dissertation
By reassessing the known primary sources and introducing new archival material from the archives ... more By reassessing the known primary sources and introducing new archival material from the archives in Hungary, Croatia, and Italy, this thesis revisits several crucial points of the history of Hungarian-Ottoman relations in the era of King Matthias Corvinus (r. 1458-1490) and raises new questions related to the social and political history of the Hungarian-Ottoman frontier. By relying on methods derived from geography and digital history, it challenges the established views about King Matthias’s defensive policies and the role of the so-called ‘southern defensive system’ that relied on royal castles located in the kingdom’s borderlands. The author carefully identifies these castles, sheds light on the chronology of the king’s acquisitions, and highlights the reasoning behind them, showing that the acquisition and the upkeep of at least a third of the ‘frontier castles’ had very little to do with the defence of the kingdom against the Ottomans. Instead, the king tried to check the Venetian influence on his realm(s), fearful of losing primarily Croatia to the Republic. It is further suggested in the thesis that the remainder of the ‘defensive system’ needs to be approached through a geographical lens. After careful analysis, the author shows that rather than an unbroken line of defensive castles that stretched parallel to the boundary between the Hungarian- and Ottoman-held territories, the ‘system’ was a patchwork of clusters of castles grouped around specific parts of the borderland’s terrain, namely valleys and other suitable paths through the Dinaric Alps, where Ottoman troops were able to gain entrance to Hungary. The thesis is further focused on a detailed analysis of the Hungarian-Ottoman negotiations about truces and peace, as well as on questioning whether these two sides ever delineated boundaries. The analysis of all available published and archival sources suggests that a process of bordering never took place and that the territories held by either side remained vaguely defined, signalled only through the locations of frontier castles. It is suggested that the two sides probably never agreed on a long-lasting peace, but rather relied on short-term truces (regardless of the terminology used in the sources). Truces were enforced in 1478, in early 1484, the summer of 1485, and in 1488, and possibly earlier, although there is insufficient evidence to confirm this. The author argues that as the diplomacy relied primarily (if not solely) on the Cyrillic script and the Slavonic language, the only extant copy of an Ottoman ‘ahdname addressed to King Matthias (traditionally dated to 1488 and considered a draft) is a translation of the Slavonic document into Ottoman Turkish. The document was in its entirety or majority first put to paper in 1478, and was thereafter reused in subsequent treaties. According to the extant evidence, the treaties primarily regulated very little beyond the keeping of peace between the two sides, which the Ottoman side granted throughout the late 1470s and the 1480s in exchange for one important concession by the Hungarians, namely the right to pass through Hungarian territory for incursions into the Venetian and Habsburg lands. Lastly, the thesis touches upon several questions related to the administration of the Hungarian frontier, the recruitment of troops, and phenomena of the day-to-day life in the borderlands. It is shown that between 1464 and late 1473, a part of the Hospitaller estates in Hungary were allocated to the king’s captains who governed the frontiers, in order to supply them with additional sources of revenue that was to be directed towards the maintenance of the frontier castles in Bosnia. As the Ottomans relied on various allies, primarily the Vlachs, for the recruitment of units of raiders (the akinji), and Venice on her stradioti, Matthias found ways to use the ever-changing political circumstances in the frontier to attract primarily the local Vlachs and the people of the region of Poljica and employ them for a similar purpose, the petty warfare (Kleinkrieg) that became a regular occurrence in these years. Most of Matthias’s methods for the upkeep of the frontiers or the recruitment of manpower failed, but the king nevertheless constantly searched for new solutions, coming close to establishing a firm structure of defences in the early 1480s. This, the closest that the king had come to the model accepted in current scholarship, also failed not two years later. His methods were never identical to those accepted in historiography (primarily thanks to the work of Ferenc Szakály): built around a stable network of frontier castles, the purposefully recruited troops, and clever management of the kingdom’s resources that secured the means for the upkeep of both the frontier castles and the manpower. In fact, for the majority of his reign, Matthias had very little or no control over the vast regions of the borderlands, he had to navigate through fluctuating political circumstances, the questionable loyalty of his captains, and the local politics over which he had little control in order to primarily preserve his authority in large sections of the borderlands. He similarly had to experiment and frequently come up with new solutions for the defence of Hungary against the Ottoman advance in the remaining sections of the frontier.
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Papers
PNAS Nexus, 2024
We develop an endogenous approach to the practice of denunciation, as an alternative to exogenous... more We develop an endogenous approach to the practice of denunciation, as an alternative to exogenous historical and sociological accounts. It analyzes denunciation as a response to increasing pressure, which in turn increases pressure on social contacts. The research context is the trial of Waldensians in Giaveno, Italy, in 1335, headed by the inquisitor Alberto de Castellario. A dynamic network actor model attests that coercive pressure not only raises the rate of denunciation but also compels denouncers to implicate individuals who are socially closer to them. We find that coercive pressure starts yielding diminishing returns relatively quickly, with the degree of redundancy of information escalating as a result of preferential attachment, increasingly targeting those already denounced by others, publicly announced suspects, and those having absconded from the trial.
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Povijesni Prilozi, 2022
The paper discusses the backgrounds and careers of several lesser-known officials who occupied va... more The paper discusses the backgrounds and careers of several lesser-known officials who occupied various positions along the Hungarian-Ottoman frontier during the reign of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (r. 1458-1490). By examining their biographies and their place within the ruling elite of Corvinus's Hungary, the study moreover elucidates how changes in King Matthias's authority in the borderlands were reflected in the changes in his personnel policies, showing that the king gradually gained more control over his southern lands through a growing network of loyal retainers. The latter, moreover, successfully replaced the vestiges of older regimes-whose representatives often stood in opposition to royal politics-thus allowing the introduction of greater royal control.
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Scrinia Slavonica, 2021
This paper focuses on the background and career of Bartholomew of Grabarje, the prior of the Hung... more This paper focuses on the background and career of Bartholomew of Grabarje, the prior of the Hungarian Hospitaller province (the priory of Vrana) in the second half of the fifteenth and the early sixteenth century. Having briefly commented on current views on Bartholomew's background, the author asserts that Bartholomew, unlike previously thought, was a member of an older generation of the family from Grabarje. He was possibly a son of a thus far unknown member of the family and the cousin of the sons of Benedict Berislavić. He further took control over the priory's estates at an earlier date than currently accepted, probably as early as 1473, and assumed the priory thanks largely to his connections to Nicholas of Ilok (Újlaki), the king of Bosnia at the time, in whose service Bartholomew seems to have been early in his career. The author also brings transcriptions of thus far unpublished documents referring to Bartholomew.
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Journal of Medieval History, 2021
The properties of the Hospitaller priory of Hungary had since the
reign of Sigismund of Luxembour... more The properties of the Hospitaller priory of Hungary had since the
reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg (r. 1387–1437) been
occasionally allocated to secular governors as remuneration for
maintenance of the defensive system against the Ottomans.
While it is widely known that a similar policy was continued by
King Matthias Corvinus after 1464, it has not been studied in
detail. This paper discusses the secular governors of the priory
between 1464 and 1490, identifies the priory’s estates entrusted
to governors and seeks to offer answers about their role in
Matthias’ anti-Ottoman defensive structures. Detailed analysis
shows that with this scheme, the king aimed to ensure additional
revenue for officials tasked with defence of the frontier towards
the Ottoman Empire, and that it was an improvised rather than
consistent policy.
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History in Flux: Journal of the Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Juraj Dobrila University of Pula, 2019
Following the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate of Serbia in 1459 and the Kingdom of Bosnia in 14... more Following the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate of Serbia in 1459 and the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463, a new phase of Hungarian-Ottoman relations was introduced. With the disappearance of the Hungarian “buffer” towards the Ottoman-held areas, the territories of the two states became adjacent, and their mutual frontier had to be negotiated afresh. By looking into all available material, Latin, Slavonic, and Ottoman, this paper aims to trace negotiations between the two sides in the period of King Matthias Corvinus’ reign and discern their content and application with regard to borders. It tackles the demarcation of the border between the two sides, and highlights the mechanisms employed for its institutional maintenance.
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Initial. A Review of Medieval Studies, 2017
By reassessing the sources and the present-day dominant histo-riographical discourse pertaining t... more By reassessing the sources and the present-day dominant histo-riographical discourse pertaining to social and political reactions to the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia and subsequent clashes in the surrounding territories, the author proposes a more complex approach to such issues by applying a modified theory and methodological background stemming from the frontier thesis. The paper suggests a diversity of experiences of the frontier established by the ultimate Ottoman-Hungarian duality as opposed to current uniform interpretations based on the notions of defense, war, exclusive enmities, the demographic, economic and generally social catastrophes and similar phenomena. By focusing on the individuals and several examples related to policies of King Matthias Corvi-nus, it proposes that the reactions to the Ottoman presence should not be observed heterogeneously, but that, as the examples show, the downfall of the Bosnian pol-ity brought positive results for some members of society and, thus, a notion of variety of individual mechanisms, social practices, and political agendas should be considered when investigating the period. Ultimately, a similar theoretical framework could be applied regardless of the period or the territory in question.
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Scrinia Slavonica, 2017
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MA Thesis
The Ottoman invasion of the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 marked the end of the rule of the local Kot... more The Ottoman invasion of the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 marked the end of the rule of the local Kotromanić dynasty whose members ruled Bosnia both as bans and kings for more than two centuries. However, the Bosnian polity continued to exist under the intensified Hungarian control after King Matthias initiated a counterattack in the same year and recaptured Jajce and other important Bosnian fortresses. Initially under the control of bans, this territory was in 1471 given to Nicholas of Ilok (Miklós Újlaki), who was made King of Bosnia simultaneously.
By challenging the conclusions of previous scarce scholarship on this issue, and by reinterpreting the sources and introducing sources never consulted before, this thesis analyses the historical preconditions which allowed for Nicholas’s kingship to take place. Furthermore, the source information is contextualized within the contemporary political-historical framework to offer a detailed analysis of the nature, causes and administrative and archontological implications of Nicholas’s rule. The historical context itself is questioned, since the analyses show and the author proves that Bosnia did not lose its royal identity after 1463 as was thought previously.
The analysis presented in the thesis largely refutes the claims of previous scholarship by showing that the kingship was a result of several long-standing factors, both those on a personal and a broader political level. The kingship emerged from a decade-long agenda planned by the two close allies, King Matthias and Nicholas of Ilok, who were brought together by their mutual political interests within the Kingdom of Hungary. The thesis finally evaluates Nicholas’s kingship as a real and firm rule over the Bosnian territory handed to him, albeit Hungarian-appointed and very specific.
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Simboli i znakovi društvene diferencijacije te identiteta određenih društvenih skupina zatečenih,... more Simboli i znakovi društvene diferencijacije te identiteta određenih društvenih skupina zatečenih, nastalih i razvijanih prije i tijekom mletačkog vladanja Labinom, odnosno svojevrsni sustavi socijalne identifikacije i determinacije imanentnih karakteristika svakog pojedinca zabilježeni su u raznovrsnim diplomatičkim, ostalim pisanim i materijalnim izvorima – matičnim knjigama, zapisnicima gradskog vijeća, notarskim imbrevijaturama, hagiotopografiji, heraldičkim spomenicima, toponimiji i dr. Zadaća je ovog rada prepoznati u takvim izvorima znakove društvene diferencijacije i kolektivnih identiteta te obrasce individualne i pripadajuće kolektivne identifikacije u različitim dimenzijama njezine konstrukcije, funkcije i raščlambe.
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Workshops, Conferences & Lecture series
The workshop aims at investigating the evolution of the entangled power networks in the Balkans i... more The workshop aims at investigating the evolution of the entangled power networks in the Balkans in both trans-regional and intra-imperial Ottoman perspectives on the eve of, during, and after the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. It seeks to address, discuss, and hopefully overcome deficiencies of scholarship to date that arise from strict disciplinary limitations, dominant historiographical trends, or tradition in national schools of history in the Balkans. The still dominant polarizing approach, which narrates how the “Ottomans” have conquered and subsequently controlled and administered the region, often depicts the main actors in the process in dichotomous opposition of “invaders” and “invaded ones”, thus discarding almost completely the perplex political and religious complexity of Late Medieval and Early Modern Balkans.
The functioning power networks of the medieval Balkan elites confronted a similar system of hierarchical networks of dependencies, initiated and led by the Ottoman dynasty. Following its own strategic agenda the established power networks in the Balkans either bitterly opposed and resisted the advance of the Ottoman polity or intermingled with the power networks presided by the Ottoman rulers. Ironically, not so rarely the conquerors of a given Balkan region, who in the mind frame of dominant historiographic tradition can be portrayed as the “Ottoman invaders”, appear to have originated from the local nobility thus being foreign to the conquered lands no more than those who resisted the “invasion”. In light of this, it seems little surprising that Balkan elites and their dependent power networks intermixed quite successfully with those networks that originated in Late Medieval Bithynia and carried the Ottoman banner into the Balkans. The complex mixture of mighty families of Anatolian or Balkan elites on Ottoman service, who had at their disposal substantial revenues and significant military contingents shaped entirely the history of the early Ottoman Balkans. Until the mid-sixteenth century, when the Ottoman central power gradually managed to replace the power networks of these elite families, they not only held big landed estates as private property, administered large parts of the Balkans, initiated close interaction with neighboring Christian rulers, shaped the Ottoman relationships with foreign powers by channeling the communication, but were also decisively involved in the enthronement of virtually every Ottoman ruler until Suleyman I (1521-1566), which reflected the political bids for power voiced by the noble families in the Ottoman Balkans and their clientelistic networks, manifested by patronage over religiously non-conformist groups’ literary, and architectural traditions.
Evolving around these considerations the workshop seeks to move away from the state- and religion-centered approach to the early Ottoman Balkans and invites for a more thorough examination of the complex web of political and personal relationships that extend beyond the local Balkan or imperial Ottoman boundaries tangled in a complex interplay of different relations between states, empires, elites and individuals with varying interests and agendas. In light of that, it suggests a thematic focus on the following intertwined themes:
Dynamics of power relations in a trans-imperial and regional context
- motives for joining a power network
- alliance building and collaboration within and outside the Ottoman domains
- alienation and factional politics within and outside the Ottoman domains
- political coalitions of Balkan elite families in Christian and Muslim context
- dynastic factionalism and the formation of networks
- power networks in times of dynastic struggles and political instability
- servants, agents and elite slaves as part of the power networks
Notables and their elite households
- royal and non-royal courts within and outside the palace
- extended households, kinship ties and clients
- military-administrative households and their clientelistic networks
- military contingents and manpower
- social groups manning the retinues
- exchange and mobility of soldiery
- trans-imperial and regional household relations
Regional lordships, large domains, and land tenure
- power bases and regional lordships: motives for reuse of seats of power and/or for establishing new ones
- spatial patterns of regional Balkan lordships
- hereditary rule over territories before and after the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans
- military fiefs, hereditary and tenancy rights
- pious foundations and landed estates
Patronage of the Balkan Christian and Muslim elites
- architectural patronage legitimizing local power and political authority
- literary patronage
- patronage over religious groups
- patronage over spiritual leaders
- patronage over shrines and other places of worship
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Uploads
reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg (r. 1387–1437) been
occasionally allocated to secular governors as remuneration for
maintenance of the defensive system against the Ottomans.
While it is widely known that a similar policy was continued by
King Matthias Corvinus after 1464, it has not been studied in
detail. This paper discusses the secular governors of the priory
between 1464 and 1490, identifies the priory’s estates entrusted
to governors and seeks to offer answers about their role in
Matthias’ anti-Ottoman defensive structures. Detailed analysis
shows that with this scheme, the king aimed to ensure additional
revenue for officials tasked with defence of the frontier towards
the Ottoman Empire, and that it was an improvised rather than
consistent policy.
By challenging the conclusions of previous scarce scholarship on this issue, and by reinterpreting the sources and introducing sources never consulted before, this thesis analyses the historical preconditions which allowed for Nicholas’s kingship to take place. Furthermore, the source information is contextualized within the contemporary political-historical framework to offer a detailed analysis of the nature, causes and administrative and archontological implications of Nicholas’s rule. The historical context itself is questioned, since the analyses show and the author proves that Bosnia did not lose its royal identity after 1463 as was thought previously.
The analysis presented in the thesis largely refutes the claims of previous scholarship by showing that the kingship was a result of several long-standing factors, both those on a personal and a broader political level. The kingship emerged from a decade-long agenda planned by the two close allies, King Matthias and Nicholas of Ilok, who were brought together by their mutual political interests within the Kingdom of Hungary. The thesis finally evaluates Nicholas’s kingship as a real and firm rule over the Bosnian territory handed to him, albeit Hungarian-appointed and very specific.
The functioning power networks of the medieval Balkan elites confronted a similar system of hierarchical networks of dependencies, initiated and led by the Ottoman dynasty. Following its own strategic agenda the established power networks in the Balkans either bitterly opposed and resisted the advance of the Ottoman polity or intermingled with the power networks presided by the Ottoman rulers. Ironically, not so rarely the conquerors of a given Balkan region, who in the mind frame of dominant historiographic tradition can be portrayed as the “Ottoman invaders”, appear to have originated from the local nobility thus being foreign to the conquered lands no more than those who resisted the “invasion”. In light of this, it seems little surprising that Balkan elites and their dependent power networks intermixed quite successfully with those networks that originated in Late Medieval Bithynia and carried the Ottoman banner into the Balkans. The complex mixture of mighty families of Anatolian or Balkan elites on Ottoman service, who had at their disposal substantial revenues and significant military contingents shaped entirely the history of the early Ottoman Balkans. Until the mid-sixteenth century, when the Ottoman central power gradually managed to replace the power networks of these elite families, they not only held big landed estates as private property, administered large parts of the Balkans, initiated close interaction with neighboring Christian rulers, shaped the Ottoman relationships with foreign powers by channeling the communication, but were also decisively involved in the enthronement of virtually every Ottoman ruler until Suleyman I (1521-1566), which reflected the political bids for power voiced by the noble families in the Ottoman Balkans and their clientelistic networks, manifested by patronage over religiously non-conformist groups’ literary, and architectural traditions.
Evolving around these considerations the workshop seeks to move away from the state- and religion-centered approach to the early Ottoman Balkans and invites for a more thorough examination of the complex web of political and personal relationships that extend beyond the local Balkan or imperial Ottoman boundaries tangled in a complex interplay of different relations between states, empires, elites and individuals with varying interests and agendas. In light of that, it suggests a thematic focus on the following intertwined themes:
Dynamics of power relations in a trans-imperial and regional context
- motives for joining a power network
- alliance building and collaboration within and outside the Ottoman domains
- alienation and factional politics within and outside the Ottoman domains
- political coalitions of Balkan elite families in Christian and Muslim context
- dynastic factionalism and the formation of networks
- power networks in times of dynastic struggles and political instability
- servants, agents and elite slaves as part of the power networks
Notables and their elite households
- royal and non-royal courts within and outside the palace
- extended households, kinship ties and clients
- military-administrative households and their clientelistic networks
- military contingents and manpower
- social groups manning the retinues
- exchange and mobility of soldiery
- trans-imperial and regional household relations
Regional lordships, large domains, and land tenure
- power bases and regional lordships: motives for reuse of seats of power and/or for establishing new ones
- spatial patterns of regional Balkan lordships
- hereditary rule over territories before and after the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans
- military fiefs, hereditary and tenancy rights
- pious foundations and landed estates
Patronage of the Balkan Christian and Muslim elites
- architectural patronage legitimizing local power and political authority
- literary patronage
- patronage over religious groups
- patronage over spiritual leaders
- patronage over shrines and other places of worship
reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg (r. 1387–1437) been
occasionally allocated to secular governors as remuneration for
maintenance of the defensive system against the Ottomans.
While it is widely known that a similar policy was continued by
King Matthias Corvinus after 1464, it has not been studied in
detail. This paper discusses the secular governors of the priory
between 1464 and 1490, identifies the priory’s estates entrusted
to governors and seeks to offer answers about their role in
Matthias’ anti-Ottoman defensive structures. Detailed analysis
shows that with this scheme, the king aimed to ensure additional
revenue for officials tasked with defence of the frontier towards
the Ottoman Empire, and that it was an improvised rather than
consistent policy.
By challenging the conclusions of previous scarce scholarship on this issue, and by reinterpreting the sources and introducing sources never consulted before, this thesis analyses the historical preconditions which allowed for Nicholas’s kingship to take place. Furthermore, the source information is contextualized within the contemporary political-historical framework to offer a detailed analysis of the nature, causes and administrative and archontological implications of Nicholas’s rule. The historical context itself is questioned, since the analyses show and the author proves that Bosnia did not lose its royal identity after 1463 as was thought previously.
The analysis presented in the thesis largely refutes the claims of previous scholarship by showing that the kingship was a result of several long-standing factors, both those on a personal and a broader political level. The kingship emerged from a decade-long agenda planned by the two close allies, King Matthias and Nicholas of Ilok, who were brought together by their mutual political interests within the Kingdom of Hungary. The thesis finally evaluates Nicholas’s kingship as a real and firm rule over the Bosnian territory handed to him, albeit Hungarian-appointed and very specific.
The functioning power networks of the medieval Balkan elites confronted a similar system of hierarchical networks of dependencies, initiated and led by the Ottoman dynasty. Following its own strategic agenda the established power networks in the Balkans either bitterly opposed and resisted the advance of the Ottoman polity or intermingled with the power networks presided by the Ottoman rulers. Ironically, not so rarely the conquerors of a given Balkan region, who in the mind frame of dominant historiographic tradition can be portrayed as the “Ottoman invaders”, appear to have originated from the local nobility thus being foreign to the conquered lands no more than those who resisted the “invasion”. In light of this, it seems little surprising that Balkan elites and their dependent power networks intermixed quite successfully with those networks that originated in Late Medieval Bithynia and carried the Ottoman banner into the Balkans. The complex mixture of mighty families of Anatolian or Balkan elites on Ottoman service, who had at their disposal substantial revenues and significant military contingents shaped entirely the history of the early Ottoman Balkans. Until the mid-sixteenth century, when the Ottoman central power gradually managed to replace the power networks of these elite families, they not only held big landed estates as private property, administered large parts of the Balkans, initiated close interaction with neighboring Christian rulers, shaped the Ottoman relationships with foreign powers by channeling the communication, but were also decisively involved in the enthronement of virtually every Ottoman ruler until Suleyman I (1521-1566), which reflected the political bids for power voiced by the noble families in the Ottoman Balkans and their clientelistic networks, manifested by patronage over religiously non-conformist groups’ literary, and architectural traditions.
Evolving around these considerations the workshop seeks to move away from the state- and religion-centered approach to the early Ottoman Balkans and invites for a more thorough examination of the complex web of political and personal relationships that extend beyond the local Balkan or imperial Ottoman boundaries tangled in a complex interplay of different relations between states, empires, elites and individuals with varying interests and agendas. In light of that, it suggests a thematic focus on the following intertwined themes:
Dynamics of power relations in a trans-imperial and regional context
- motives for joining a power network
- alliance building and collaboration within and outside the Ottoman domains
- alienation and factional politics within and outside the Ottoman domains
- political coalitions of Balkan elite families in Christian and Muslim context
- dynastic factionalism and the formation of networks
- power networks in times of dynastic struggles and political instability
- servants, agents and elite slaves as part of the power networks
Notables and their elite households
- royal and non-royal courts within and outside the palace
- extended households, kinship ties and clients
- military-administrative households and their clientelistic networks
- military contingents and manpower
- social groups manning the retinues
- exchange and mobility of soldiery
- trans-imperial and regional household relations
Regional lordships, large domains, and land tenure
- power bases and regional lordships: motives for reuse of seats of power and/or for establishing new ones
- spatial patterns of regional Balkan lordships
- hereditary rule over territories before and after the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans
- military fiefs, hereditary and tenancy rights
- pious foundations and landed estates
Patronage of the Balkan Christian and Muslim elites
- architectural patronage legitimizing local power and political authority
- literary patronage
- patronage over religious groups
- patronage over spiritual leaders
- patronage over shrines and other places of worship