Andrew Carr is a Senior Lecturer in the Strategic and Defence Studies Centre at the Australian National University. His research focuses on strategy, middle powers and Australian defence policy. He has published books with Oxford University Press and Georgetown University Press, and in academic journals such as the Journal of Strategic Studies, Asia Policy, Australian Journal of International Affairs, and Journal of Indian Ocean Research, along with the literary journal Meanjin. Dr Carr is the editor of the Centre of Gravity policy paper series
Winning the Peace seeks to explore and explain how Australian governments, during the modern peri... more Winning the Peace seeks to explore and explain how Australian governments, during the modern period of Australia's engagement with Asia (from 1983 till today), have attempted to use their defence and foreign policies to shape the region. While there were certainly times of tension during this period, such as the spikes around the end of the Cold War and during the early years of the War on Terror, the region has been largely defined by peace. Because of this peace and thanks to Australia's relative size as a 'middle power', the government's attempt to change how other states act and think was not sought through the deployment or use of force but through military and diplomatic engagement and persuasion. Australia's smaller size also meant it had to be strategic in its efforts. It had to determine which changes were priorities, it had to re-organise and develop its resources, it had to deploy them effectively and efficiently, and it had to be able to sustain the effort in the face of competition and rejection. This book focuses on the three main 'campaigns' the Australian government has undertaken since the early 1980s to reshape the Asia-Pacific in pursuit of its national interests. - See more at: https://www.mup.com.au/items/152601#sthash.Q9hUE6vN.dpuf
The emphasis of Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates is to expose and examine the... more The emphasis of Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates is to expose and examine the core debates and multiple dilemmas that define foreign policy in Australia. Each chapter is made up on an introduction and a debate which encourages critical understanding of the multiple influences on the formulation, implementation and transformation of Australian foreign policy. This format weighs the pros and cons of various controversial interpretations of major events related to foreign policy in the 21st century. Key bilateral relationships, including China, Indonesia and the US, are investigated and contemporary issues such as human rights, transnational terrorism, international environmental issues, human security and economic globalisation are featured.
Key features
Discussion questions at the end of each chapter encourage readers to critically evaluate the debates.
Coverage of contemporary issues such as Australia’s relationships with China and Indonesia, asylum seekers and climate change - will engage readers.
Boxes throughout the text - explain key definitions and documents, and emphasise extra information and materials.
The US pivot or rebalance suffers from a substantial collective action problem. While the main de... more The US pivot or rebalance suffers from a substantial collective action problem. While the main debate has been around levels of US effort, the level of allied and partner contributions and ‘buy-in’ has been overlooked, along with diverging regional narratives. This paper examines the response of the middle powers in Asia to US policy and shows that their actions are diverse and often divorced from each other and US ambitions. The paper concludes by arguing that US allies in the region should be concerned about this issue and take the initiative to develop an alternate strategic narrative that better aligns US and regional attitudes. Doing so would help to transfer some of the burden from the US to the region and place the US presence in Asia on a more sustainable long term basis.
The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic
opportunities, shift... more The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia’s 2013 Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policymakers in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security dialogue and practice with ‘like-mined’ countries, there must also be careful reflection to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power’s limited resources and influence.
This article examines whether Australia is a middle power. It identifies the three most popular a... more This article examines whether Australia is a middle power. It identifies the three most popular approaches to defining a middle power: by a country’s position, behaviour and identity. The article tests each definition against Australia, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of each. Highlighting an earlier systemic approach to defining states, an alternative ‘systemic impact’ definition for middle powers is proposed. This approach, it is argued, provides a more comprehensive manner for identifying whether a country like Australia is a middle power, along with the implications for international security.
One of the most effective rhetorical punches thrown by the Coalition during its period in Opposit... more One of the most effective rhetorical punches thrown by the Coalition during its period in Opposition was the (accurate) claim that Australia‘s defence spending had slipped to the lowest levels since 1938. In turn the Coalition nominated a target of spending two per cent of Australia‘s gross domestic product on Defence, should it win the 2013 election. This promise was later echoed by the Labor Government. This article explores how the 1938 comparison emerged, how it morphed into a two per cent of GDP policy target and argues that this debate has been unhelpful for Australia‘s security. It argues that the Coalition, now in office, should abandon the two per cent target and return to a more orthodox approach to funding defence.
Sir Robert Menzies (Australian Prime Minister 1939-41; 1949-66) was the founder of the Liberal Pa... more Sir Robert Menzies (Australian Prime Minister 1939-41; 1949-66) was the founder of the Liberal Party of Australia and an ardent monarchist. His political thought, however, curiously reveals an often republican understanding to the key problems of political theory.
This paper will examine some key events and influences on Sir Robert Menzies and argue that his political philosophy and understanding of politics is more accurately understood in line with republican ideals of separation of powers, civic participation and civic virtue.
This bold reinterpretation offers scholars a way to get past some of seemingly contradictory elements of Menzies’ career and arguments, along with re-assessing the role and understanding of republicanism in Australian political history.
Just as John Howard was accused of being a Deputy Sheriff, we can view Kevin Rudd’s time in offic... more Just as John Howard was accused of being a Deputy Sheriff, we can view Kevin Rudd’s time in office as that of a Lone Ranger in foreign policy terms. In a way not seen perhaps since Whitlam was his own foreign minister, Prime Minister Rudd completely dominated Australia’s foreign policy. He received little intellectual support from his party and little engagement by the opposition.
This isolated position of the Prime Minister was all the more significant given the activist middle power role Rudd sought to play.
As Prime Minister, Rudd set himself the goals of encouraging shifts in the regional norms and values on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, whaling and human rights, and developing a new multilateral institution by 2020 that could address economic, security and social concerns. Yet just as Rudd’s isolation from his political colleagues eventually brought on his downfall, his isolation on foreign policy caused regional disquiet, needlessly created conflicts and saw the first Prime Minister with clear foreign policy expertise since WW2 over-reach and under-deliver.
in Andrew Carr & Joanne Wallis eds. Asia Pacific Security (Washington D.C: Georgetown University ... more in Andrew Carr & Joanne Wallis eds. Asia Pacific Security (Washington D.C: Georgetown University Press), 2016 forthcoming.
Australia is often seen as a model constructive power. A middle power, born of the West but locat... more Australia is often seen as a model constructive power. A middle power, born of the West but located in Asia, it has demonstrated not only the resources but the will and initiative to contribute to regional and global affairs. Most governance institutions in East Asia (and globally) bear some mark of Australian influence. For over twenty years, Australian governments have described their foreign policy as one of being a ‘good global citizen’. Yet this legacy and identity is increasingly challenged. The successes of the 1980s and 1990s have become rarer in recent decades and the failures and setbacks more common and more public. Australia’s foreign policy is seen as more self-interested and less constructive than in the past. This is not due to restricted material capacity. Indeed the nation’s material wealth has never been stronger. Instead the country displays a confusion over the form of regional order it would like to see, and the method of the nation’s contribution to that order.
in Andrew Carr, Daniel Baldino & Anthony Langlois, eds. Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies... more in Andrew Carr, Daniel Baldino & Anthony Langlois, eds. Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates (Melbourne: Oxford University Press), 195-210, 2014
Australia's middle power identity is a good way to think about the ends to which national strateg... more Australia's middle power identity is a good way to think about the ends to which national strategy is set. This chapter uses the lens of 'middle power' status to look at what aims Australian strategy has been organised. It concludes by identifying five major strategic 'ends' that could provide Australia security in the twenty-first century.
The Gillard Governments: Australian Commonwealth Administration Series 2010-2013, 2014
Julia Gillard was a competent if not authoritative leader of Australia’s foreign and defence poli... more Julia Gillard was a competent if not authoritative leader of Australia’s foreign and defence policies during her term in office. She had to contest with her two foreign ministers, the High Court and the Parliament for control over the portfolio. The Gillard Government achieved notable improvements in Australia’s relationships with the US, China and India and won a seat on the United Nation’s Security Council. Like most Prime Ministers, Gillard’s initial focus was on domestic policy, but over time, an agenda geared around the idea of an ‘Asian Century’ emerged. Yet, it struggled to define what it was attempting to achieve through Australia’s external affairs, and without the time in office to cement her approach, or a defining crisis to help cast a foreign policy identity, as the 9/11 terrorist attacks were for John Howard, Gillard’s foreign policy legacy will be remembered as one of a populist but competent status quo.
"In 2007, when Kevin Rudd was sworn in as Prime Minister, he was widely expected to be a strong l... more "In 2007, when Kevin Rudd was sworn in as Prime Minister, he was widely expected to be a strong leader of Australian foreign policy. While most analysts believed that a strong alliance with the United States would be maintained, it was also anticipated that Rudd would reassert a traditional Labor preference for stronger engagement with Asia.
For those concerned that the previous Howard government had drifted too far into the orbit of US influence, Rudd also provided the hope that Australia would return to a more independent middle-power activism with action on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation and climate change.
Finally, Rudd’s experience in China—first as a student and later as a diplomat—also suggested an opportunity to solidify Australia’s relationship with China, its largest non-allied trading partner. Many of these perceptions, however, were not fully realised by the conclusion of Rudd’s prime ministership and problematic episodes in foreign policy were, at times,
compounded by the Prime Minister’s chaotic and overcentralised leadership style. While his personal activism did lead to a number of foreign policy successes, including the elevation of the G-20 as the world’s primary economic forum, on balance, Rudd’s single term in office did not live up to expectations."
Winning the Peace seeks to explore and explain how Australian governments, during the modern peri... more Winning the Peace seeks to explore and explain how Australian governments, during the modern period of Australia's engagement with Asia (from 1983 till today), have attempted to use their defence and foreign policies to shape the region. While there were certainly times of tension during this period, such as the spikes around the end of the Cold War and during the early years of the War on Terror, the region has been largely defined by peace. Because of this peace and thanks to Australia's relative size as a 'middle power', the government's attempt to change how other states act and think was not sought through the deployment or use of force but through military and diplomatic engagement and persuasion. Australia's smaller size also meant it had to be strategic in its efforts. It had to determine which changes were priorities, it had to re-organise and develop its resources, it had to deploy them effectively and efficiently, and it had to be able to sustain the effort in the face of competition and rejection. This book focuses on the three main 'campaigns' the Australian government has undertaken since the early 1980s to reshape the Asia-Pacific in pursuit of its national interests. - See more at: https://www.mup.com.au/items/152601#sthash.Q9hUE6vN.dpuf
The emphasis of Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates is to expose and examine the... more The emphasis of Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates is to expose and examine the core debates and multiple dilemmas that define foreign policy in Australia. Each chapter is made up on an introduction and a debate which encourages critical understanding of the multiple influences on the formulation, implementation and transformation of Australian foreign policy. This format weighs the pros and cons of various controversial interpretations of major events related to foreign policy in the 21st century. Key bilateral relationships, including China, Indonesia and the US, are investigated and contemporary issues such as human rights, transnational terrorism, international environmental issues, human security and economic globalisation are featured.
Key features
Discussion questions at the end of each chapter encourage readers to critically evaluate the debates.
Coverage of contemporary issues such as Australia’s relationships with China and Indonesia, asylum seekers and climate change - will engage readers.
Boxes throughout the text - explain key definitions and documents, and emphasise extra information and materials.
The US pivot or rebalance suffers from a substantial collective action problem. While the main de... more The US pivot or rebalance suffers from a substantial collective action problem. While the main debate has been around levels of US effort, the level of allied and partner contributions and ‘buy-in’ has been overlooked, along with diverging regional narratives. This paper examines the response of the middle powers in Asia to US policy and shows that their actions are diverse and often divorced from each other and US ambitions. The paper concludes by arguing that US allies in the region should be concerned about this issue and take the initiative to develop an alternate strategic narrative that better aligns US and regional attitudes. Doing so would help to transfer some of the burden from the US to the region and place the US presence in Asia on a more sustainable long term basis.
The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic
opportunities, shift... more The Indian Ocean is a region of increasing importance, with booming economic opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia’s 2013 Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policymakers in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security dialogue and practice with ‘like-mined’ countries, there must also be careful reflection to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power’s limited resources and influence.
This article examines whether Australia is a middle power. It identifies the three most popular a... more This article examines whether Australia is a middle power. It identifies the three most popular approaches to defining a middle power: by a country’s position, behaviour and identity. The article tests each definition against Australia, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of each. Highlighting an earlier systemic approach to defining states, an alternative ‘systemic impact’ definition for middle powers is proposed. This approach, it is argued, provides a more comprehensive manner for identifying whether a country like Australia is a middle power, along with the implications for international security.
One of the most effective rhetorical punches thrown by the Coalition during its period in Opposit... more One of the most effective rhetorical punches thrown by the Coalition during its period in Opposition was the (accurate) claim that Australia‘s defence spending had slipped to the lowest levels since 1938. In turn the Coalition nominated a target of spending two per cent of Australia‘s gross domestic product on Defence, should it win the 2013 election. This promise was later echoed by the Labor Government. This article explores how the 1938 comparison emerged, how it morphed into a two per cent of GDP policy target and argues that this debate has been unhelpful for Australia‘s security. It argues that the Coalition, now in office, should abandon the two per cent target and return to a more orthodox approach to funding defence.
Sir Robert Menzies (Australian Prime Minister 1939-41; 1949-66) was the founder of the Liberal Pa... more Sir Robert Menzies (Australian Prime Minister 1939-41; 1949-66) was the founder of the Liberal Party of Australia and an ardent monarchist. His political thought, however, curiously reveals an often republican understanding to the key problems of political theory.
This paper will examine some key events and influences on Sir Robert Menzies and argue that his political philosophy and understanding of politics is more accurately understood in line with republican ideals of separation of powers, civic participation and civic virtue.
This bold reinterpretation offers scholars a way to get past some of seemingly contradictory elements of Menzies’ career and arguments, along with re-assessing the role and understanding of republicanism in Australian political history.
Just as John Howard was accused of being a Deputy Sheriff, we can view Kevin Rudd’s time in offic... more Just as John Howard was accused of being a Deputy Sheriff, we can view Kevin Rudd’s time in office as that of a Lone Ranger in foreign policy terms. In a way not seen perhaps since Whitlam was his own foreign minister, Prime Minister Rudd completely dominated Australia’s foreign policy. He received little intellectual support from his party and little engagement by the opposition.
This isolated position of the Prime Minister was all the more significant given the activist middle power role Rudd sought to play.
As Prime Minister, Rudd set himself the goals of encouraging shifts in the regional norms and values on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, whaling and human rights, and developing a new multilateral institution by 2020 that could address economic, security and social concerns. Yet just as Rudd’s isolation from his political colleagues eventually brought on his downfall, his isolation on foreign policy caused regional disquiet, needlessly created conflicts and saw the first Prime Minister with clear foreign policy expertise since WW2 over-reach and under-deliver.
in Andrew Carr & Joanne Wallis eds. Asia Pacific Security (Washington D.C: Georgetown University ... more in Andrew Carr & Joanne Wallis eds. Asia Pacific Security (Washington D.C: Georgetown University Press), 2016 forthcoming.
Australia is often seen as a model constructive power. A middle power, born of the West but locat... more Australia is often seen as a model constructive power. A middle power, born of the West but located in Asia, it has demonstrated not only the resources but the will and initiative to contribute to regional and global affairs. Most governance institutions in East Asia (and globally) bear some mark of Australian influence. For over twenty years, Australian governments have described their foreign policy as one of being a ‘good global citizen’. Yet this legacy and identity is increasingly challenged. The successes of the 1980s and 1990s have become rarer in recent decades and the failures and setbacks more common and more public. Australia’s foreign policy is seen as more self-interested and less constructive than in the past. This is not due to restricted material capacity. Indeed the nation’s material wealth has never been stronger. Instead the country displays a confusion over the form of regional order it would like to see, and the method of the nation’s contribution to that order.
in Andrew Carr, Daniel Baldino & Anthony Langlois, eds. Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies... more in Andrew Carr, Daniel Baldino & Anthony Langlois, eds. Australian Foreign Policy: Controversies and Debates (Melbourne: Oxford University Press), 195-210, 2014
Australia's middle power identity is a good way to think about the ends to which national strateg... more Australia's middle power identity is a good way to think about the ends to which national strategy is set. This chapter uses the lens of 'middle power' status to look at what aims Australian strategy has been organised. It concludes by identifying five major strategic 'ends' that could provide Australia security in the twenty-first century.
The Gillard Governments: Australian Commonwealth Administration Series 2010-2013, 2014
Julia Gillard was a competent if not authoritative leader of Australia’s foreign and defence poli... more Julia Gillard was a competent if not authoritative leader of Australia’s foreign and defence policies during her term in office. She had to contest with her two foreign ministers, the High Court and the Parliament for control over the portfolio. The Gillard Government achieved notable improvements in Australia’s relationships with the US, China and India and won a seat on the United Nation’s Security Council. Like most Prime Ministers, Gillard’s initial focus was on domestic policy, but over time, an agenda geared around the idea of an ‘Asian Century’ emerged. Yet, it struggled to define what it was attempting to achieve through Australia’s external affairs, and without the time in office to cement her approach, or a defining crisis to help cast a foreign policy identity, as the 9/11 terrorist attacks were for John Howard, Gillard’s foreign policy legacy will be remembered as one of a populist but competent status quo.
"In 2007, when Kevin Rudd was sworn in as Prime Minister, he was widely expected to be a strong l... more "In 2007, when Kevin Rudd was sworn in as Prime Minister, he was widely expected to be a strong leader of Australian foreign policy. While most analysts believed that a strong alliance with the United States would be maintained, it was also anticipated that Rudd would reassert a traditional Labor preference for stronger engagement with Asia.
For those concerned that the previous Howard government had drifted too far into the orbit of US influence, Rudd also provided the hope that Australia would return to a more independent middle-power activism with action on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation and climate change.
Finally, Rudd’s experience in China—first as a student and later as a diplomat—also suggested an opportunity to solidify Australia’s relationship with China, its largest non-allied trading partner. Many of these perceptions, however, were not fully realised by the conclusion of Rudd’s prime ministership and problematic episodes in foreign policy were, at times,
compounded by the Prime Minister’s chaotic and overcentralised leadership style. While his personal activism did lead to a number of foreign policy successes, including the elevation of the G-20 as the world’s primary economic forum, on balance, Rudd’s single term in office did not live up to expectations."
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Books by Andrew Carr
Australia's smaller size also meant it had to be strategic in its efforts. It had to determine which changes were priorities, it had to re-organise and develop its resources, it had to deploy them effectively and efficiently, and it had to be able to sustain the effort in the face of competition and rejection. This book focuses on the three main 'campaigns' the Australian government has undertaken since the early 1980s to reshape the Asia-Pacific in pursuit of its national interests. - See more at: https://www.mup.com.au/items/152601#sthash.Q9hUE6vN.dpuf
Key features
Discussion questions at the end of each chapter encourage readers to critically evaluate the debates.
Coverage of contemporary issues such as Australia’s relationships with China and Indonesia, asylum seekers and climate change - will engage readers.
Boxes throughout the text - explain key definitions and documents, and emphasise extra information and materials.
Papers by Andrew Carr
opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage
this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence
diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional
trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia’s 2013
Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the
emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis
management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence
diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new
framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policymakers
in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while
Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security
dialogue and practice with ‘like-mined’ countries, there must also be careful reflection
to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power’s limited resources
and influence.
theory.
This paper will examine some key events and influences on Sir Robert Menzies and argue that his political philosophy and understanding of politics is more accurately understood in line
with republican ideals of separation of powers, civic participation and civic virtue.
This bold reinterpretation offers scholars a way to get past some of seemingly contradictory elements of
Menzies’ career and arguments, along with re-assessing the role and understanding of republicanism in Australian political history.
dominated Australia’s foreign policy. He received little intellectual support from his party and little engagement by the opposition.
This isolated position of the Prime Minister was all the more significant given the activist middle power role Rudd sought to play.
As Prime Minister, Rudd set himself the goals of encouraging shifts in the regional norms and values
on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, whaling and human rights, and developing a new multilateral institution by 2020 that could address economic, security and
social concerns. Yet just as Rudd’s isolation from his political colleagues eventually brought on his downfall, his isolation on foreign policy caused regional disquiet, needlessly created
conflicts and saw the first Prime Minister with clear foreign policy expertise since WW2 over-reach and under-deliver.
Chapters by Andrew Carr
For those concerned that the previous Howard government had drifted too far into the orbit of US influence, Rudd also provided the hope that Australia would return to a more independent middle-power activism with action on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation and climate change.
Finally, Rudd’s experience in China—first as a student and later as a diplomat—also suggested an opportunity to solidify Australia’s relationship with China, its largest non-allied trading partner. Many of these perceptions, however, were not fully realised by the conclusion of Rudd’s prime ministership and problematic episodes in foreign policy were, at times,
compounded by the Prime Minister’s chaotic and overcentralised leadership style. While his personal activism did lead to a number of foreign policy successes, including the elevation of the G-20 as the world’s primary economic forum, on balance, Rudd’s single term in office did not live up to expectations."
Australia's smaller size also meant it had to be strategic in its efforts. It had to determine which changes were priorities, it had to re-organise and develop its resources, it had to deploy them effectively and efficiently, and it had to be able to sustain the effort in the face of competition and rejection. This book focuses on the three main 'campaigns' the Australian government has undertaken since the early 1980s to reshape the Asia-Pacific in pursuit of its national interests. - See more at: https://www.mup.com.au/items/152601#sthash.Q9hUE6vN.dpuf
Key features
Discussion questions at the end of each chapter encourage readers to critically evaluate the debates.
Coverage of contemporary issues such as Australia’s relationships with China and Indonesia, asylum seekers and climate change - will engage readers.
Boxes throughout the text - explain key definitions and documents, and emphasise extra information and materials.
opportunities, shifting power dynamics and rising geopolitical competition. To manage
this transition some Australian policy-makers are advocating the practice of defence
diplomacy as a mechanism to help mould cooperative practices and to build regional
trust while dissipating potential or ongoing regional flashpoints. Australia’s 2013
Defence White Paper identified Australia as an agent who can play a critical part in the
emergence of certain types of norms as a means of conflict prevention and crisis
management in the Indo-Pacific region. This paper explores the use of defence
diplomacy as a means for seeking regional influence. It uses an innovative new
framework of norm entrepreneurship to examine the choices facing Australian policymakers
in increasingly complex security environment. This paper argues that while
Australia should aim to promote defence diplomacy as a central part of rising security
dialogue and practice with ‘like-mined’ countries, there must also be careful reflection
to ensure that this objective is a constructive use of a middle power’s limited resources
and influence.
theory.
This paper will examine some key events and influences on Sir Robert Menzies and argue that his political philosophy and understanding of politics is more accurately understood in line
with republican ideals of separation of powers, civic participation and civic virtue.
This bold reinterpretation offers scholars a way to get past some of seemingly contradictory elements of
Menzies’ career and arguments, along with re-assessing the role and understanding of republicanism in Australian political history.
dominated Australia’s foreign policy. He received little intellectual support from his party and little engagement by the opposition.
This isolated position of the Prime Minister was all the more significant given the activist middle power role Rudd sought to play.
As Prime Minister, Rudd set himself the goals of encouraging shifts in the regional norms and values
on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, whaling and human rights, and developing a new multilateral institution by 2020 that could address economic, security and
social concerns. Yet just as Rudd’s isolation from his political colleagues eventually brought on his downfall, his isolation on foreign policy caused regional disquiet, needlessly created
conflicts and saw the first Prime Minister with clear foreign policy expertise since WW2 over-reach and under-deliver.
For those concerned that the previous Howard government had drifted too far into the orbit of US influence, Rudd also provided the hope that Australia would return to a more independent middle-power activism with action on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation and climate change.
Finally, Rudd’s experience in China—first as a student and later as a diplomat—also suggested an opportunity to solidify Australia’s relationship with China, its largest non-allied trading partner. Many of these perceptions, however, were not fully realised by the conclusion of Rudd’s prime ministership and problematic episodes in foreign policy were, at times,
compounded by the Prime Minister’s chaotic and overcentralised leadership style. While his personal activism did lead to a number of foreign policy successes, including the elevation of the G-20 as the world’s primary economic forum, on balance, Rudd’s single term in office did not live up to expectations."