Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research, 2020
Co-authored with Felix Riede, Gina Barnes, Mark Elson, Gerry Oetelaar, Karen Holmberg & Payson Sh... more Co-authored with Felix Riede, Gina Barnes, Mark Elson, Gerry Oetelaar, Karen Holmberg & Payson Sheets;
Mark Elson and Michael Ort, In Society for Archaeological Sciences Encyclopedia of Archaeological Sciences, John Wiley and Sons., 2018
Archaeological volcanology is the science that researches human interaction with volcanic eruptio... more Archaeological volcanology is the science that researches human interaction with volcanic eruptions, and specifically how human populations use cultural mechanisms to adapt to eruptions. It combines the fields and analytical methods of archaeology, a subfield of anthropology or history, and volcanology, a subfield of geoscience. This combination is necessary to fully understand the human–volcano relationship, a relationship that has been a part of human culture since the earliest days of our species and one that likely extends back to our pre‐human ancestors. The very large number of environmental and cultural variables that manifest during an eruption can combine (and recombine) in unique and often unpredictable ways, making this a challenging undertaking. Insights gained through archaeological volcanology not only inform on human and volcano behavior, but also can be applied to modern disaster and hazards research, providing information to assist in the management of future disasters.
Archaeological Excavations at a Small Portion of the Zanardelli Site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), in the Southern Tucson Basin: Phase 2 Data Recovery along Tucson Water’s Alternate Route 2, Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) from Well Site SC-008 to Lumber Street, Pima County, Arizona (2017), 2017
The Zanardelli site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), is a large,
Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platfo... more The Zanardelli site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), is a large, Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platform mound village situated in the southern Tucson Basin. The site has been known to the archaeological community since 1929. Since that time, portions of it have undergone archaeological survey and excavation. To date, including the current project, archaeological investigations have identified 154 prehistoric cultural features at the site. Recovered feature types include: 2 pithouses, 19 adobe-walled pit structures, 12 adobe-walled surface structures, a possible platform mound (with another on private property east of the current project area), 23 secondary cremations, 1 inhumation, and numerous extramural pits and portions of adobe walls that may represent adobe-walled surface structures or adobe compounds that likely contain multiple rooms. The present project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., personnel for Tucson Water and the City of Tucson in advance of waterline installation. Two alternate alignments were proposed by Tucson Water—Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route 2—both of which could potentially impact cultural resources at the Zanardelli site, a nearby agricultural rock-pile field, AZ BB:13:315 (ASM), and two small artifact scatters, AZ BB:13:268 (ASM) and AZ BB:13:521 (ASM) (see Figures 1.1-1.3). The two alternate routes underwent Phase 1 archaeological data recovery in January 2016 (Elson and Swartz 2016a; Swartz 2015). Based on the much lower density of discovered subsurface cultural resources in Alternate Route 2, Tucson Water selected this as the preferred alignment. The results of Phase 2 data recovery within Alternate Route 2 is the focus of this report; the results of the Phase 1 excavations in both Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route 2 are presented in Appendix A (this volume; see also Elson and Swartz 2016a). The other sites were found to be outside the defined project area and were therefore not further investigated after Phase 1. Phase 2 data recovery in Alternate Route 2 was conducted 4-11 April 2016. Two backhoe strip trenches were investigated along the eastern edge of Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) within the Zanardelli site boundary, one in the northern portion of the project area and one in the southern portion. Because the footprint of the planned ground disturbance activities was small, and due to prior disturbance through installation of a waterline and fiber-optics cable, only approximately 30 m2 of undisturbed deposits were available for archaeological excavation. Within this small area, 10 primary prehistoric cultural features were discovered, including portions of 4 adobe-walled pit structures, 2 large pits, and 2 small pits in the northern trench; two extramural surfaces were excavated in the southern trench. Ceramic temporal data indicate the Phase 2 project area was occupied during the Classic period, primarily the late Classic period Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450), based on dating two of the adobe-walled pit-structures and a large pit (see Table 1.1 for Tucson Basin phase systematics). Previous research at the Zanardelli site strongly suggests the northern Desert Archaeology trench (Trench Unit 311) was located between two platform mounds—the only two remaining mounds at the site from an unknown number destroyed by modern development—and was therefore situated in the central district of the site, or as it is also called, the mound precinct. No mortuary features were identified during either Phase 1 or Phase 2 investigations, although 16 fragments of isolated human bone were repatriated to the Tohono O’odham Nation per the project burial agreement. Data recovered during the current project support previous research that strongly indicates the Zanardelli site was a large, riverine, Hohokam Classic period village situated along the Santa Cruz River. Data from all Zanardelli projects suggest general use of the site area may have begun as early as the pre-Classic Snaketown or Cañada del Oro phases, circa A.D. 700-850, given the occurrence of isolated sherds that date to this time. However, the earliest features excavated to date are a single pit and several pit structures that date to the Late Rincon phase (A.D. 1100-1150), or more likely, the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase (circa A.D. 1100-1200) transition. This, in conjunction with a significant increase in the quantity of recovered Late Rincon Red-onbrown ceramics as compared with earlier wares, suggests the primary, or most intensive, occupation began during this transitional pre-Classic to Classic period, although high population densities were likely not reached until the mid- to late Classic period Tanque Verde phase or early Tucson phase. A Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase population aggregation into the Zanardelli site area fits well with other recent Tucson Basin research that suggests settlement shifts once thought to have occurred during the early Classic period instead have their genesis during the late pre-Classic Late Rincon phase. Figures 5.1-5.3 combine data from this and previous investigations, showing the extent of excavated features (Figure 5.1), structure type (Figure 5.2), and structures through time (Figure 5.3). These figures are included here to assess site structure and to summarize this and previous investigations for future research at the site. Dating the 33 individual structures with temporal information shows an even distribution during the Classic period, with 12 structures dating to the Tanque Verde phase and 13 structures dating to the Tucson phase. Two structures, both pithouses, were dated to the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase transition, while another six structures could only be dated to the general Classic period. Although there is a general temporal sequence in the Tucson Basin from pithouses to adobe-walled pit structures to adobe-walled surface structures (see Haury 1928; Zahniser 1966), recent research indicates all three of these structure types were constructed throughout the Classic period and can be contemporaneous. This is supported by the Zanardelli data, where adobe surface structures and adobe pit structures date to both the Tanque Verde and Tucson phases. Thus, architecture alone in the absence of additional temporal information cannot be used for dating purposes. The presence of at least two platform mounds, and probably more, is a clear indication that the Zanardelli site was a major village. The site probably functioned in the integration of a set of related smaller villages, farmsteads, and fieldhouse sites into a larger community system. The nature of this integrative mechanism is unclear, although it is not likely related to the presence of Salado polychrome (Roosevelt Red Ware) ceramics and obsidian artifacts, which have been suggested to represent participation in a pan-southern Southwest regional social network (see Borck and Mills 2017). Neither artifact type was recovered from the current project area, even though the majority of the features date to the Tucson phase, a time when Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian were widespread. Very few Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian artifacts have been recovered from previous investigations; the Salado wares comprise less than 1.0 percent of the decorated ceramics recovered from all subsurface excavations. Tucson Polychrome or Tucson Black-on-Red, another late Classic period ware found in the Tucson Basin, is also generally absent from the site, and similar to the frequency of Salado polychrome. Instead, Sells Red, a red ware ceramic thought to have been made in the Papaguería region west of Tucson, was recovered in a higher frequency than at platform mound villages in the central and northern Tucson Basin. Given this, along with the overall lack of Salado polychrome and Maverick Mountain series ceramics, obsidian artifacts, and extrabasinal ceramic trade wares, the Zanardelli site appears to be unusual for a large Tucson Basin riverine platform mound village. The data tentatively suggest the Zanardelli inhabitants were focused on interaction with groups and resources to the south and west, which is unlike all other large Classic period villages in the Tucson Basin, which tend to be focused internally into the Tucson Basin and to the north and east. iv Abstract
Mark D. Elson, Michael H. Ort, Kirk C. Anderson, In Exploring Cause and Explanation: Historical Ecology, Demography, and Movement, in the American Southwest, edited by C. Herhahn and A. Ramenofsky, pp. 47-61. University Press of Colorado, Boulder., 2016
Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcano Eruptions: Disaster Management in the Eleventh Century A... more Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcano Eruptions: Disaster Management in the Eleventh Century AD Southwest (2016), by Mark D. Elson, Michael H. Ort, and Kirk C. Andersen. In Exploring Cause and Explanation: Historical Ecology, Demography, and Movement, in the American Southwest, edited by C. Herhahn and A. Ramenofsky, pp. 47-61. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.
Volcano eruptions are some of the most powerful natural phenomena, with impacts extending far beyond the zone of physical destruction. As ethnographic and archaeological data attest, volcano eruptions can act upon social groups as catalysts, as processes, and sometimes as terminating factors. Within a span of at most 100 years, two volcanoes – Sunset Crater and Little Springs -- situated only 200 km apart, erupted in the northern Southwest U.S., significantly altering the physical landscape and the psychological worldview of the prehistoric inhabitants. Recent chemical assays, dendrochronological information, and ceramic typological data place the eruptions sometime in the late 11th century A.D. , with Sunset Crater most likely erupting in the period between A.D. 1085-1090 (and note that the well-entrenched A.D. 1064 date for the eruption of Sunset Crater is no longer believed to be accurate). At the time of the eruptions, both areas were inhabited by small groups of similar pueblo-building dry-land farmers, living in the transitional pinyon-ponderosa pine forests of northern Arizona.
Sunset Crater has long been posited to have played a significant role in post-eruptive social, demographic, and technological change, including population displacement, large-scale migration, and the development of new technologies to undertake agriculture in areas now covered with thin layers of ash and cinders. The volcano refugees who left the Sunset Crater area and settled (or founded?) the prehistoric sites in Wupatki National Monument soon constructed the largest and most complex pueblo villages in the region. Recent research shows that the Little Springs eruption also played a played a role in migration and settlement restructuring, but instead of abandonment, the lava flows were re-occupied, most likely as a defensive refuge. Other social and natural factors such as ritual, the proximity of nearby kin or trade-partners, and environmental conditions, likely also played a role in this process. This paper discusses the differences in adaptive behavior between local populations in the Sunset Crater and Little Springs areas, much of which is based on the different nature of the two eruptions, but in each case, the adaptations were highly successful. Major catastrophic events permanently alter natural and cultural landscapes, requiring significant behavioral change for survival.
In Archaeological Investigations at the Yuma Wash Site and Outlying Settlements, part 2, edited by D. L. Swartz, pp. 915- 948. Anthropological Papers No. 49. Archaeology Southwest, Tucson., 2016
The Yuma Wash site (AZ BB:13:122, 311, 312, and 314 [ASM]) was a permanently occupied large Class... more The Yuma Wash site (AZ BB:13:122, 311, 312, and 314 [ASM]) was a permanently occupied large Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence (A.D. 500-1150) and during the Early Agricultural (ca. 2100 B.C. - A.D. 50) and Early Ceramic (A.D. 50-500) periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there is evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation. Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible, if not likely, that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. The burial of dogs in what appear to be defined cemeteries often located near the edges of the larger human cemeteries also suggests that dogs were respected and considered to be more than work animals or a source of food -- of the 34 recovered dog burials, none contained evidence for butchering and subsequent consumption.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for canal system headgates, allowing the flow of water from the Santa Cruz River to be monitored and adjusted as needed. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the river. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this area. The Marana platform mound site and Furrey’s Ranch platform mound site were associated with adjacent reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach, meaning that the flow of water for these irrigation communities could not be directly regulated by the platform mound villages, nor could the inhabitants of the Yuma Wash site directly regulate the water flow reaching the platform mound villages, except through alliances or force.
The two chapters included on this page -- Chapters 14 and 15 -- synthesize data from Desert Archaeology's 2008 excavations and provide interpretative analyses to support our reconstruction of Classic period (ca. A.D. 1150-1450(?)) life on the Santa Cruz River. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of this large village site. The Hohokam Classic period has long been known to be a period of relatively dramatic change, most visible in the aggregation of a relatively large number of pre-Classic and early Classic period sites into six large platform mound villages, with all but one located on the Santa Cruz River. At the same time, we see a reduction in the size of economic and exchange systems, particularly pottery, which becomes very localized, changing from a relatively widespread network, with most of the decorated pottery in the Tucson Basin originating from only three or four areas (petrofacies) on the Santa Cruz River in central Tucson, to one of smaller subregions with more limited distributions. We interpret the Classic period as a time of stress, both social and almost certainly environmental, with the subregional patterning likely indicative of the importance of knowing one's neighbors, and knowing them well, as a form of alliance and community protection. We suggest that at least in the Tucson Basin, but likely throughout the Southwest U.S., it is time to revive earlier models from the turn of the 20th century through the late 1960s that proposes that conflict, or the threat of conflict, was more of a prime mover in culture change than currently believed.
The presence or threat of conflict is suggested by a number of variables: 1) settlement aggregation, and particularly the movement of many sites out of the open floodplain to the terraces above the floodplain; 2) the occupation of defensive site locations, such as trincheras sites or at least nearby areas where the movement of "strangers" could be observed; 3) the construction of platform mounds, which unlike the ballcourts that preceded them, were restricted in access and almost certainly related to status of either the individual leader or the leader's group; and 4) the likely presence of migrant groups from areas both north and south of the Tucson Basin, which is known to put stress on local populations, particularly local populations living in an area with limited precipitation and therefore dependent on irrigation agriculture. Irrigation agriculture at the scale practiced in the Tucson Basin almost certainly would have required leadership, food surplus, and a relatively large amount of cooperation both within, and possibly between, groups. And finally, although not stated in our chapter and admittedly highly subjective and speculative (and also highly subject to criticism, but isn't that what science is for?), the senior author believes that intergroup conflict, or even the threat of conflict, is an important and significant variable in the behavior and survival of human populations, one that is also an important and relatively well-documented variable in the behavior of other higher primates. I find it very interesting, and to me, likely significant, that there is a clear correlation with the loss of "conflict" as a viable hypotheses and the escalation of the Vietnam War. As strongly as we (meaning Anthropologists) are supposedly trained in cultural relativity and objective scientific observation, we are still very much a product of our culture.
Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson 2016. The Yuma Wash Site Chronology and Site Structure. In Archaeological Investigations at the Yuma Wash Site and Outlying Settlements, part 2, edited by D. L. Swartz, pp. 915- 948. Anthropological Papers No. 49. Archaeology Southwest, Tucson., 2016
ABSTRACT
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in ... more ABSTRACT
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence and during the Early Agricultural and Early Ceramic periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
The initial data recovery of the Silverbell Road alignment was conducted by Old Pueblo Archaeology Center (OPAC). OPAC investigated five sites within the Silverbell Road right-of-way and completed data recovery at AZ AA:12:313 (ASM). Three of the remaining four sites were separated solely by modern channels of Yuma Wash, and for the Desert Archaeology project were considered loci of the Yuma Wash site, although they retained their three original ASM site numbers: AZ AA:12:122 (ASM), AZ AA:12:311 (ASM) and AZ AA:12:312 (ASM). The last site, AZ AA:12:314 (ASM) was situated at the southern end of the project area with only a small portion of it within the right-of-way. A canal site, AZ AA:12:1047 (ASM), likely dating to the Classic period, was also discovered during the Desert Archaeology investigations. The Historic period occupation of the Yuma Wash site includes the Bojórquez-Aguirre Ranch structures that dated to the late 1800s. Data recovery of the historic occupation was covered by the OPAC investigations.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site and AA:12:314, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there was evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations. The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation, which are discussed in detail in this chapter (Ch. 14) and the final concluding chapter (Ch. 15). Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be absolutely contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest. Little evidence of manufacturing or trade was seen in the much smaller assemblage from site AA:12:314.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. Interestingly, the burials of domestic dogs were also frequently clustered, and some of these clusters were near the edges of the larger human cemeteries.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on the bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for headgate construction for canal systems. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the Santa Cruz. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this reach. The Marana mound site and Furrey’s Ranch mound were associated with the reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach so were in irrigation communities adjacent to the one in which the Yuma Wash site is located.
The Yuma Wash report contains results from the Desert Archaeology, Inc. excavations conducted in 2008. Chapter 14, by Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson, describes the site structure and chronology. Chapter 15, by Mark D. Elson and Deborah L. Swartz, also included on this Academia.edu website, presents the final interpretations and discussion of the site, focusing on Classic period settlement of a large permanently inhabited village in the Tucson Basin and how the Yuma Wash site interacted and was integrated into neighboring Classic period occupations. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of the site. A set of supplemental data associated with this project can be found at http://www.archaeologysouthwest.org/store/anthropological-papers/ap49.html.
Elson, M.D., and M.H. Ort, 2012. Fire in the Sky: The Eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano. In Hisat’sinom: Ancient Peoples in a Land without Water, edited by C. E. Downum, pp. 27-33. School for Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe., 2012
This is a chapter in an edited volume on the prehistory of northern Arizona, and specifically the... more This is a chapter in an edited volume on the prehistory of northern Arizona, and specifically the general Flagstaff area, published by the School for Advanced Research Press for well-educated public and professional audiences. The chapter discusses the A.D. 1085-1090 eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano and the impacts the eruption had on local populations, who readily adapted to this disaster. A very conservative estimate of 1,000-2,000 people were forced by the eruption to abandon their homes and agricultural fields and move in with kin in less affected areas, but within 5-10 years, these volcano refugees settled in areas where a thin layer of deposited cinders acted as a water-retaining, temperature-regulating mulch, allowing areas that had been previously too dry to farm to become fertile. These settlers soon constructed some of the largest and most complex sites, such as Wupatki Pueblo, Winona, and Ridge Ruin, ever built in the general area. This highly successful adaptation to the eruption was in many ways predicated by the presence of pre-adaptive traits, such as low vulnerability, high resilience, household-level decision-making, rapid communication based on real-time feedback, the absence of a rigid hierarchical social system (meaning the presence of relatively flexible social system), the presence of an extensive kin network (and other social safety nets) spread throughout the general area, and the relatively small size of the eruption, meaning that unaffected areas were within a short, 1-2 day migration. The relatively low investment in site superstructure, meaning that domestic structures could be rebuilt in a matter of days to weeks with materials at hand, was also a contributing factor in the success of the adaptation. One of the most significant factors, however, and perhaps "the" most significant factor, was the marginal nature of the Flagstaff-area environment, meaning that a "risk-reduction" agricultural subsistence strategy was already in place when the volcano erupted. Because the Flagstaff area is at the fringes of the zone where corn agriculture can be successfully implemented, due to the overall lack of precipitation and the occurrence of both early and late freezes, a strategy of spreading small agricultural plots in many different microenvironments was already in practice, ensuring that is most years at least some crop would be harvested. This practice was undoubtedly instrumental in the highly successful adaptation of local populations to this environmental disaster.
The Hohokam Millenium, edited by S. Fish and P. Fish, pp. 49-55. School of Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe., 2008
This chapter is part of a School for Advanced Research (SAR) edited volume on the prehistoric Hoh... more This chapter is part of a School for Advanced Research (SAR) edited volume on the prehistoric Hohokam of southern Arizona (edited by Suzanne and Paul Fish), written for the well-educated public and professional audiences. The Hohokam built two major types of ritual (or monumental) architecture, pre-Classic period ballcourts and Classic period platform mounds. Ballcourts, which likely were the scene of both ballgames and markets, were probably first constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 750, and most were abandoned in the short interval between A.D. 1050-1075, which is a time of significant change in Hohokam society (note that a small number of ballcourts in northern Arizona are significantly later and stylistically different than pre-Classic period Hohokam ballcourts and their relationship to the earlier Hohokam courts is unknown -- they are, however, not included in this general discussion). Ballcourts were open features, highly visible, highly accessible, and probably open to all or most community members. They extend down into the earth, or provide a passageway between the surface and subsurface realms -- the subsurface world is a place of origin in many traditional histories.
In contrast to ballcourts, platform mounds were closed features with restricted access and may have served as a stage for ritual activities and resource redistribution, although some mounds may have also had elite residential functions. Whether platform mounds were residential, functioning as "homes" for the elite, or whether they were largely vacant ceremonial centers used for ritual purposes, has been the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the past 100 years and will likely continue to be the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the next 100 years. The mounds consisted of rooms on top of an elevated 2-3 m high deliberately-constructed platform, sometimes involving thousands of cubic meters of fill and tens of thousands of person-days in the labor energy needed for construction. These were very ostentatious features that would have been extremely prominent on the flat desert basin landscape (no other Hohokam structure is higher than a single story) and they were clearly constructed to be seen and to convey a powerful message. Classic period platform mounds (to differentiate this form from earlier pre-Classic period "dance" mounds) were initially constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 1200 or 1250 and lasted until A.D. 1350-1450 (or possibly as late as 1475-1500), when it becomes difficult to both trace the Hohokam archaeologically and to place them in a secure temporal framework. The mounds almost certainly marked group territory and were symbols of status, with those responsible for directing the construction showing the world that they commanded the power and the surplus food and labor needed to lead their people to create such structures. Interestingly, unlike ballcourts, whose construction and use may be related to the subsurface origin of the people, platform mounds extend into the sky, which cross-cultural ethnographic data suggest is highly status-related, with the higher (or larger) the structure, the higher the status.
The Tanque Verde Wash Site Revisited: Archaeological Investigations in the Northwest Locus, 2011
Elson, M.D., and P. Cook, 2011. Living in the Eastern Tucson Basin: The Prehistoric Settlement of... more Elson, M.D., and P. Cook, 2011. Living in the Eastern Tucson Basin: The Prehistoric Settlement of the Tanque Verde Wash Site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM). In The Tanque Verde Wash Site Revisited: Archaeological Investigations in the Northwest Locus, edited by M.D. Elson and P. Cook, pp. 267-281. Technical Report 2007-01. Desert Archaeology, Inc., Tucson. [this is the concluding chapter of the report].
The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eastern Tucson Basin, approximately 25 km east of the large riverine settlements along the Santa Cruz River. The northwest locus of the site was investigated during the current project for the City of Tucson prior to residential development, complementing previous investigations in the southeast locus. Including all archaeological work at the site to date, 57 pithouses have now been sampled or completely excavated, in addition to 43 mortuary features and hundreds of extramural pits of varying function. The occupation likely began during the Rillito phase (A.D. 850-950) and continued into the transitional Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1100-1200). The most intensive occupation was during the Middle Rincon phase (A.D. 1000-1100), particularly during the Middle Rincon 2 (A.D. 1040-1080) and Middle Rincon 3 (A.D. 1080-1100) subphases. Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. As noted, these are minimum numbers and the actual extent of the occupation was almost certainly larger. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase is similar to patterns seen throughout the Tucson Basin at this time and suggests that the "Classic period aggregation" actually began during the end of the preClassic period.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (defined as being within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments and possibly other forms of mica-based jewelry.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Perhaps most importantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus. The presence of significant material differences between household-level assemblages suggests that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
Fifty-five pieces of lava with impressions of prehistoric corn have recently been recovered from ... more Fifty-five pieces of lava with impressions of prehistoric corn have recently been recovered from NA 860, a small habitation site near Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona. Archaeological, geological, and botanical information suggest that husked ears of corn were deliberately placed in the lava's path when the volcano erupted in the mid-to-late eleventh century A.D. Over 40 kg of basalt lava containing the hardened corn casts were then taken to NA 860 located 4 km away from the lava flow. At the site, the rocks underwent lithic reduction to expose the casts. We suggest that these "corn rocks" are indicative of ritual practices, perhaps serving as an offering made to appease the forces responsible for the eruption. Although both prehistoric and modern offerings are commonly associated with volcanoes in other parts of the world, this is the first evidence from the Southwest United States of possible ritual behavior related to volcanism.
In "Living Under the Shadow, the Cultural Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions," edited by John Grattan and Robin Torrence, pp. 107-132., 2007
The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona sometime around AD 1085-1090 was a disa... more The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona sometime around AD 1085-1090 was a disaster of major proportions to the prehistoric Sinagua, who lived in small villages and farmsteads throughout the general area. The eruption occurred in a region that was densely populated, covering major water sources and prime agricultural land with cinder and ash deposits ranging from a few cm to several meters. It produced a 300 m high cinder cone, covered around 8 square km with basalt lava, and covered another 2,300 square km with cinder and ash fall. The creation of an isopach map of cinder depth allowed us to conservatively estimate that an area of about 400 square km had to be abandoned due to cinder deposits greater than 30 cm. Corn will not grow in cinders deeper than 15-20 cm because the silica-rich tephra does not contain enough nutrients to sustain crop production. A minimum (and highly conservative) reconstruction of the numbers of people who were significantly impacted by the eruption estimates that 1,000 to 2,000 people were forced to abandon the area, probably moving in with nearby kin in areas less affected by the eruption. Within a few years, many of the volcano refugees then moved to points north and south of Sunset Crater, where the deposition of a 3-10 cm cinder layer acted as a water-retaining, temperature-regulating mulch, allowing areas previously too low in elevation and therefore too hot and dry, to become arable, such as Wupatki National Monument to the north and the Winona area to the south. It is therefore not necessary to invoke outside immigration from neighboring pueblo areas, as many previous models have suggested, to account for populating the Wupatki area -- the entire area could have been populated by displaced volcano refugees. A new technology we call "cinder management" was developed to insure that a consistent 3-10 cm cinder layer remained across the agricultural fields. This adaptation was highly successful and the volcano refugees soon constructed the largest multifamily pueblo sites in the Flagstaff region. Benefits of the cinder mulch probably lasted around 150 years before the cinders blew away or reworked into the soil, at which point the Wupatki area was abandoned and the land became a high altitude desert once again.
Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research 176 (2008):363–376, 2008
Two ∼ 900 BP cinder-cone eruptions in the American Southwest -- Sunset Crater and Little Springs ... more Two ∼ 900 BP cinder-cone eruptions in the American Southwest -- Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcanoes -- affected prehistoric human populations in different ways, mostly because of differences in the eruption styles and area affected. The two volcanoes are situated around 200 km apart and both erupted sometime in the late 11th century AD, with Sunset Crater likely erupting for a few weeks to months between AD 1085-1090. The dating of Little Springs is more tenuous, but data indicate that it could have been contemporaneous with Sunset Crater or within one or two human generations. Primary pre-eruption cultural factors that may have led to successful adaptation to the eruptions include decision-making primarily at the family or household level, low investment in site structure and architecture, dispersion of agricultural sites in varied environments, and settlement spread over a large area so that those who were less affected could shelter and feed evacuees. The general absence of a nested hierarchical social organization meant that decisions could be made rapidly and were not based on second hand information working its way up the hierarchy. Instead, decisions were based on real-time feedback, allowing for the formulation of creative adaptive responses. Volcano refugees from both areas were highly successful in their adaptation to these potentially life- and community- threatening events, with those from the Sunset Crater area eventually building some of the largest pueblo sites ever constructed in the general Flagstaff, Arizona area. Lessons learned from these successful adaptations may have important ramifications for dealing with disasters in our world today.
Sunset Crater, near Flagstaff, Arizona, produced about 8 km2 lava flow fields and a ∼ 2300-km2 tephra blanket in an area that had been settled by prehistoric groups for at least 1000 years. Local subsistence relied on agriculture, primarily maize, and > 30 cm tephra cover rendered 265 km2 of prime land unfarmable. This area was apparently abandoned for at least several generations. A > 500-km2 area was probably marked by collapsed roofs and other structural damage from the fallout. If the eruption occurred during the agricultural season, the fallout would also have significantly damaged crops. The eruption did have some benefits to local groups because lower elevation land, which had previously been too dry to farm, became agriculturally productive due to 3–8 cm of tephra ‘mulch’ and some temporary soil nutrient improvements. This previously uninhabited land became the site of significant year-round settlement and farming, eventually containing some of the largest pueblo structures ever built in the region. New agricultural techniques were developed to manage the fallout mulch. The eruption also affected ceramic production and trading patterns, and volcano-related ritual behavior – the production of maize-impressed lava-spatter agglutinate – was initiated.
Little Springs Volcano, about 200 km northwest of Sunset Crater, is a small spatter rampart around a series of vents that produced about 5 km2 of lava flow fields, about 1 km2 of land severely affected by ballistic fall, and no significant tephra fall. The small area affected resulted in much less disruption of human activities than at Sunset Crater. Farming was still possible right up to the edge of the lava flows, which became attractive sites for settlements. Most sites along the lava flows have habitation and storage structures at the base of the flow and a series of small, apparently little-used, structures on the blocky lava flow above. These lava surface structures may have been defensive in nature. In addition, trails were constructed on the blocky lava flow surface. These trails, whose access points are difficult to recognize from below, appear to have been used for rapid movement across the flows, and may also have been defensive in nature. Spatter-agglutinate blocks containing ceramic sherds within them, similar to the maize-impressed spatter agglutinate at Sunset Crater, were made at Little Springs and carried to a nearby habitation site.
In arid and semiarid lands such as northern Arizona, tephra fall is a mixed blessing. Thick cinder blankets (> 20–30 cm) render land uninhabitable, but thinner (3–8 cm) deposits can serve to conserve soil moisture, regulate soil temperature (thus lengthening the growing season), and, by lowering soil pH, provide a temporary (decades to a century or two) increase in available phosphorus, an important nutrient for growth. The mulch opened up new lands for settlement but likely only lasted for a century or two before reworking reduced its effects. A significant drop in population of the settlements in the cinder-mulch area around A.D. 1250 suggests that 150 years was the maximum period that "cinder-management" -- that is, keeping a thin layer of cinders on top of agricultural plots -- was effective. This, combined with a likely decrease in soil nutrients from 150 years of intensive agriculture, once again made this land inhospitable to agricultural production.
Geological Society of America (GSA) Bulletin 128:476-486, 2008
Scoria-cone eruptions are typically low in volume and explosivity compared with eruptions from st... more Scoria-cone eruptions are typically low in volume and explosivity compared with eruptions from stratovolcanoes, but they can affect local populations profoundly. Scoriacone
eruption effects vary dramatically due to eruption style, tephra blanket extent, climate, types of land use, the culture and complexity of the affected group, and resulting
governmental action. A comparison of a historic eruption (Parícutin, México) with prehistoric eruptions (herein we primarily focus on Sunset Crater in northern Arizona, USA) elucidates the controls on and effects of these variables. Long-term effects of lava fl ows extend little beyond the flow edges. These flows, however, can be used for defensive purposes, providing refuges from invasion for those who know them well. In arid lands, tephra blankets serve as mulches, decreasing runoff and evaporation, increasing
infi ltration, and regulating soil temperature. Management and retention of these scoria mulches, which can open new areas for agriculture, become a priority for farming
communities. In humid areas, though, the tephra blanket may impede plant growth and increase erosion. Cultural responses to eruptions vary, from cultural collapse, through
fragmentation of society, dramatic changes, and development of new technologies, to little apparent change. Eruptions may also be viewed as retribution for poor behavior, and attempts are made to mollify angry gods.
Archaeology Southwest Magazine issue edited by archaeologist Mark Elson and volcanologist Michael... more Archaeology Southwest Magazine issue edited by archaeologist Mark Elson and volcanologist Michael Ort on the US89 Archaeological Project that investigated 41 prehistoric sites, most of them occupied when Sunset Crater Volcano erupted around AD 1085-1090. The theme of human adaptation to volcano eruptions and small scale disasters in general is explored. Archaeology Southwest Magazine is written for the well-educated public and specifically for the membership of the non-profit Archaeology Southwest.
Paper presented in the symposium “Tree-Rings, Environment, and Behavior: The Legacy of Jeffrey S. Dean” at the 76th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Sacramento, California. Submitted for publication, edited by R. Towner, University of Utah Press, in review., 2014
In 1958, dendrochronologist Terah Smiley suggested that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 106... more In 1958, dendrochronologist Terah Smiley suggested that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 1064, based on the initiation of suppressed and complacent tree rings from several beams used in the construction of the 100-room Wupatki Pueblo, located 20 km northeast of Sunset Crater. In the 1970s, paleomagnetic sampling of the Sunset Crater lava flows by Duane Champion and Eugene Shoemaker further suggested that the eruption may have been active for around 200 years. As a result, a date of A.D. 1064-1250 for the Sunset Crater eruption has become entrenched in the geological, dendrochronological, and archaeological literatures, and is highly important in modeling prehistoric human response to the eruption, as well as in reconstructions of northern Arizona prehistory. This date is considered so secure -- some would say sacred -- that it has rarely been questioned; over the past 60 years every school child in Arizona, and probably the greater Southwest U.S., has learned, without a doubt, that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 1064.
Recent multidisciplinary studies using a variety of chemical assays and detailed tree-ring morphology analyses indicate that this date is probably not accurate. In this paper we present new evidence suggesting that Sunset Crater most likely erupted in the mid-to-late A.D. 1080s, with an eruption duration of no more than a year and probably several weeks or months. Although changing the date of the eruption by ~20-25 years, and the eruptive period from 200 years to several weeks or months, may not seem overly significant, it does have important ramifications for reconstructing the prehistory of the general Flagstaff, Sunset Crater, and Wupatki areas.
Archaeology Magazine article written for the public on archaeological and volcanological investig... more Archaeology Magazine article written for the public on archaeological and volcanological investigations of prehistoric eruptions of Sunset Crater and Little Springs volcanoes, northern Arizona. The work of the Sunset Crater Research Team, including archaeologist Mark Elson, volcanologist Michael Ort, and geoarchaeologist Kirk Anderson, is featured in this article.
Star Carr, the Mesolithic site excavated almost 70 years ago, has been considered a classic examp... more Star Carr, the Mesolithic site excavated almost 70 years ago, has been considered a classic example of a winter season base camp until recently reinterpreted as a specialized industrial locale. By focusing on site formation processes, we present an alternative interpretation that Star Carr was a hunting and butchering site occupied frequently for very short periods at various times of the year. Our argument considers how recent ethnoarchaeological, taphonomic and site formation studies support this interpretation. We examine seasonality, the length of visits, and major ecofact and artefact classes, including animal bone, flaked stone tools, and antler points. We review previous interpretations.
by Mark D. Elson, Miriam T. Stark, and David Gregory (2000). In Salado, edited by J. S. Dean. Amerind Foundation New World Studies Series No. 4., 2000
TONTO BASIN IS LOCATED IN A TRANSITIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL and cultural zone, lying between the deser... more TONTO BASIN IS LOCATED IN A TRANSITIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL and cultural zone, lying between the desert oriented Hohokam to the south and puebloan groups of the plateau and mountain areas to the north and east (Figure 7.1). The archaeology of the Basin is characterized by highly variable architectural remains and ceramic assemblages that contain a multiplicity of wares and types. It is not surprising, then, that the prehistory of Tonto Basin has been interpreted in different ways by different researchers: to some, the Basin was an uninhabited (or empty) niche colonized by groups from the Hohokam or pueblos to the north and east of Tonto Basin (or both); to others, it was a cultural sponge that absorbed complete social systems and traditions from neighboring areas; to still others it was the heartland of the Salado, a migratory but distinctive cultural group who used Tonto Basin as a base from which to spread throughout much of the southern U.S. Southwest. Indeed, Tonto Basin has been included at one time or another as part of nearly every prehistoric culture area that surrounds it. The variety of architectural forms and ceramic types found in Tonto Basin certainly indicates significant interaction and cultural mixing with neighboring areas. However, few researchers have systematically explored the possibility that an indigenous cultural system developed and persisted in the Basin itself. Our research suggests that prehistoric Tonto Basin populations were neither wholly subsumed by neighboring culture areas nor passive receptors on which cultural imprints of neighboring areas were planted. Instead, the data indicate the presence of an indigenous population that interacted and mixed with neighboring groups (at some times more intensively than others), but who maintained a distinct cultural identity throughout the developmental sequence. Understanding changes in sociocultural systems at local and areal scales, then. is critical to understanding the dynamics of Tonto Basin prehistory and the Salado concept.
Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research, 2020
Co-authored with Felix Riede, Gina Barnes, Mark Elson, Gerry Oetelaar, Karen Holmberg & Payson Sh... more Co-authored with Felix Riede, Gina Barnes, Mark Elson, Gerry Oetelaar, Karen Holmberg & Payson Sheets;
Mark Elson and Michael Ort, In Society for Archaeological Sciences Encyclopedia of Archaeological Sciences, John Wiley and Sons., 2018
Archaeological volcanology is the science that researches human interaction with volcanic eruptio... more Archaeological volcanology is the science that researches human interaction with volcanic eruptions, and specifically how human populations use cultural mechanisms to adapt to eruptions. It combines the fields and analytical methods of archaeology, a subfield of anthropology or history, and volcanology, a subfield of geoscience. This combination is necessary to fully understand the human–volcano relationship, a relationship that has been a part of human culture since the earliest days of our species and one that likely extends back to our pre‐human ancestors. The very large number of environmental and cultural variables that manifest during an eruption can combine (and recombine) in unique and often unpredictable ways, making this a challenging undertaking. Insights gained through archaeological volcanology not only inform on human and volcano behavior, but also can be applied to modern disaster and hazards research, providing information to assist in the management of future disasters.
Archaeological Excavations at a Small Portion of the Zanardelli Site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), in the Southern Tucson Basin: Phase 2 Data Recovery along Tucson Water’s Alternate Route 2, Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) from Well Site SC-008 to Lumber Street, Pima County, Arizona (2017), 2017
The Zanardelli site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), is a large,
Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platfo... more The Zanardelli site, AZ BB:13:1 (ASM), is a large, Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platform mound village situated in the southern Tucson Basin. The site has been known to the archaeological community since 1929. Since that time, portions of it have undergone archaeological survey and excavation. To date, including the current project, archaeological investigations have identified 154 prehistoric cultural features at the site. Recovered feature types include: 2 pithouses, 19 adobe-walled pit structures, 12 adobe-walled surface structures, a possible platform mound (with another on private property east of the current project area), 23 secondary cremations, 1 inhumation, and numerous extramural pits and portions of adobe walls that may represent adobe-walled surface structures or adobe compounds that likely contain multiple rooms. The present project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., personnel for Tucson Water and the City of Tucson in advance of waterline installation. Two alternate alignments were proposed by Tucson Water—Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route 2—both of which could potentially impact cultural resources at the Zanardelli site, a nearby agricultural rock-pile field, AZ BB:13:315 (ASM), and two small artifact scatters, AZ BB:13:268 (ASM) and AZ BB:13:521 (ASM) (see Figures 1.1-1.3). The two alternate routes underwent Phase 1 archaeological data recovery in January 2016 (Elson and Swartz 2016a; Swartz 2015). Based on the much lower density of discovered subsurface cultural resources in Alternate Route 2, Tucson Water selected this as the preferred alignment. The results of Phase 2 data recovery within Alternate Route 2 is the focus of this report; the results of the Phase 1 excavations in both Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route 2 are presented in Appendix A (this volume; see also Elson and Swartz 2016a). The other sites were found to be outside the defined project area and were therefore not further investigated after Phase 1. Phase 2 data recovery in Alternate Route 2 was conducted 4-11 April 2016. Two backhoe strip trenches were investigated along the eastern edge of Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) within the Zanardelli site boundary, one in the northern portion of the project area and one in the southern portion. Because the footprint of the planned ground disturbance activities was small, and due to prior disturbance through installation of a waterline and fiber-optics cable, only approximately 30 m2 of undisturbed deposits were available for archaeological excavation. Within this small area, 10 primary prehistoric cultural features were discovered, including portions of 4 adobe-walled pit structures, 2 large pits, and 2 small pits in the northern trench; two extramural surfaces were excavated in the southern trench. Ceramic temporal data indicate the Phase 2 project area was occupied during the Classic period, primarily the late Classic period Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450), based on dating two of the adobe-walled pit-structures and a large pit (see Table 1.1 for Tucson Basin phase systematics). Previous research at the Zanardelli site strongly suggests the northern Desert Archaeology trench (Trench Unit 311) was located between two platform mounds—the only two remaining mounds at the site from an unknown number destroyed by modern development—and was therefore situated in the central district of the site, or as it is also called, the mound precinct. No mortuary features were identified during either Phase 1 or Phase 2 investigations, although 16 fragments of isolated human bone were repatriated to the Tohono O’odham Nation per the project burial agreement. Data recovered during the current project support previous research that strongly indicates the Zanardelli site was a large, riverine, Hohokam Classic period village situated along the Santa Cruz River. Data from all Zanardelli projects suggest general use of the site area may have begun as early as the pre-Classic Snaketown or Cañada del Oro phases, circa A.D. 700-850, given the occurrence of isolated sherds that date to this time. However, the earliest features excavated to date are a single pit and several pit structures that date to the Late Rincon phase (A.D. 1100-1150), or more likely, the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase (circa A.D. 1100-1200) transition. This, in conjunction with a significant increase in the quantity of recovered Late Rincon Red-onbrown ceramics as compared with earlier wares, suggests the primary, or most intensive, occupation began during this transitional pre-Classic to Classic period, although high population densities were likely not reached until the mid- to late Classic period Tanque Verde phase or early Tucson phase. A Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase population aggregation into the Zanardelli site area fits well with other recent Tucson Basin research that suggests settlement shifts once thought to have occurred during the early Classic period instead have their genesis during the late pre-Classic Late Rincon phase. Figures 5.1-5.3 combine data from this and previous investigations, showing the extent of excavated features (Figure 5.1), structure type (Figure 5.2), and structures through time (Figure 5.3). These figures are included here to assess site structure and to summarize this and previous investigations for future research at the site. Dating the 33 individual structures with temporal information shows an even distribution during the Classic period, with 12 structures dating to the Tanque Verde phase and 13 structures dating to the Tucson phase. Two structures, both pithouses, were dated to the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase transition, while another six structures could only be dated to the general Classic period. Although there is a general temporal sequence in the Tucson Basin from pithouses to adobe-walled pit structures to adobe-walled surface structures (see Haury 1928; Zahniser 1966), recent research indicates all three of these structure types were constructed throughout the Classic period and can be contemporaneous. This is supported by the Zanardelli data, where adobe surface structures and adobe pit structures date to both the Tanque Verde and Tucson phases. Thus, architecture alone in the absence of additional temporal information cannot be used for dating purposes. The presence of at least two platform mounds, and probably more, is a clear indication that the Zanardelli site was a major village. The site probably functioned in the integration of a set of related smaller villages, farmsteads, and fieldhouse sites into a larger community system. The nature of this integrative mechanism is unclear, although it is not likely related to the presence of Salado polychrome (Roosevelt Red Ware) ceramics and obsidian artifacts, which have been suggested to represent participation in a pan-southern Southwest regional social network (see Borck and Mills 2017). Neither artifact type was recovered from the current project area, even though the majority of the features date to the Tucson phase, a time when Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian were widespread. Very few Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian artifacts have been recovered from previous investigations; the Salado wares comprise less than 1.0 percent of the decorated ceramics recovered from all subsurface excavations. Tucson Polychrome or Tucson Black-on-Red, another late Classic period ware found in the Tucson Basin, is also generally absent from the site, and similar to the frequency of Salado polychrome. Instead, Sells Red, a red ware ceramic thought to have been made in the Papaguería region west of Tucson, was recovered in a higher frequency than at platform mound villages in the central and northern Tucson Basin. Given this, along with the overall lack of Salado polychrome and Maverick Mountain series ceramics, obsidian artifacts, and extrabasinal ceramic trade wares, the Zanardelli site appears to be unusual for a large Tucson Basin riverine platform mound village. The data tentatively suggest the Zanardelli inhabitants were focused on interaction with groups and resources to the south and west, which is unlike all other large Classic period villages in the Tucson Basin, which tend to be focused internally into the Tucson Basin and to the north and east. iv Abstract
Mark D. Elson, Michael H. Ort, Kirk C. Anderson, In Exploring Cause and Explanation: Historical Ecology, Demography, and Movement, in the American Southwest, edited by C. Herhahn and A. Ramenofsky, pp. 47-61. University Press of Colorado, Boulder., 2016
Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcano Eruptions: Disaster Management in the Eleventh Century A... more Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcano Eruptions: Disaster Management in the Eleventh Century AD Southwest (2016), by Mark D. Elson, Michael H. Ort, and Kirk C. Andersen. In Exploring Cause and Explanation: Historical Ecology, Demography, and Movement, in the American Southwest, edited by C. Herhahn and A. Ramenofsky, pp. 47-61. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.
Volcano eruptions are some of the most powerful natural phenomena, with impacts extending far beyond the zone of physical destruction. As ethnographic and archaeological data attest, volcano eruptions can act upon social groups as catalysts, as processes, and sometimes as terminating factors. Within a span of at most 100 years, two volcanoes – Sunset Crater and Little Springs -- situated only 200 km apart, erupted in the northern Southwest U.S., significantly altering the physical landscape and the psychological worldview of the prehistoric inhabitants. Recent chemical assays, dendrochronological information, and ceramic typological data place the eruptions sometime in the late 11th century A.D. , with Sunset Crater most likely erupting in the period between A.D. 1085-1090 (and note that the well-entrenched A.D. 1064 date for the eruption of Sunset Crater is no longer believed to be accurate). At the time of the eruptions, both areas were inhabited by small groups of similar pueblo-building dry-land farmers, living in the transitional pinyon-ponderosa pine forests of northern Arizona.
Sunset Crater has long been posited to have played a significant role in post-eruptive social, demographic, and technological change, including population displacement, large-scale migration, and the development of new technologies to undertake agriculture in areas now covered with thin layers of ash and cinders. The volcano refugees who left the Sunset Crater area and settled (or founded?) the prehistoric sites in Wupatki National Monument soon constructed the largest and most complex pueblo villages in the region. Recent research shows that the Little Springs eruption also played a played a role in migration and settlement restructuring, but instead of abandonment, the lava flows were re-occupied, most likely as a defensive refuge. Other social and natural factors such as ritual, the proximity of nearby kin or trade-partners, and environmental conditions, likely also played a role in this process. This paper discusses the differences in adaptive behavior between local populations in the Sunset Crater and Little Springs areas, much of which is based on the different nature of the two eruptions, but in each case, the adaptations were highly successful. Major catastrophic events permanently alter natural and cultural landscapes, requiring significant behavioral change for survival.
In Archaeological Investigations at the Yuma Wash Site and Outlying Settlements, part 2, edited by D. L. Swartz, pp. 915- 948. Anthropological Papers No. 49. Archaeology Southwest, Tucson., 2016
The Yuma Wash site (AZ BB:13:122, 311, 312, and 314 [ASM]) was a permanently occupied large Class... more The Yuma Wash site (AZ BB:13:122, 311, 312, and 314 [ASM]) was a permanently occupied large Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence (A.D. 500-1150) and during the Early Agricultural (ca. 2100 B.C. - A.D. 50) and Early Ceramic (A.D. 50-500) periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there is evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation. Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible, if not likely, that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. The burial of dogs in what appear to be defined cemeteries often located near the edges of the larger human cemeteries also suggests that dogs were respected and considered to be more than work animals or a source of food -- of the 34 recovered dog burials, none contained evidence for butchering and subsequent consumption.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for canal system headgates, allowing the flow of water from the Santa Cruz River to be monitored and adjusted as needed. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the river. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this area. The Marana platform mound site and Furrey’s Ranch platform mound site were associated with adjacent reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach, meaning that the flow of water for these irrigation communities could not be directly regulated by the platform mound villages, nor could the inhabitants of the Yuma Wash site directly regulate the water flow reaching the platform mound villages, except through alliances or force.
The two chapters included on this page -- Chapters 14 and 15 -- synthesize data from Desert Archaeology's 2008 excavations and provide interpretative analyses to support our reconstruction of Classic period (ca. A.D. 1150-1450(?)) life on the Santa Cruz River. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of this large village site. The Hohokam Classic period has long been known to be a period of relatively dramatic change, most visible in the aggregation of a relatively large number of pre-Classic and early Classic period sites into six large platform mound villages, with all but one located on the Santa Cruz River. At the same time, we see a reduction in the size of economic and exchange systems, particularly pottery, which becomes very localized, changing from a relatively widespread network, with most of the decorated pottery in the Tucson Basin originating from only three or four areas (petrofacies) on the Santa Cruz River in central Tucson, to one of smaller subregions with more limited distributions. We interpret the Classic period as a time of stress, both social and almost certainly environmental, with the subregional patterning likely indicative of the importance of knowing one's neighbors, and knowing them well, as a form of alliance and community protection. We suggest that at least in the Tucson Basin, but likely throughout the Southwest U.S., it is time to revive earlier models from the turn of the 20th century through the late 1960s that proposes that conflict, or the threat of conflict, was more of a prime mover in culture change than currently believed.
The presence or threat of conflict is suggested by a number of variables: 1) settlement aggregation, and particularly the movement of many sites out of the open floodplain to the terraces above the floodplain; 2) the occupation of defensive site locations, such as trincheras sites or at least nearby areas where the movement of "strangers" could be observed; 3) the construction of platform mounds, which unlike the ballcourts that preceded them, were restricted in access and almost certainly related to status of either the individual leader or the leader's group; and 4) the likely presence of migrant groups from areas both north and south of the Tucson Basin, which is known to put stress on local populations, particularly local populations living in an area with limited precipitation and therefore dependent on irrigation agriculture. Irrigation agriculture at the scale practiced in the Tucson Basin almost certainly would have required leadership, food surplus, and a relatively large amount of cooperation both within, and possibly between, groups. And finally, although not stated in our chapter and admittedly highly subjective and speculative (and also highly subject to criticism, but isn't that what science is for?), the senior author believes that intergroup conflict, or even the threat of conflict, is an important and significant variable in the behavior and survival of human populations, one that is also an important and relatively well-documented variable in the behavior of other higher primates. I find it very interesting, and to me, likely significant, that there is a clear correlation with the loss of "conflict" as a viable hypotheses and the escalation of the Vietnam War. As strongly as we (meaning Anthropologists) are supposedly trained in cultural relativity and objective scientific observation, we are still very much a product of our culture.
Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson 2016. The Yuma Wash Site Chronology and Site Structure. In Archaeological Investigations at the Yuma Wash Site and Outlying Settlements, part 2, edited by D. L. Swartz, pp. 915- 948. Anthropological Papers No. 49. Archaeology Southwest, Tucson., 2016
ABSTRACT
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in ... more ABSTRACT
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence and during the Early Agricultural and Early Ceramic periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
The initial data recovery of the Silverbell Road alignment was conducted by Old Pueblo Archaeology Center (OPAC). OPAC investigated five sites within the Silverbell Road right-of-way and completed data recovery at AZ AA:12:313 (ASM). Three of the remaining four sites were separated solely by modern channels of Yuma Wash, and for the Desert Archaeology project were considered loci of the Yuma Wash site, although they retained their three original ASM site numbers: AZ AA:12:122 (ASM), AZ AA:12:311 (ASM) and AZ AA:12:312 (ASM). The last site, AZ AA:12:314 (ASM) was situated at the southern end of the project area with only a small portion of it within the right-of-way. A canal site, AZ AA:12:1047 (ASM), likely dating to the Classic period, was also discovered during the Desert Archaeology investigations. The Historic period occupation of the Yuma Wash site includes the Bojórquez-Aguirre Ranch structures that dated to the late 1800s. Data recovery of the historic occupation was covered by the OPAC investigations.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site and AA:12:314, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there was evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations. The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation, which are discussed in detail in this chapter (Ch. 14) and the final concluding chapter (Ch. 15). Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be absolutely contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest. Little evidence of manufacturing or trade was seen in the much smaller assemblage from site AA:12:314.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. Interestingly, the burials of domestic dogs were also frequently clustered, and some of these clusters were near the edges of the larger human cemeteries.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on the bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for headgate construction for canal systems. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the Santa Cruz. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this reach. The Marana mound site and Furrey’s Ranch mound were associated with the reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach so were in irrigation communities adjacent to the one in which the Yuma Wash site is located.
The Yuma Wash report contains results from the Desert Archaeology, Inc. excavations conducted in 2008. Chapter 14, by Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson, describes the site structure and chronology. Chapter 15, by Mark D. Elson and Deborah L. Swartz, also included on this Academia.edu website, presents the final interpretations and discussion of the site, focusing on Classic period settlement of a large permanently inhabited village in the Tucson Basin and how the Yuma Wash site interacted and was integrated into neighboring Classic period occupations. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of the site. A set of supplemental data associated with this project can be found at http://www.archaeologysouthwest.org/store/anthropological-papers/ap49.html.
Elson, M.D., and M.H. Ort, 2012. Fire in the Sky: The Eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano. In Hisat’sinom: Ancient Peoples in a Land without Water, edited by C. E. Downum, pp. 27-33. School for Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe., 2012
This is a chapter in an edited volume on the prehistory of northern Arizona, and specifically the... more This is a chapter in an edited volume on the prehistory of northern Arizona, and specifically the general Flagstaff area, published by the School for Advanced Research Press for well-educated public and professional audiences. The chapter discusses the A.D. 1085-1090 eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano and the impacts the eruption had on local populations, who readily adapted to this disaster. A very conservative estimate of 1,000-2,000 people were forced by the eruption to abandon their homes and agricultural fields and move in with kin in less affected areas, but within 5-10 years, these volcano refugees settled in areas where a thin layer of deposited cinders acted as a water-retaining, temperature-regulating mulch, allowing areas that had been previously too dry to farm to become fertile. These settlers soon constructed some of the largest and most complex sites, such as Wupatki Pueblo, Winona, and Ridge Ruin, ever built in the general area. This highly successful adaptation to the eruption was in many ways predicated by the presence of pre-adaptive traits, such as low vulnerability, high resilience, household-level decision-making, rapid communication based on real-time feedback, the absence of a rigid hierarchical social system (meaning the presence of relatively flexible social system), the presence of an extensive kin network (and other social safety nets) spread throughout the general area, and the relatively small size of the eruption, meaning that unaffected areas were within a short, 1-2 day migration. The relatively low investment in site superstructure, meaning that domestic structures could be rebuilt in a matter of days to weeks with materials at hand, was also a contributing factor in the success of the adaptation. One of the most significant factors, however, and perhaps "the" most significant factor, was the marginal nature of the Flagstaff-area environment, meaning that a "risk-reduction" agricultural subsistence strategy was already in place when the volcano erupted. Because the Flagstaff area is at the fringes of the zone where corn agriculture can be successfully implemented, due to the overall lack of precipitation and the occurrence of both early and late freezes, a strategy of spreading small agricultural plots in many different microenvironments was already in practice, ensuring that is most years at least some crop would be harvested. This practice was undoubtedly instrumental in the highly successful adaptation of local populations to this environmental disaster.
The Hohokam Millenium, edited by S. Fish and P. Fish, pp. 49-55. School of Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe., 2008
This chapter is part of a School for Advanced Research (SAR) edited volume on the prehistoric Hoh... more This chapter is part of a School for Advanced Research (SAR) edited volume on the prehistoric Hohokam of southern Arizona (edited by Suzanne and Paul Fish), written for the well-educated public and professional audiences. The Hohokam built two major types of ritual (or monumental) architecture, pre-Classic period ballcourts and Classic period platform mounds. Ballcourts, which likely were the scene of both ballgames and markets, were probably first constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 750, and most were abandoned in the short interval between A.D. 1050-1075, which is a time of significant change in Hohokam society (note that a small number of ballcourts in northern Arizona are significantly later and stylistically different than pre-Classic period Hohokam ballcourts and their relationship to the earlier Hohokam courts is unknown -- they are, however, not included in this general discussion). Ballcourts were open features, highly visible, highly accessible, and probably open to all or most community members. They extend down into the earth, or provide a passageway between the surface and subsurface realms -- the subsurface world is a place of origin in many traditional histories.
In contrast to ballcourts, platform mounds were closed features with restricted access and may have served as a stage for ritual activities and resource redistribution, although some mounds may have also had elite residential functions. Whether platform mounds were residential, functioning as "homes" for the elite, or whether they were largely vacant ceremonial centers used for ritual purposes, has been the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the past 100 years and will likely continue to be the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the next 100 years. The mounds consisted of rooms on top of an elevated 2-3 m high deliberately-constructed platform, sometimes involving thousands of cubic meters of fill and tens of thousands of person-days in the labor energy needed for construction. These were very ostentatious features that would have been extremely prominent on the flat desert basin landscape (no other Hohokam structure is higher than a single story) and they were clearly constructed to be seen and to convey a powerful message. Classic period platform mounds (to differentiate this form from earlier pre-Classic period "dance" mounds) were initially constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 1200 or 1250 and lasted until A.D. 1350-1450 (or possibly as late as 1475-1500), when it becomes difficult to both trace the Hohokam archaeologically and to place them in a secure temporal framework. The mounds almost certainly marked group territory and were symbols of status, with those responsible for directing the construction showing the world that they commanded the power and the surplus food and labor needed to lead their people to create such structures. Interestingly, unlike ballcourts, whose construction and use may be related to the subsurface origin of the people, platform mounds extend into the sky, which cross-cultural ethnographic data suggest is highly status-related, with the higher (or larger) the structure, the higher the status.
The Tanque Verde Wash Site Revisited: Archaeological Investigations in the Northwest Locus, 2011
Elson, M.D., and P. Cook, 2011. Living in the Eastern Tucson Basin: The Prehistoric Settlement of... more Elson, M.D., and P. Cook, 2011. Living in the Eastern Tucson Basin: The Prehistoric Settlement of the Tanque Verde Wash Site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM). In The Tanque Verde Wash Site Revisited: Archaeological Investigations in the Northwest Locus, edited by M.D. Elson and P. Cook, pp. 267-281. Technical Report 2007-01. Desert Archaeology, Inc., Tucson. [this is the concluding chapter of the report].
The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eastern Tucson Basin, approximately 25 km east of the large riverine settlements along the Santa Cruz River. The northwest locus of the site was investigated during the current project for the City of Tucson prior to residential development, complementing previous investigations in the southeast locus. Including all archaeological work at the site to date, 57 pithouses have now been sampled or completely excavated, in addition to 43 mortuary features and hundreds of extramural pits of varying function. The occupation likely began during the Rillito phase (A.D. 850-950) and continued into the transitional Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1100-1200). The most intensive occupation was during the Middle Rincon phase (A.D. 1000-1100), particularly during the Middle Rincon 2 (A.D. 1040-1080) and Middle Rincon 3 (A.D. 1080-1100) subphases. Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. As noted, these are minimum numbers and the actual extent of the occupation was almost certainly larger. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase is similar to patterns seen throughout the Tucson Basin at this time and suggests that the "Classic period aggregation" actually began during the end of the preClassic period.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (defined as being within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments and possibly other forms of mica-based jewelry.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Perhaps most importantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus. The presence of significant material differences between household-level assemblages suggests that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
Fifty-five pieces of lava with impressions of prehistoric corn have recently been recovered from ... more Fifty-five pieces of lava with impressions of prehistoric corn have recently been recovered from NA 860, a small habitation site near Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona. Archaeological, geological, and botanical information suggest that husked ears of corn were deliberately placed in the lava's path when the volcano erupted in the mid-to-late eleventh century A.D. Over 40 kg of basalt lava containing the hardened corn casts were then taken to NA 860 located 4 km away from the lava flow. At the site, the rocks underwent lithic reduction to expose the casts. We suggest that these "corn rocks" are indicative of ritual practices, perhaps serving as an offering made to appease the forces responsible for the eruption. Although both prehistoric and modern offerings are commonly associated with volcanoes in other parts of the world, this is the first evidence from the Southwest United States of possible ritual behavior related to volcanism.
In "Living Under the Shadow, the Cultural Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions," edited by John Grattan and Robin Torrence, pp. 107-132., 2007
The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona sometime around AD 1085-1090 was a disa... more The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona sometime around AD 1085-1090 was a disaster of major proportions to the prehistoric Sinagua, who lived in small villages and farmsteads throughout the general area. The eruption occurred in a region that was densely populated, covering major water sources and prime agricultural land with cinder and ash deposits ranging from a few cm to several meters. It produced a 300 m high cinder cone, covered around 8 square km with basalt lava, and covered another 2,300 square km with cinder and ash fall. The creation of an isopach map of cinder depth allowed us to conservatively estimate that an area of about 400 square km had to be abandoned due to cinder deposits greater than 30 cm. Corn will not grow in cinders deeper than 15-20 cm because the silica-rich tephra does not contain enough nutrients to sustain crop production. A minimum (and highly conservative) reconstruction of the numbers of people who were significantly impacted by the eruption estimates that 1,000 to 2,000 people were forced to abandon the area, probably moving in with nearby kin in areas less affected by the eruption. Within a few years, many of the volcano refugees then moved to points north and south of Sunset Crater, where the deposition of a 3-10 cm cinder layer acted as a water-retaining, temperature-regulating mulch, allowing areas previously too low in elevation and therefore too hot and dry, to become arable, such as Wupatki National Monument to the north and the Winona area to the south. It is therefore not necessary to invoke outside immigration from neighboring pueblo areas, as many previous models have suggested, to account for populating the Wupatki area -- the entire area could have been populated by displaced volcano refugees. A new technology we call "cinder management" was developed to insure that a consistent 3-10 cm cinder layer remained across the agricultural fields. This adaptation was highly successful and the volcano refugees soon constructed the largest multifamily pueblo sites in the Flagstaff region. Benefits of the cinder mulch probably lasted around 150 years before the cinders blew away or reworked into the soil, at which point the Wupatki area was abandoned and the land became a high altitude desert once again.
Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research 176 (2008):363–376, 2008
Two ∼ 900 BP cinder-cone eruptions in the American Southwest -- Sunset Crater and Little Springs ... more Two ∼ 900 BP cinder-cone eruptions in the American Southwest -- Sunset Crater and Little Springs Volcanoes -- affected prehistoric human populations in different ways, mostly because of differences in the eruption styles and area affected. The two volcanoes are situated around 200 km apart and both erupted sometime in the late 11th century AD, with Sunset Crater likely erupting for a few weeks to months between AD 1085-1090. The dating of Little Springs is more tenuous, but data indicate that it could have been contemporaneous with Sunset Crater or within one or two human generations. Primary pre-eruption cultural factors that may have led to successful adaptation to the eruptions include decision-making primarily at the family or household level, low investment in site structure and architecture, dispersion of agricultural sites in varied environments, and settlement spread over a large area so that those who were less affected could shelter and feed evacuees. The general absence of a nested hierarchical social organization meant that decisions could be made rapidly and were not based on second hand information working its way up the hierarchy. Instead, decisions were based on real-time feedback, allowing for the formulation of creative adaptive responses. Volcano refugees from both areas were highly successful in their adaptation to these potentially life- and community- threatening events, with those from the Sunset Crater area eventually building some of the largest pueblo sites ever constructed in the general Flagstaff, Arizona area. Lessons learned from these successful adaptations may have important ramifications for dealing with disasters in our world today.
Sunset Crater, near Flagstaff, Arizona, produced about 8 km2 lava flow fields and a ∼ 2300-km2 tephra blanket in an area that had been settled by prehistoric groups for at least 1000 years. Local subsistence relied on agriculture, primarily maize, and > 30 cm tephra cover rendered 265 km2 of prime land unfarmable. This area was apparently abandoned for at least several generations. A > 500-km2 area was probably marked by collapsed roofs and other structural damage from the fallout. If the eruption occurred during the agricultural season, the fallout would also have significantly damaged crops. The eruption did have some benefits to local groups because lower elevation land, which had previously been too dry to farm, became agriculturally productive due to 3–8 cm of tephra ‘mulch’ and some temporary soil nutrient improvements. This previously uninhabited land became the site of significant year-round settlement and farming, eventually containing some of the largest pueblo structures ever built in the region. New agricultural techniques were developed to manage the fallout mulch. The eruption also affected ceramic production and trading patterns, and volcano-related ritual behavior – the production of maize-impressed lava-spatter agglutinate – was initiated.
Little Springs Volcano, about 200 km northwest of Sunset Crater, is a small spatter rampart around a series of vents that produced about 5 km2 of lava flow fields, about 1 km2 of land severely affected by ballistic fall, and no significant tephra fall. The small area affected resulted in much less disruption of human activities than at Sunset Crater. Farming was still possible right up to the edge of the lava flows, which became attractive sites for settlements. Most sites along the lava flows have habitation and storage structures at the base of the flow and a series of small, apparently little-used, structures on the blocky lava flow above. These lava surface structures may have been defensive in nature. In addition, trails were constructed on the blocky lava flow surface. These trails, whose access points are difficult to recognize from below, appear to have been used for rapid movement across the flows, and may also have been defensive in nature. Spatter-agglutinate blocks containing ceramic sherds within them, similar to the maize-impressed spatter agglutinate at Sunset Crater, were made at Little Springs and carried to a nearby habitation site.
In arid and semiarid lands such as northern Arizona, tephra fall is a mixed blessing. Thick cinder blankets (> 20–30 cm) render land uninhabitable, but thinner (3–8 cm) deposits can serve to conserve soil moisture, regulate soil temperature (thus lengthening the growing season), and, by lowering soil pH, provide a temporary (decades to a century or two) increase in available phosphorus, an important nutrient for growth. The mulch opened up new lands for settlement but likely only lasted for a century or two before reworking reduced its effects. A significant drop in population of the settlements in the cinder-mulch area around A.D. 1250 suggests that 150 years was the maximum period that "cinder-management" -- that is, keeping a thin layer of cinders on top of agricultural plots -- was effective. This, combined with a likely decrease in soil nutrients from 150 years of intensive agriculture, once again made this land inhospitable to agricultural production.
Geological Society of America (GSA) Bulletin 128:476-486, 2008
Scoria-cone eruptions are typically low in volume and explosivity compared with eruptions from st... more Scoria-cone eruptions are typically low in volume and explosivity compared with eruptions from stratovolcanoes, but they can affect local populations profoundly. Scoriacone
eruption effects vary dramatically due to eruption style, tephra blanket extent, climate, types of land use, the culture and complexity of the affected group, and resulting
governmental action. A comparison of a historic eruption (Parícutin, México) with prehistoric eruptions (herein we primarily focus on Sunset Crater in northern Arizona, USA) elucidates the controls on and effects of these variables. Long-term effects of lava fl ows extend little beyond the flow edges. These flows, however, can be used for defensive purposes, providing refuges from invasion for those who know them well. In arid lands, tephra blankets serve as mulches, decreasing runoff and evaporation, increasing
infi ltration, and regulating soil temperature. Management and retention of these scoria mulches, which can open new areas for agriculture, become a priority for farming
communities. In humid areas, though, the tephra blanket may impede plant growth and increase erosion. Cultural responses to eruptions vary, from cultural collapse, through
fragmentation of society, dramatic changes, and development of new technologies, to little apparent change. Eruptions may also be viewed as retribution for poor behavior, and attempts are made to mollify angry gods.
Archaeology Southwest Magazine issue edited by archaeologist Mark Elson and volcanologist Michael... more Archaeology Southwest Magazine issue edited by archaeologist Mark Elson and volcanologist Michael Ort on the US89 Archaeological Project that investigated 41 prehistoric sites, most of them occupied when Sunset Crater Volcano erupted around AD 1085-1090. The theme of human adaptation to volcano eruptions and small scale disasters in general is explored. Archaeology Southwest Magazine is written for the well-educated public and specifically for the membership of the non-profit Archaeology Southwest.
Paper presented in the symposium “Tree-Rings, Environment, and Behavior: The Legacy of Jeffrey S. Dean” at the 76th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Sacramento, California. Submitted for publication, edited by R. Towner, University of Utah Press, in review., 2014
In 1958, dendrochronologist Terah Smiley suggested that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 106... more In 1958, dendrochronologist Terah Smiley suggested that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 1064, based on the initiation of suppressed and complacent tree rings from several beams used in the construction of the 100-room Wupatki Pueblo, located 20 km northeast of Sunset Crater. In the 1970s, paleomagnetic sampling of the Sunset Crater lava flows by Duane Champion and Eugene Shoemaker further suggested that the eruption may have been active for around 200 years. As a result, a date of A.D. 1064-1250 for the Sunset Crater eruption has become entrenched in the geological, dendrochronological, and archaeological literatures, and is highly important in modeling prehistoric human response to the eruption, as well as in reconstructions of northern Arizona prehistory. This date is considered so secure -- some would say sacred -- that it has rarely been questioned; over the past 60 years every school child in Arizona, and probably the greater Southwest U.S., has learned, without a doubt, that Sunset Crater Volcano erupted in A.D. 1064.
Recent multidisciplinary studies using a variety of chemical assays and detailed tree-ring morphology analyses indicate that this date is probably not accurate. In this paper we present new evidence suggesting that Sunset Crater most likely erupted in the mid-to-late A.D. 1080s, with an eruption duration of no more than a year and probably several weeks or months. Although changing the date of the eruption by ~20-25 years, and the eruptive period from 200 years to several weeks or months, may not seem overly significant, it does have important ramifications for reconstructing the prehistory of the general Flagstaff, Sunset Crater, and Wupatki areas.
Archaeology Magazine article written for the public on archaeological and volcanological investig... more Archaeology Magazine article written for the public on archaeological and volcanological investigations of prehistoric eruptions of Sunset Crater and Little Springs volcanoes, northern Arizona. The work of the Sunset Crater Research Team, including archaeologist Mark Elson, volcanologist Michael Ort, and geoarchaeologist Kirk Anderson, is featured in this article.
Star Carr, the Mesolithic site excavated almost 70 years ago, has been considered a classic examp... more Star Carr, the Mesolithic site excavated almost 70 years ago, has been considered a classic example of a winter season base camp until recently reinterpreted as a specialized industrial locale. By focusing on site formation processes, we present an alternative interpretation that Star Carr was a hunting and butchering site occupied frequently for very short periods at various times of the year. Our argument considers how recent ethnoarchaeological, taphonomic and site formation studies support this interpretation. We examine seasonality, the length of visits, and major ecofact and artefact classes, including animal bone, flaked stone tools, and antler points. We review previous interpretations.
by Mark D. Elson, Miriam T. Stark, and David Gregory (2000). In Salado, edited by J. S. Dean. Amerind Foundation New World Studies Series No. 4., 2000
TONTO BASIN IS LOCATED IN A TRANSITIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL and cultural zone, lying between the deser... more TONTO BASIN IS LOCATED IN A TRANSITIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL and cultural zone, lying between the desert oriented Hohokam to the south and puebloan groups of the plateau and mountain areas to the north and east (Figure 7.1). The archaeology of the Basin is characterized by highly variable architectural remains and ceramic assemblages that contain a multiplicity of wares and types. It is not surprising, then, that the prehistory of Tonto Basin has been interpreted in different ways by different researchers: to some, the Basin was an uninhabited (or empty) niche colonized by groups from the Hohokam or pueblos to the north and east of Tonto Basin (or both); to others, it was a cultural sponge that absorbed complete social systems and traditions from neighboring areas; to still others it was the heartland of the Salado, a migratory but distinctive cultural group who used Tonto Basin as a base from which to spread throughout much of the southern U.S. Southwest. Indeed, Tonto Basin has been included at one time or another as part of nearly every prehistoric culture area that surrounds it. The variety of architectural forms and ceramic types found in Tonto Basin certainly indicates significant interaction and cultural mixing with neighboring areas. However, few researchers have systematically explored the possibility that an indigenous cultural system developed and persisted in the Basin itself. Our research suggests that prehistoric Tonto Basin populations were neither wholly subsumed by neighboring culture areas nor passive receptors on which cultural imprints of neighboring areas were planted. Instead, the data indicate the presence of an indigenous population that interacted and mixed with neighboring groups (at some times more intensively than others), but who maintained a distinct cultural identity throughout the developmental sequence. Understanding changes in sociocultural systems at local and areal scales, then. is critical to understanding the dynamics of Tonto Basin prehistory and the Salado concept.
This is the final volume (of six) that explores human adaptation to disasters, particularly to vo... more This is the final volume (of six) that explores human adaptation to disasters, particularly to volcanic eruptions. In this volume data recovered on the U.S. 89 archaeological project that investigated 41 prehistoric sites north of Flagstaff, Arizona are synthesized. Sunset Crater Volcano is located in the pine forests of northern Arizona, approximately 20 km north of the city of Flagstaff. The volcano was long thought to have erupted in A.D. 1064, with the eruption extending for several hundred years. Research presented here and elsewhere (see Elson 2011; Elson et al. 2002, 2007: Ort et al. 2008a, 2008b), however, suggests that Sunset Crater erupted for only a few months to a year sometime between A.D. 1085 and 1090, when nearby areas were densely populated by small, prehistoric farming groups. Lava and volcanic tephra were deposited over an area of 2,300 km2, dramatically changing the physical landscape and, almost certainly, the ideological world view of the prehistoric inhabitants. The eruption caused large-scale abandonment, creating a very conservative estimate of 1,000-2,000 volcano refugees, although the actual number may be closer to 5,000. Conversely, the deposition of a thin, moisture-retaining
cinder mulch, 3-10 cm thick, allowed low elevation areas previously too dry to farm to now be settled. Despite the stress of the eruption, the prehistoric populations who inhabited this area not only thrived, they prospered, eventually building some of the largest village sites in the northern Southwest U.S. The goal here is to understand the nature of this highly successful adaptation. Further, the project area crosses what has long been considered a cultural boundary between two groups, the Sinagua to the south and east and the Cohonina to the north and west. The distinction between these groups is based largely on the predominance of different ceramic wares, with the Sinagua using Alameda Brown Ware and the Cohonina using San Francisco Mountain Gray Ware. Project research questions involved reconstructing the prehistoric settlement, including examining the question of cultural affiliation, with the goal of refining current understanding of human response to the Sunset Crater Volcano eruption.
To answer the research questions, Chapters 1-4 in the volume place the 41 investigated sites into their proper environmental and cultural contexts, setting the scene for the more synthetic questions that follow. This entails an examination of project area culture history over the more than 1,000 years (A.D. 100-1150) represented in the site sample. The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano and the resulting prehistoric adaptation are detailed in Chapters 5 and 6. The re-dating of the eruption from A.D. 1064 to the mid-A.D. 1080s has significant implications for reconstructing the occupation. The Hopi perspective on the prehistoric settlement is examined in Chapter 7, providing insight into architecture, landscape use, agricultural practices, and artifact function and manufacture. Hopi accounts of the Sunset Crater eruption are also examined. The final chapter, Chapter 8, brings together data from all the archaeological analyses, to synthesize and model the prehistoric occupation of the project area. It is proposed that the inhabitants of the Sunset Crater area were, in many ways, pre-adapted to deal with the eruption, due to: (1) The absence of a strictly hierarchical social system that allowed for rapid, site-level decision-making; (2) an already in-place risk-reduction agricultural strategy based on the cultivation of numerous small plots spread over a variety of microenvironments; (3) a flexible settlement system; and, (4) the ability to freely migrate. These factors are seen as key traits that allowed for this successful adaptation. The data indicate that what had long been proposed to be a cultural boundary between Sinagua and Cohonina groups is, instead, a ceramic boundary, with ceramic exchange and not group migration accounting for the patterning in different ceramic wares. This suggests that the large sites constructed in Wupatki National Monument and other low elevation areas following the eruption were likely built by displaced volcano refugees, not by outside migrants as previous researchers have proposed. The results of this investigation may be particularly significant today given changing climatic conditions and increased population movement into potentially hazardous areas.
The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km... more The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on
Coconino National Forest (CNF) land. The project
was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the
Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT)
prior to the widening and improvement of 26.7 km
(16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary
of Wupatki National Monument in the north,
and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological
fieldwork occurred over two primary field
seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season
in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor
was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. All project area sites are also
within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with the closest
sites only 5 km from the volcano. As we discuss in the volume, Sunset Crater erupted
for a few weeks to months sometime between A.D. 1050 and
1125 and most likely between A.D. 1085-1090. Basalt lava from the eruption covered an area of approximately 8 sq. km, while another 2,300 sq. km was
covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater
cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach
map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates that at a minimum the U.S. 89 sites were
covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material,
which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement,
subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric
adaptation to environmental variability and to
the Sunset Crater eruption were primary research
themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the
project area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2-
8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems.
A total of 73 structures was excavated, which
included 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D.
1100s. The most intensive occupation was between
A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the
Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area also crosses what has long been
considered to be a boundary between two distinct
archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of
Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this
boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman
Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the
U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have
moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide,
roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well
within the current project area. About half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this
point, and about half lie to the north. This affords
an excellent opportunity to address the question of
the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as
well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas
in general, and every analyst on the project was
asked to examine this question using their particular
data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contain
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, with chapters
on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation
studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental
reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No.
37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions.
In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data
presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct
the settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited
the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in
general. The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano sometime between A.D. 1085-1090, as well as the immediate response and eventual short- and long-term adaptations to this eruption by the prehistoric inhabitants of the U.S. 89 project area is a particular focus of the research.
The two parts of Anthropological Papers No. 30
present the project background, environment, and
descriptive information about the testing and excavation
of the 41 project area sites. Part 1 includes
the two sites in Elevation Zone 1 (5,700-6,199 ft
[1,737-1,889 m] asl) and 11 sites in Elevation Zone 2
(6,200-6,699 ft [1,890-2,042 m] asl), the lower elevation
zones in the northern half of the project area.
Part 2 includes the nine sites in Elevation Zone 3
(6,700-7,199 ft [2,042-2,194 m] asl, north), the nine
sites in Elevation Zone 4 (7,200+ ft [2,195+ m] asl),
and the 10 sites in Elevation Zone 5 (6,700-7,199 ft
[2,042-2,194 m] asl, south). These volumes contain
site and feature descriptions, maps, general artifact
data, and interpretations of site function and dating.
Diagnostic ceramics from critical contexts that
were used to date the sites are presented by feature.
Anthropological Papers No. 30(2), Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson., 2006
The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km... more The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on
Coconino National Forest (CNF) land. The project
was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the
Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT)
prior to the widening and improvement of 26.7 km
(16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary
of Wupatki National Monument in the north,
and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological
fieldwork occurred over two primary field
seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season
in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor
was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. All project area sites are also
within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with the closest
sites only 5-6 km away. Sunset Crater erupted
for a few years sometime between A.D. 1050 and
1125. Basalt lava from the eruption covered an area
of approximately 8 km2, while another 2,300 km2 was
covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater
cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach
map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates that, minimumally, the U.S. 89 sites were
covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material,
which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement,
subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric
adaptation to environmental variability and to
the Sunset Crater eruption were primary research
themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the
project area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2-
8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems.
A total of 73 structures was excavated, which
included 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D.
1100s. The most intensive occupation was between
A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the
Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area also crosses what has long been
considered to be a boundary between two distinct
archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of
Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this
boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman
Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the
U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have
moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide,
roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well
within the current project area. About half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this
point, and about half lie to the north. This affords
an excellent opportunity to address the question of
the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as
well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas
in general, and every analyst on the project was
asked to examine this question using their particular
data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contain
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, with chapters
on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation
studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental
reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No.
37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions.
In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data
presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct
the settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited
the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in
general.
The two parts of Anthropological Papers No. 30
present the project background, environment, and
descriptive information about the testing and excavation
of the 41 project area sites. Part 1 includes
the two sites in Elevation Zone 1 (5,700-6,199 ft
[1,737-1,889 m] asl) and 11 sites in Elevation Zone 2
(6,200-6,699 ft [1,890-2,042 m] asl), the lower elevation
zones in the northern half of the project area.
Part 2 includes the nine sites in Elevation Zone 3
(6,700-7,199 ft [2,042-2,194 m] asl, north), the nine
sites in Elevation Zone 4 (7,200+ ft [2,195+ m] asl),
and the 10 sites in Elevation Zone 5 (6,700-7,199 ft
[2,042-2,194 m] asl, south). These volumes contain
site and feature descriptions, maps, general artifact
data, and interpretations of site function and dating.
Diagnostic ceramics from critical contexts that
were used to date the sites are presented by feature.
Anthropological Papers No. 31, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson., 2006
The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated 41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km... more The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated 41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km (~25 miles) north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on Coconino National Forest (CNF) land, specifically the Peaks Ranger District. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) prior to widening and improvement of 26.7 km (16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary of Wupatki National Monument in the north, and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological fieldwork occurred over two primary field seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental zones, ranging from uniper-sage grasslands in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl, to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m) asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation zones were defined, using increments of 500 ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature, and vegetation. Additionally, all project area sites are within 25 km of Sunset Crater, with the closest sites only 5-6 km west of the volcano. Sunset Crater erupted for a very short period (weeks to months to a few years at the absolute most) sometime between A.D. 1050 and 1125 and most probably between A.D. 1085-1090. Basalt lava covered an area of around 8 sq. km, while another 2,300 sq. km was covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach map of cinder depth constructed for this project indicates that, minimumally, the U.S. 89 sites were covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material, which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement, subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric adaptation to environmental variability, as well as to the Sunset Crater eruption, were primary research themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the project area, including large, permanent habitations, containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses, smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2- 8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems. A total of 73 structures was excavated, including 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6 ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered, with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D. 1100s. The most intensive occupation was between A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the Sunset Crater eruption. The project area crosses what has long been considered to be a boundary between two distinct archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr. Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide, roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well within the current project area. About half the intensively investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this point, and about half lie to the north. This affords an excellent opportunity to address the question of the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas in general, and every analyst on the project was asked to examine this question using their particular data set. The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains background information on the project and descriptions of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone, ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic ceramic sourcing studies and form and function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33 contains the environmental analyses, with chapters on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No. 37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions. In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct the settlement, subsistence, and economic systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in general. This volume presents the analyses of the nonceramic artifacts from the 41 investigated sites. These artifacts comprise approximately 16.5 percent of the 98,329 total recovered artifacts: 15,610 pieces of flaked stone, 1,163 pieces of ground stone, 96 bone tools, 70 pieces of shell, and 237 miscellaneous artifacts, which include stone beads, jewelry, and pieces of pigment. Additionally, 3,493 pieces of unworked animal bone were also recovered. Note that the above totals are raw laboratory counts and do not consider artifact conjoins and refits, and therefore, the numbers differ slightly from numbers used in the following analyses, which are based on minimum number of individuals. The overall analysis of the flaked stone assemblage is presented in Chapter 1, while Chapter 2 presents a specialized study of Flagstaff area projectile points, placing them in their regional context. Chapter 3 presents the ground stone analyses, also with an emphasis on regional patterns and interaction networks, and the shell jewelry recovered from the project area is discussed in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 presents the results of the analysis of the faunal remains, including both bone tools and unworked animal bone used as a food source. The 23 recovered mortuary features, all of which were inhumations, are discussed in Chapter 6, and a specialized study of the dentition of these remains is presented in Appendix A. Most of the mortuary features were recovered from isolated contexts, with only a single possible small cemetery found. The remains and associated grave goods were stored and analyzed at MNA in Flagstaff, and repatriated by the Hopi Tribe upon completion of the analyses.
Anthropological Papers No. 33, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, 2007
The U.S. 89 archaeological project investigated 41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km ... more The U.S. 89 archaeological project investigated 41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km (~25 miles) north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on Coconino National Forest (CNF) land, specifically the Peaks Ranger District. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., personnel for the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) prior to widening and improvement of 26.7 km (16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary of Wupatki National Monument in the north, and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological fieldwork occurred over two primary field seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor was expended during fieldwork. The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl, to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m) asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation zones were defined, using increments of 500 ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature, and vegetation. Additionally, all project area sites are within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with the closest sites only 5-6 km west of the volcano. Sunset Crater erupted for a very short period (months to a few years) sometime between A.D. 1050 and 1125. Basalt lava from the eruptions covered an area of approximately 8 km2, while another 2,300 km2 was covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach map of cinder depth constructed for this project indicates the U.S. 89 sites were minimally covered with 5-50 cm of volcanic material, which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement, subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric adaptation to environmental variability, as well as to the Sunset Crater eruption, were primary research themes. A wide range of site types is present in the project area, including large, permanent habitations, containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses, smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with two to eight structures, single-room fieldhouses, limitedactivity areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems. A total of 73 structures was excavated, including 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6 ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered, with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D. 1100s. The most intensive occupation was between A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the Sunset Crater eruption. The project area crosses what has long been considered a boundary between two distinct archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr. Harold S. Colton, founder of the Museum of Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide, roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well within the current project area. About half the intensively investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this point, and about half lie to the north. This affords an excellent opportunity to address the question of the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas in general, and every analyst on the project was asked to examine this question using their particular data set. The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains background information on the project and descriptions of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone, ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic ceramic sourcing studies and form and function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33 contains the environmental analyses, including chapters on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption(s) of Sunset Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No. 37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions. In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct the settlement, subsistence, and economic systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in general. The analyses of environmental data recovered during the U.S. 89 project are presented in this volume. The results of the pollen and macrobotanical plant analyses are presented in Chapters 1 and 2, providing insight into project area subsistence systems and land use. (A summary of Flagstaff area archaeobotanical studies is provided in Appendix A.) The agricultural potential of the project area is explored in Chapters 3-5, with soil fertility assessed in Chapter 3 using geomorphological analyses and the CNFs Terrestrial Ecosystems Survey (see also Appendix C), the results of experimental research on the mulching capabilities of Sunset Crater tephra presented in Chapter 4, and aerial photographs combined with pollen analyses used in Chapter 5 to locate potential prehistoric agricultural field areas. Chapters 6 through 8 and Appendix B present geological data on several different aspects of the midto- late eleventh century A.D. eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano. Chapter 6 uses geochemical data to establish a chemical signature for Sunset Crater tephra (see also Appendix D), Chapter 7 presents the data used in construction of an isopach map showing Sunset Crater tephra thickness and distribution, Chapter 8 presents recent paleomagnetic analyses used to date the Sunset Crater lava flows, and Appendix B gives a chronological summary of recent (Holocene period) volcano eruptions in the western United States and northern Mexico. Finally, a detailed paleoenvironmental reconstruction for the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in general is provided in Chapter 9. Climatic trends in precipitation and, for the first time in the southwestern United States, temperature are presented, along with implications for prehistoric adaptation.
Anthropological Papers No. 32, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, 2007
The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites, approximately 30 km (19 mi... more The U.S. 89 Archaeological Project investigated
41 prehistoric sites, approximately 30 km (19 miles)
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on Coconino
National Forest land, specifically the Peaks
Ranger District. The project was conducted by Desert
Archaeology, Inc., personnel for the Arizona Department
of Transportation prior to the widening and
improvement of 26.7 km (16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between
the southern boundary of Wupatki National
Monument in the north, to the town of Fernwood in
the south. Archaeological fieldwork occurred over
two primary field seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a
very brief field season in 1999. In all, close to 12 person-
years of labor were expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. Additionally, all project area
sites are within 25 km (16 miles) of Sunset Crater,
with the closest sites only 5-6 km (3-4 miles) west of
the volcano. Sunset Crater erupted for a very short
period (months to a few years) sometime between
A.D. 1050 and 1125. Basalt lava from the eruption
covered an area of approximately 8 km2, while another
2,300 km2 was covered by cinder and ash deposits.
Sunset Crater cinders were found on all project
area sites. An isopach map of cinder depth
constructed for this project indicates that, at a minimum,
the U.S. 89 sites were covered with 5-50 cm of
volcanic material, which had a significant impact on
prehistoric settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems. Prehistoric adaptations to environmental
variability, as well as to the Sunset Crater eruption,
were primary research themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the project
area. These include large, permanent habitations
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with two
to eight structures, single-room fieldhouses, limitedactivity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field
systems. A total of 73 structures was excavated, including
41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics by far the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation of the project area continuing into
the early to mid-A.D. 1100s. The most intensive
occupation was between A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate
time of the Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area crosses what has long been considered
to be a boundary between two distinct archaeological
culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, founder of the Museum of Northern
Arizona, first recognized this boundary in the
1930s, and placed it at Deadman Wash, which
crosses the approximate center of the U.S. 89 project
area. Although later researchers moved the boundary
to the Coconino Divide, approximately 8 km (5
miles) south of Deadman Wash, it is still well within
the current project area: about half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this point, and
about half lie to the north. This provides an excellent
opportunity to address the question of the cultural
affiliation of project area inhabitants, as well
as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas in
general. All project analysts were asked to examine
this issue in the context of their particular data sets.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in several Anthropological Papers of the Center
for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers
No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains background information
about the project and descriptions of the
41 investigated sites: Anthropological Papers No. 31
presents the results of the flaked stone, ground stone,
shell, animal bone, and mortuary analyses; and
Anthropological Papers No. 33 contains the environmental
analyses, with chapters on the botanical assemblage
(pollen and flotation studies), prehistoric
agriculture, the eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano,
and a detailed paleoenvironmental reconstruction.
Finally, the overall project synthesis and conclusions
are presented in Anthropological Papers No. 37. In
that volume, the data presented in the preceding volumes
are used to reconstruct the settlement, subsistence,
and economic systems of the prehistoric populations
that inhabited the U.S. 89 project area and
the Flagstaff area in general.
Results of the U.S. 89 project area ceramic analysis
are presented in this volume. The assemblage
contains 81,153 sherds, a raw laboratory count that
does not consider ceramic conjoins and refits. Thus,
it differs slightly from numbers used in most of the
analyses in this volume, which are based on minimum
number of vessels.
An overview of the U.S. 89 ceramic assemblage
is provided in Chapter 1, and the ceramic wares and
types found in the project area and the designations
used by the U.S. 89 project analysts are discussed in
Chapter 2. Chapter 3 presents the analysis of ceramic
form and function, specifically examining possible
differences in cultural affiliation. The results of the
petrographic research of ceramic temper, which suggests
ceramics are only being manufactured in the
southern half of the U.S. 89 project area, are discussed
in Chapter 4, while the significance of the
petrographic data to the U.S. 89 settlement is discussed
in Chapter 5.
Finally, all of the U.S. 89 ceramic data are synthesized
in Chapter 6, with a discussion of the project
research themes and general Flagstaff area ceramic
use; the implications of the ceramic assemblage in
reconstructing project area settlement patterns is also
discussed. Appendix A contains recorded ceramic
type data, by context, from all U.S. 89 sites that contained
ceramics, while Appendix B contains a specialized
study of the recovered worked sherds. The
remaining appendices (C-G) contain databases used
in the analyses of the assemblages discussed in the
volume chapters.
The function of prehistoric platform mounds in the American Southwest has been a subject of archa... more The function of prehistoric platform mounds in the American Southwest has been a subject of archaeological debate for more than 100 years. Two basic theories, each with several permutations, have been suggested: 1) platform mounds were the residential domains of elite leaders who ruled socially complex groups; or 2) platform mounds were nonresidential ceremonial centers used by groups of low social complexity. These theories have been based primarily on archaeological data because platform mounds were not constructed by any historic period Southwestern group and therefore, unlike the Southeast U.S. and other areas of the world, direct observational data on the function and use of the mounds are lacking. To better understand the nature of these features and the groups that used them, a cross-cultural analysis is undertaken of ethnographic or ethnohistoric platform mound-using groups from the Pacific Ocean region, South America, and the southeastern United States. Ethnographic and ethnohistoric data from nine groups are examined in detail, and common attributes of mound-using groups are abstracted and synthesized. Insights gained through this analysis are then applied to a prehistoric settlement system in the Eastern Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This system was most intensively occupied during the Roosevelt phase (A.D. 1250-1350), when it contained five platform mounds within a 6-km stretch of the Salt River. A new model for Roosevelt phase settlement is presented that suggests that the platform mounds were constructed by competing descent groups. Although the mounds were not residential, the groups that used them were socially complex with well defined, institutionalized leadership. Ethnographic and archaeological data suggest that the mounds played a role in the management of irrigation and other subsistence systems and were used to integrate groups of different enculturative backgrounds, to mark descent group territory, for resource redistribution, and are possibly related to ancestor worship. Significantly, the data also suggest that platform mounds are multifunctional and may not have served the same function even if they are morphologically identical. Functional differences occur both within a settlement system and between settlement systems. Platform mounds are also never abandoned as long as the groups that constructed them maintain control of the original territory, but remain an important part of group traditional history, which includes continued use of the mound area for ritual and other purposes.
Anthropological Papers No. 11, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, 1992
The Rye Creek Project involved testing and data recovery at 19 archaeological sites within the U... more The Rye Creek Project involved testing and data recovery at 19 archaeological sites within the Upper Tonto Basin of central Arizona. The project area is situated along a 5.4 mile (8.7 km) stretch of State Route 87, approximately 10 miles south of the town of Payson, Arizona, within the boundaries of the Tonto National Forest. The project was undertaken for the Arizona Department of Transportation prior to the realignment and expansion of State Route 87.
Thirteen sites were tested and then intensively investigated (Chapters 6, 7, 8, and 9) while six were only tested (Chapter 10). Considerable functional and temporal diversity was present; the sites ranged from small, isolated, single-room masonry structures and larger multi-room pueblos dating to the early Classic period (AD 1150-1300), to earlier Preclassic period (AD 750-1150) sites with subsurface pithouse architecture. The Preclassic period sites were for the most part more substantial; an analysis of the archaeological signatures of sedentism suggests that the majority of the Preclassic period sites were sedentary in nature (Chapter 26).-This contrasts with many of the Classic period sites which appear to have been seasonally occupied fieldhouses, although a larger, more permanently occupied (but severely disturbed) pueblo roomblock was also present. Given the traditional emphasis on Classic period sites in Tonto Basin archaeology (Chapter 3), this project represents one of the most complete investigations to date of the less well known Preclassic period. The Deer Creek site (AZ 0:15:52) contained 17 pithouses and dated primarily to the Gila Butte phase (AD 750-850) with a possibly earlier Snaketown phase (AD 650-750) component (Chapter 7). This is now one of the earliest excavated ceramic period sites within the Tonto Basin (Note: this statement must now be modified based on the more recent excavation of the Eagle Ridge site in the Roosevelt Community Development Study in the Lower Tonto Basin, which dates to the Early Ceramic period, ca. AD 100-600; see Elson and Lindeman 1994). Limited testing on a volunteer basis was also undertaken at Rye Creek Ruin (AZ 0:15:1) which, while probably originating during the early Classic period, dates primarily to the late Classic period Gila phase (AD 1300-1450) (Chapter 27). Rye Creek Ruin is one of the largest permanently occupied sites in the Tonto Basin, containing around 150 masonry rooms and two platform mounds. The site was undoubtedly the focus of the Classic period settlement of the Upper Tonto Basin.
The long temporal span of project area sites, running from ca. AD 650/750 to AD 1300 (and with the inclusion of Rye Creek Ruin, possibly as late as AD 1450), allowed for diachronic modeling of prehistoric settlement and subsistence systems within the Upper Tonto Basin (Chapters 4 and 28). Most significantly, the data strongly suggest that the Upper Basin was occupied by an indigenous population who interacted with neighboring populations while remaining culturally discrete. Changes through time in the intensity and direction of interaction networks are clearly apparent, although the overall intensity is believed to have been relatively limited. The earliest inhabitants, ca. AD 700-1000, were tied in most closely with Hohokam groups to the south, although the absence of a Hohokam mortuary complex suggests that the inhabitants were not culturally Hohokam. Sometime shortly after AD 1000/1050, interaction with Hohokam populations ended or was severely curtailed, while interaction with Tusayan populations to the north increased (Chapter 12). The source of this interaction is suggested to be the Flagstaff area. Interaction with Tusayan populations appears to have ended by around AD 1100 or 1150 at the start of the Classic period. Tusayan ceramics are first replaced by Little Colorado white wares and later by Cibola white wares. Rye Creek Ruin appears to have been initially settled during the early Classic period, although there are some indications of an earlier Preclassic period occupation (Chapters 27 and 28). The most intensive occupation was during the late Classic period Gila phase. Given the paucity of sedentary sites within the project area and the Upper Tonto Basin in general during the late Classic period, it is suggested that the Gila phase was a period of population aggregation into Rye Creek Ruin from the surrounding area.
Therefore, unlike previous models of Tonto Basin settlement, the data indicate that there is little need to invoke colonization or migration models to account for the initial settlement of the Upper Tonto Basin. Furthermore, occupation within the Upper Basin was more-or-Iess continuous, at least from the Snaketown or Gila Butte phase through the late Classic period; the notion of a Sacaton phase (ca. AD 900-1100) hiatus originally proposed by the Gladwins (1935) can be finally put to rest. How these data relate to the Lower Tonto Basin, which is closer to the Hohokam core area and in a more similar desert riverine environmental zone, remains unknown. However, our data suggest that while there may have been limited migration into the Tonto Basin from points south and north, the Upper Basin was occupied primarily by an indigenous population who participated in various interaction networks, the nature of which changed through time.
Tonto National Monument, in the Tonto Basin of
central Arizona, contains two well-known cliff dwe... more Tonto National Monument, in the Tonto Basin of central Arizona, contains two well-known cliff dwelling sites: the Upper Ruin (AZ U:8:49 [ASM]) and the Lower Ruin and South and North Annex (AZ U:8:47 [ASM]). The integrity of both of these sites, but particularly the Upper Ruin, is threatened by natural deterioration and continued ground disturbance from rodent and water action. Mitigating these disturbances may entail subsurface archaeological excavation in future years. The research design presented in this volume is designed to guide future archaeological work at Tonto National Monument by relating the cliff dwellings to the larger sphere of Tonto Basin research and archaeological research in the American Southwest in general. Seven research themes are presented that are believed to be applicable to data recovered from the cliff dwellings. The significance of each theme, appropriate sampling methods, and how the theme is related to Historic Contexts established by the Arizona State Historic Preservation Office and the Tonto National Forest are discussed.
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) is intended to examine the developmental sequence... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) is intended to examine the developmental sequence of the prehistoric agriculturalists of the Tonto Basin. This project was one of three archaeological data recovery projects undertaken for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of Roosevelt Dam in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. The RCD project involved an investigation of the nature of Preclassic settlement in the Basin, a consideration of the Preclassic to Classic period transition, and a look at the initial development of the platform mound complex. Desert Archaeology was selected to perform this study, which is focused on a continuous 4-mile study area along the north side of the Salt River at the east end of Roosevelt Lake. This area contains three large Classic period sites. Two of these sites have platform mounds, and the third site may contain over 100 masonry rooms. From west to east these large sites are the centers of the Griffin Wash, Pyramid Point, and Meddler Point site complexes. In all, 29 sites will be sampled (Figure 1.2). This volume presents the research design for the RCD project.
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites i... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) includes the artifact and environmental analyses; and this volume, Anthropological Papers No. 15, presents the synthesis and conclusions.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (AD. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site to the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project area was most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time. The RCD project area was largely abandoned by AD. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites.
The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
This volume synthesizes data recovered from the RCD excavations to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin. This includes the integration of data produced by approximately 20 person-years of fieldwork. More than 150,000 artifacts and 300 botanical samples were recovered and analyzed, and reams of nonartifactual data dealing with architecture and other feature types and deposits were produced. Basic site descriptive data and the results of artifact analyses and botanical studies have been presented in previous RCD volumes and are synthesized in the various chapters of this volume. These data are used as a vehicle for discussing a number of issues central to our present understanding and future study of Tonto Basin prehistory. These include issues related to the scale of local systems; the impact of effective environment; processes of migration, interaction and integration; and the significance of cultural diversity.
To briefly summarize, our findings suggest that the Lower Tonto Basin was inhabited between the second and seventh centuries A.D. by an indigenous, ceramic-using population that probably derived from local Late Archaic/Early Agricultural period groups. This population had the closest affinities with contemporaneous groups in the Mogollon Highlands and was distinct from groups within the Phoenix and Tucson basins. Phoenix Basin groups, probably from the Gila River area, migrated into a sparsely populated Tonto Basin sometime during the Colonial period of the eighth century A.D. and established a permanent settlement at Meddler Point. The Meddler Point settlement slowly expanded and interacted with local Tonto Basin groups over the next 250 years, but it still participated in the Hohokam regional system. Relations with the Phoenix Basin area were curtailed at some point during the eleventh century A.D., when the Hohokam regional system retracted and was reorganized. The retraction of that network, along with the expansion of the Chaco system, resulted in increased interaction of Tonto Basin populations with groups to the north and east of the Basin that were producing Cibola White Ware ceramics. An increase in cotton production in the Tonto Basin at approximately the same time suggests that cotton may have been exchanged for white ware vessels. Following established trade connections, migrant pueblo populations entered the Lower Tonto Basin in the mid-to-Iate thirteenth century A.D. Classic period. migration into the Tonto Basin was probably in response to environmental stress and conflict in various portions of the northern Southwest.
The presence of diverse cultural groups, an increasing population to feed, and communication needs are suggested reasons that local populations constructed platform mounds around A.D. 1280. Platform mounds in the RCD project area are believed to be nonresidential, integrative features with a religious or ideological focus. For reasons unknown, but most likely related to continuing environmental and social stress, this system failed within 50 years. All settlements within the RCD project area were abandoned by A.D. 1325. Some groups probably moved to the large settlement at Schoolhouse Point excavated by Arizona State University; most of the population, however, apparently left the eastern Tonto Basin at this time.
Data recovered from the RCD Study have thus refined our understanding of the developmental sequence of the Tonto Basin. Our research has changed some ideas about this sequence, but in other cases, our investigations support previous research. This is particularly true in the case of the Colonial and Classic period migrations, originally proposed by archaeologists from Gila Pueblo in the late 1930s and early 1940s. One of the most important contributions of the RCD Study has been the thorough documentation, with an intensively excavated data set, of chronology, settlement patterns, subsistence practices, architectural sequences, artifact technology, and temporal change. We hope that the other major contribution of the RCD Study lies in the conceptual realm. RCD studies have suggested alternative ways
of viewing the prehistoric past, using archaeologically appropriate concepts that are closely linked to human behavior. The success of these contributions will be measured by the degree to which they aid Tonto Basin archaeologists in the future, from both theoretical and methodological perspectives.
Citation:
Elson, Mark D., Miriam T. Stark, and David A. Gregory (eds)
1995 The Roosevelt Community Development Study: New Perspectives on Tonto Basin Prehistory. Anthropological Papers No. 15, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson.
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites i... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (these two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) contains the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents the synthesis and conclusions. The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These include two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites); Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic Horizon (AD. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and it provides definitive evidence for an indigenous pre-Hohokam population. The project area was the most intensively inhabited during the early Classic period Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. It was largely abandoned by A.D. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites. The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, 6 sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, while an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites. The two volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 13 present the project background and provide descriptive information on the excavation and testing of these sites. Found within these volumes are site and feature descriptions, site and feature maps, general artifact data, and preliminary interpretations of the individual sites. Oversized maps from the Meddler Point site are included as a separate bound map supplement to Volume 2 (not included here but available at archaeologysouthwest.org). More specific artifact data and analyses can be found in the three volumes that make up Anthropological Papers No. 14, particularly Volume 2 which explores the ceramic assemblage in detail. Anthropological Papers No. 15 integrates these data to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin.
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites i... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (these two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) contains the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents the synthesis and conclusions. The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These include two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic Horizon (AD. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin, and it provides definitive evidence for an indigenous pre-Hohokam population. The project area was the most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. It was largely abandoned by AD. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites. The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, 6 sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, while an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites. The two volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 13 present
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites i... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) includes the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents the synthesis and conclusions. The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (A.D. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (A.D. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project area was the most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time. The RCD project area was largely abandoned by A.D. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites. The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites. The three volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 14 present the artifact and environmental analyses. More than 150,000 artifacts were recovered from the RCD excavations. This volume (Volume 1) includes analyses of the chipped stone (Chapter 1), ground stone (Chapter 2), jewelry and personal ornament (Chapter 3), and shell (Chapter 4) assemblages. The ceramic artifact assemblage is examined in Volume 2, and Volume 3 presents an analysis of the paleobotanical and osteolOgical data. More specific information on the individual sites and the project background can be found in Anthropological Papers No. 13. Anthropological Papers No. 15 integrates and synthesizes these data to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoriC occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin.
This volume presents the ceramic analyses undertaken as part of the Roosevelt Community Developme... more This volume presents the ceramic analyses undertaken as part of the Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD), which involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in a four-mile continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River, in the lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. The volume was edited by James M. Heidke and Miriam T. Stark. Although I am not an author of the volume, it is included here as a courtesy to the readers because it is a critical component of the overall project research.
Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, likely cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (A.D. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (A.D. 1250-1350) of the Classic period.
The Center for Desert Archaeology's Anthropological Papers No. 14 (Volume 2) is the project's ceramic artifact report. The volume's organization and chapter thumbnails are presented in Chapter 5 (Stark and Heidke), and Chapter 6 (Heidke) offers an overview of the RCD ceramic collection. Temporal trends in the buffware and decorated brownware ceramics (Henry D. Wallace, Chapter 7), nonbuffware decorated ceramics (Andrew L. Christenson, Chapter 8), utilitarian ceramic temper (Elizabeth Miksa and Heidke, Chapter 9), and utilitarian ceramic manufacturing technology (Stark, Chapter 10) are then reviewed. Chapter 11 (Stark) places the early plainware pottery recovered from one RCD site in the context of the Greater Southwest. Chapter 12 (Stark, James M. Vint, and Heidke) uses temper and paste composition data to probe the origins of the inhabitants of one early Colonial period RCD site. Chapter 13 (Deborah L. Swartz) investigates the relationship between shaped ceramic and stone disks and the evidence for textile production recovered from the project. Chapter 14 (Stark) explores the relationship between utilitarian vessel form and function, and that study leads into the discussion of technological style and methods for addressing cultural identity using utilitarian ceramics that is presented in Chapter 15 (Stark). Chapter 16 (Stark and Heidke) uses a characterization of early Classic period utilitarian ceramic production, distribution, and consumption to model prehistoric Tonto Basin interaction. Finally, Chapter 17 (Heidke and Stark) summarizes the results of the chronological, technological, and economic studies given throughout the volume and places them in the context of the project area's settlement over time. Location: http://core.tdar.org/document/378206 More Info: Co-edited with Miriam T. Stark. Available through the Digital Archaeological Record (see "Location" link) Publisher: Center for Desert Archaeology Organization: Desert Archaeology, Inc. Publication Date: 1995 Publication Name: The Roosevelt Community Development Study, Volume 2: Ceramic Chronology, Technology, and Economics Research Interests: Pottery (Archaeology), Ceramic Ana
The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites i... more The Roosevelt Community Development Study (RCD) involved the testing and excavation of 27 sites in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) includes the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents the synthesis and conclusions. The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These included two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites); a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site); smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site); and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (AD. 100-600), at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project area was inhabited most intensively during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, pueblo room blocks, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time, and migration is believed to have been a significant process in Tonto Basin prehistory. The RCD project area was largely abandoned by AD. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites. TIle mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites. The three volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 14 contain the artifact and environmental analyses. More than 150,000 artifacts were recovered from the RCD excavations. This volume (Volume 3) presents the paleobotanical and osteological data. Included are analyses of the pollen (Chapter 18), flotation (Chapter 19), faunal (Chapter 20), and mortuary (Chapter 21) assemblages. Data from the subsistence analyses are combined and synthesized in Chapter 22. Volume 1 of Anthropological Papers No. 14 presents the analyses of the chipped stone, ground stone, jewelry and personal ornament, and shell assemblages. The ceramic artifact assemblage is examined in Volume 2. More specific information on the individual sites and the project background can be found in Anthropological Papers No. 13. Anthropological Papers No. 15 integrates and synthesizes these data to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin. I
Archaeological Investigations at the Tanque Verde Wash site, a Middle Rincon settlement in the eastern Tucson Basin, 1986
Excavations by the Institute for American Research at the Tanque Verde Wash site (AZ BB: 13:68 [A... more Excavations by the Institute for American Research at the Tanque Verde Wash site (AZ BB: 13:68 [ASM]) uncovered a nearly complete segment of a single component Middle Rincon subphase (A.D. 1000-1100) hamlet. The site was located along Tanque Verde Wash, the largest permanent drainage within the eastern Tucson Basin. Nineteen pithouses, three trash mounds, and 66 extramural features were recovered within a 2500 square meter area.
The excavation methodology, which involved the complete excavation of all major features and the stripping of large areas of extramural space, allows for a detailed investigation into Hohokam settlement of this area. The site contained a wealth of cultural remains. Approximately 70 percent of the structures burned, many with complete floor assemblages. Numerous whole vessels, flaked and ground stone tools, shell and ceramic jewelry, and over 250,000 seeds and other ethnobotanical remains, were recovered. A single storage structure, Feature 19 , contained the majority of the ethnobotanical material, along with 18 reconstructible vessels, basket and matting fragments, several palettes, and other artifacts.
The recovery of a large number of Middle Rincon sherds and whole vessels allowed for a refinement of the 100 year Middle Rincon subphase into three periods through the use of multidimensional scaling techniques. These data are used in conjunction with other chronological indicators to structure the site into contemporaneous sets of courtyard groups or pithouse clusters. A wide range of extramural activities are also documented.
The nearly complete excavation and data recovery, along with detailed petrographic analysis of the ceramic assemblage, also allows for an in-depth examination of trade and exchange within the Tucson Basin. The data indicate that the majority of the Tanque Verde Wash ceramics were not manufactured locally but instead were imported from the Santa Cruz River area in the western Tucson Basin. A flow-rate analysis is conducted on the ceramic assemblage.
As a related analysis, settlement patterns within the eastern Tucson Basin are examined through a detailed investigation of all eastern Basin sites recorded to date. This study represents the first in-depth synthesis of this material. Several models for settlement are presented and the data are compared with previous settlement models developed for the Santa Cruz River area in the western Tucson Basin.
The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eas... more The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eastern Tucson Basin, approximately 25 km east of the large riverine settlements along the Santa Cruz River. The northwest locus of the site was investigated during the current project for the City of Tucson prior to residential development, complementing previous investigations in the southeast locus. Including all work at the site, 57 pithouses have now been sampled or completely excavated, in addition to 43 mortuary features and hundreds of extramural pits. The occupation likely began during the Rillito phase (A.D. 850-950) and continued into the transitional Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1100-1200). The most intensive occupation was during the Middle Rincon phase (A.D. 1000-1100), particularly during the Middle Rincon 2 (A.D. 1040-1080) and Middle Rincon 3 (A.D. 1080-1100) subphases.
Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase also suggests it was during this time that aggregation began.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in
significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Significantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus, raising the possibility that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
This report presents the results of Desert Archaeology's excavation of 27 cultural features: 24 m... more This report presents the results of Desert Archaeology's excavation of 27 cultural features: 24 mortuary features, all of them secondary cremations, and three extramural (non-burial) pits in the central Tucson Basin. The excavated cremations date to the Hohokam Pioneer and Colonial periods (A.D. 500-950). One of the cremations, Feature 1028 (the "Artisan"), contained a spectacular assemblage of artifacts, thought to be one of the largest and most diverse sets of artifacts ever excavated by archaeologists from a Tucson Basin Hohokam cremation. This feature is described in detail and reasons for the preponderance of grave goods are examined.
Technical Report No. 86-6. Institute for American Research, Tucson, Arizona., 1986
Mapping, surface collection, and testing at the Valencia site (AZ BB:13:15 [ASM]), a large prehis... more Mapping, surface collection, and testing at the Valencia site (AZ BB:13:15 [ASM]), a large prehistoric Hohokam ballcourt village in the Tucson Basin, provided a wealth of new and significant information. More than 20,000 artifacts were recovered through the controlled collection of 305 25 m by 25 m and 50 m by 50 m grid units. These data allowed for a reconstruction of the site chronology and site structure, and indicated that the Valencia site was initially occupied during the Snaketown phase and continued through the
Early Rincon subphase. Occupation drastically decreased during the Middle Rincon subphase and the site was essentially abandoned by the Late Rincon subphase. An isolated and discrete component in the southern section of the site was tested through backhoe trench excavation to determine the significance of this area and the location of the
southern site boundary. Twenty-six subsurface features were recorded in trenches spaced 50 m apart. These included 20 pithouses and it is estimated that the southern component
contained a substantial occupation during the Rillito phase; as many as 60 to 85 houses are predicted to be present. The southern boundary of the site was defined through the testing.
John M. Andresen , Brian F. Byrd , Mark D. Elson , Randall H. McGuire , Ruben G. Mendoza , Edward Staski & J. Peter White (1981): The deer hunters: Star Carr reconsidered, World Archaeology, 13:1, 31-46
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Papers by Mark Elson
Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platform
mound village situated in the southern Tucson Basin.
The site has been known to the archaeological
community since 1929. Since that time, portions of
it have undergone archaeological survey and excavation.
To date, including the current project, archaeological
investigations have identified 154 prehistoric
cultural features at the site. Recovered feature
types include: 2 pithouses, 19 adobe-walled pit structures,
12 adobe-walled surface structures, a possible
platform mound (with another on private property
east of the current project area), 23 secondary cremations,
1 inhumation, and numerous extramural
pits and portions of adobe walls that may represent
adobe-walled surface structures or adobe compounds
that likely contain multiple rooms.
The present project was conducted by Desert Archaeology,
Inc., personnel for Tucson Water and the
City of Tucson in advance of waterline installation.
Two alternate alignments were proposed by Tucson
Water—Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route
2—both of which could potentially impact cultural
resources at the Zanardelli site, a nearby agricultural
rock-pile field, AZ BB:13:315 (ASM), and two small
artifact scatters, AZ BB:13:268 (ASM) and AZ
BB:13:521 (ASM) (see Figures 1.1-1.3). The two alternate
routes underwent Phase 1 archaeological
data recovery in January 2016 (Elson and Swartz
2016a; Swartz 2015). Based on the much lower density
of discovered subsurface cultural resources in
Alternate Route 2, Tucson Water selected this as the
preferred alignment.
The results of Phase 2 data recovery within Alternate
Route 2 is the focus of this report; the results
of the Phase 1 excavations in both Alternate Route 1
and Alternate Route 2 are presented in Appendix A
(this volume; see also Elson and Swartz 2016a). The
other sites were found to be outside the defined
project area and were therefore not further investigated
after Phase 1.
Phase 2 data recovery in Alternate Route 2 was
conducted 4-11 April 2016. Two backhoe strip
trenches were investigated along the eastern edge
of Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) within the Zanardelli
site boundary, one in the northern portion of the
project area and one in the southern portion. Because
the footprint of the planned ground disturbance activities
was small, and due to prior disturbance
through installation of a waterline and fiber-optics
cable, only approximately 30 m2 of undisturbed deposits
were available for archaeological excavation.
Within this small area, 10 primary prehistoric cultural
features were discovered, including portions
of 4 adobe-walled pit structures, 2 large pits, and 2
small pits in the northern trench; two extramural
surfaces were excavated in the southern trench.
Ceramic temporal data indicate the Phase 2
project area was occupied during the Classic period,
primarily the late Classic period Tucson phase (A.D.
1300-1450), based on dating two of the adobe-walled
pit-structures and a large pit (see Table 1.1 for Tucson
Basin phase systematics). Previous research at
the Zanardelli site strongly suggests the northern
Desert Archaeology trench (Trench Unit 311) was
located between two platform mounds—the only
two remaining mounds at the site from an unknown
number destroyed by modern development—and
was therefore situated in the central district of the
site, or as it is also called, the mound precinct. No
mortuary features were identified during either
Phase 1 or Phase 2 investigations, although 16 fragments
of isolated human bone were repatriated to
the Tohono O’odham Nation per the project burial
agreement.
Data recovered during the current project support
previous research that strongly indicates the
Zanardelli site was a large, riverine, Hohokam Classic
period village situated along the Santa Cruz
River. Data from all Zanardelli projects suggest general
use of the site area may have begun as early as
the pre-Classic Snaketown or Cañada del Oro
phases, circa A.D. 700-850, given the occurrence of
isolated sherds that date to this time. However, the
earliest features excavated to date are a single pit
and several pit structures that date to the Late Rincon
phase (A.D. 1100-1150), or more likely, the Late
Rincon-Tanque Verde phase (circa A.D. 1100-1200)
transition.
This, in conjunction with a significant increase
in the quantity of recovered Late Rincon Red-onbrown
ceramics as compared with earlier wares,
suggests the primary, or most intensive, occupation
began during this transitional pre-Classic to Classic
period, although high population densities were
likely not reached until the mid- to late Classic period
Tanque Verde phase or early Tucson phase. A
Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase population aggregation
into the Zanardelli site area fits well with
other recent Tucson Basin research that suggests
settlement shifts once thought to have occurred during
the early Classic period instead have their genesis
during the late pre-Classic Late Rincon phase.
Figures 5.1-5.3 combine data from this and previous
investigations, showing the extent of excavated
features (Figure 5.1), structure type (Figure
5.2), and structures through time (Figure 5.3). These
figures are included here to assess site structure and
to summarize this and previous investigations for
future research at the site.
Dating the 33 individual structures with temporal
information shows an even distribution during
the Classic period, with 12 structures dating to the
Tanque Verde phase and 13 structures dating to the
Tucson phase. Two structures, both pithouses, were
dated to the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase transition,
while another six structures could only be
dated to the general Classic period. Although there
is a general temporal sequence in the Tucson Basin
from pithouses to adobe-walled pit structures to
adobe-walled surface structures (see Haury 1928;
Zahniser 1966), recent research indicates all three of
these structure types were constructed throughout
the Classic period and can be contemporaneous. This
is supported by the Zanardelli data, where adobe
surface structures and adobe pit structures date to
both the Tanque Verde and Tucson phases. Thus,
architecture alone in the absence of additional temporal
information cannot be used for dating purposes.
The presence of at least two platform mounds,
and probably more, is a clear indication that the
Zanardelli site was a major village. The site probably
functioned in the integration of a set of related
smaller villages, farmsteads, and fieldhouse sites into
a larger community system. The nature of this integrative
mechanism is unclear, although it is not
likely related to the presence of Salado polychrome
(Roosevelt Red Ware) ceramics and obsidian artifacts,
which have been suggested to represent participation
in a pan-southern Southwest regional social
network (see Borck and Mills 2017). Neither artifact
type was recovered from the current project
area, even though the majority of the features date
to the Tucson phase, a time when Salado polychrome
ceramics and obsidian were widespread.
Very few Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian
artifacts have been recovered from previous
investigations; the Salado wares comprise less than
1.0 percent of the decorated ceramics recovered from
all subsurface excavations. Tucson Polychrome or
Tucson Black-on-Red, another late Classic period
ware found in the Tucson Basin, is also generally
absent from the site, and similar to the frequency of
Salado polychrome. Instead, Sells Red, a red ware
ceramic thought to have been made in the
Papaguería region west of Tucson, was recovered
in a higher frequency than at platform mound villages
in the central and northern Tucson Basin.
Given this, along with the overall lack of Salado
polychrome and Maverick Mountain series ceramics,
obsidian artifacts, and extrabasinal ceramic trade
wares, the Zanardelli site appears to be unusual for
a large Tucson Basin riverine platform mound village.
The data tentatively suggest the Zanardelli inhabitants
were focused on interaction with groups
and resources to the south and west, which is unlike
all other large Classic period villages in the Tucson
Basin, which tend to be focused internally into
the Tucson Basin and to the north and east.
iv Abstract
Volcano eruptions are some of the most powerful natural phenomena, with impacts extending far beyond the zone of physical destruction. As ethnographic and archaeological data attest, volcano eruptions can act upon social groups as catalysts, as processes, and sometimes as terminating factors. Within a span of at most 100 years, two volcanoes – Sunset Crater and Little Springs -- situated only 200 km apart, erupted in the northern Southwest U.S., significantly altering the physical landscape and the psychological worldview of the prehistoric inhabitants. Recent chemical assays, dendrochronological information, and ceramic typological data place the eruptions sometime in the late 11th century A.D. , with Sunset Crater most likely erupting in the period between A.D. 1085-1090 (and note that the well-entrenched A.D. 1064 date for the eruption of Sunset Crater is no longer believed to be accurate). At the time of the eruptions, both areas were inhabited by small groups of similar pueblo-building dry-land farmers, living in the transitional pinyon-ponderosa pine forests of northern Arizona.
Sunset Crater has long been posited to have played a significant role in post-eruptive social, demographic, and technological change, including population displacement, large-scale migration, and the development of new technologies to undertake agriculture in areas now covered with thin layers of ash and cinders. The volcano refugees who left the Sunset Crater area and settled (or founded?) the prehistoric sites in Wupatki National Monument soon constructed the largest and most complex pueblo villages in the region. Recent research shows that the Little Springs eruption also played a played a role in migration and settlement restructuring, but instead of abandonment, the lava flows were re-occupied, most likely as a defensive refuge. Other social and natural factors such as ritual, the proximity of nearby kin or trade-partners, and environmental conditions, likely also played a role in this process. This paper discusses the differences in adaptive behavior between local populations in the Sunset Crater and Little Springs areas, much of which is based on the different nature of the two eruptions, but in each case, the adaptations were highly successful. Major catastrophic events permanently alter natural and cultural landscapes, requiring significant behavioral change for survival.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there is evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation. Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible, if not likely, that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. The burial of dogs in what appear to be defined cemeteries often located near the edges of the larger human cemeteries also suggests that dogs were respected and considered to be more than work animals or a source of food -- of the 34 recovered dog burials, none contained evidence for butchering and subsequent consumption.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for canal system headgates, allowing the flow of water from the Santa Cruz River to be monitored and adjusted as needed. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the river. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this area. The Marana platform mound site and Furrey’s Ranch platform mound site were associated with adjacent reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach, meaning that the flow of water for these irrigation communities could not be directly regulated by the platform mound villages, nor could the inhabitants of the Yuma Wash site directly regulate the water flow reaching the platform mound villages, except through alliances or force.
The two chapters included on this page -- Chapters 14 and 15 -- synthesize data from Desert Archaeology's 2008 excavations and provide interpretative analyses to support our reconstruction of Classic period (ca. A.D. 1150-1450(?)) life on the Santa Cruz River. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of this large village site. The Hohokam Classic period has long been known to be a period of relatively dramatic change, most visible in the aggregation of a relatively large number of pre-Classic and early Classic period sites into six large platform mound villages, with all but one located on the Santa Cruz River. At the same time, we see a reduction in the size of economic and exchange systems, particularly pottery, which becomes very localized, changing from a relatively widespread network, with most of the decorated pottery in the Tucson Basin originating from only three or four areas (petrofacies) on the Santa Cruz River in central Tucson, to one of smaller subregions with more limited distributions. We interpret the Classic period as a time of stress, both social and almost certainly environmental, with the subregional patterning likely indicative of the importance of knowing one's neighbors, and knowing them well, as a form of alliance and community protection. We suggest that at least in the Tucson Basin, but likely throughout the Southwest U.S., it is time to revive earlier models from the turn of the 20th century through the late 1960s that proposes that conflict, or the threat of conflict, was more of a prime mover in culture change than currently believed.
The presence or threat of conflict is suggested by a number of variables: 1) settlement aggregation, and particularly the movement of many sites out of the open floodplain to the terraces above the floodplain; 2) the occupation of defensive site locations, such as trincheras sites or at least nearby areas where the movement of "strangers" could be observed; 3) the construction of platform mounds, which unlike the ballcourts that preceded them, were restricted in access and almost certainly related to status of either the individual leader or the leader's group; and 4) the likely presence of migrant groups from areas both north and south of the Tucson Basin, which is known to put stress on local populations, particularly local populations living in an area with limited precipitation and therefore dependent on irrigation agriculture. Irrigation agriculture at the scale practiced in the Tucson Basin almost certainly would have required leadership, food surplus, and a relatively large amount of cooperation both within, and possibly between, groups. And finally, although not stated in our chapter and admittedly highly subjective and speculative (and also highly subject to criticism, but isn't that what science is for?), the senior author believes that intergroup conflict, or even the threat of conflict, is an important and significant variable in the behavior and survival of human populations, one that is also an important and relatively well-documented variable in the behavior of other higher primates. I find it very interesting, and to me, likely significant, that there is a clear correlation with the loss of "conflict" as a viable hypotheses and the escalation of the Vietnam War. As strongly as we (meaning Anthropologists) are supposedly trained in cultural relativity and objective scientific observation, we are still very much a product of our culture.
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence and during the Early Agricultural and Early Ceramic periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
The initial data recovery of the Silverbell Road alignment was conducted by Old Pueblo Archaeology Center (OPAC). OPAC investigated five sites within the Silverbell Road right-of-way and completed data recovery at AZ AA:12:313 (ASM). Three of the remaining four sites were separated solely by modern channels of Yuma Wash, and for the Desert Archaeology project were considered loci of the Yuma Wash site, although they retained their three original ASM site numbers: AZ AA:12:122 (ASM), AZ AA:12:311 (ASM) and AZ AA:12:312 (ASM). The last site, AZ AA:12:314 (ASM) was situated at the southern end of the project area with only a small portion of it within the right-of-way. A canal site, AZ AA:12:1047 (ASM), likely dating to the Classic period, was also discovered during the Desert Archaeology investigations. The Historic period occupation of the Yuma Wash site includes the Bojórquez-Aguirre Ranch structures that dated to the late 1800s. Data recovery of the historic occupation was covered by the OPAC investigations.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site and AA:12:314, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there was evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation, which are discussed in detail in this chapter (Ch. 14) and the final concluding chapter (Ch. 15). Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be absolutely contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest. Little evidence of manufacturing or trade was seen in the much smaller assemblage from site AA:12:314.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. Interestingly, the burials of domestic dogs were also frequently clustered, and some of these clusters were near the edges of the larger human cemeteries.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on the bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for headgate construction for canal systems. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the Santa Cruz. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this reach. The Marana mound site and Furrey’s Ranch mound were associated with the reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach so were in irrigation communities adjacent to the one in which the Yuma Wash site is located.
The Yuma Wash report contains results from the Desert Archaeology, Inc. excavations conducted in 2008. Chapter 14, by Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson, describes the site structure and chronology. Chapter 15, by Mark D. Elson and Deborah L. Swartz, also included on this Academia.edu website, presents the final interpretations and discussion of the site, focusing on Classic period settlement of a large permanently inhabited village in the Tucson Basin and how the Yuma Wash site interacted and was integrated into neighboring Classic period occupations. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of the site. A set of supplemental data associated with this project can be found at http://www.archaeologysouthwest.org/store/anthropological-papers/ap49.html.
In contrast to ballcourts, platform mounds were closed features with restricted access and may have served as a stage for ritual activities and resource redistribution, although some mounds may have also had elite residential functions. Whether platform mounds were residential, functioning as "homes" for the elite, or whether they were largely vacant ceremonial centers used for ritual purposes, has been the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the past 100 years and will likely continue to be the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the next 100 years. The mounds consisted of rooms on top of an elevated 2-3 m high deliberately-constructed platform, sometimes involving thousands of cubic meters of fill and tens of thousands of person-days in the labor energy needed for construction. These were very ostentatious features that would have been extremely prominent on the flat desert basin landscape (no other Hohokam structure is higher than a single story) and they were clearly constructed to be seen and to convey a powerful message. Classic period platform mounds (to differentiate this form from earlier pre-Classic period "dance" mounds) were initially constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 1200 or 1250 and lasted until A.D. 1350-1450 (or possibly as late as 1475-1500), when it becomes difficult to both trace the Hohokam archaeologically and to place them in a secure temporal framework. The mounds almost certainly marked group territory and were symbols of status, with those responsible for directing the construction showing the world that they commanded the power and the surplus food and labor needed to lead their people to create such structures. Interestingly, unlike ballcourts, whose construction and use may be related to the subsurface origin of the people, platform mounds extend into the sky, which cross-cultural ethnographic data suggest is highly status-related, with the higher (or larger) the structure, the higher the status.
The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eastern Tucson Basin, approximately 25 km east of the large riverine settlements along the Santa Cruz River. The northwest locus of the site was investigated during the current project for the City of Tucson prior to residential development, complementing previous investigations in the southeast locus. Including all archaeological work at the site to date, 57 pithouses have now been sampled or completely excavated, in addition to 43 mortuary features and hundreds of extramural pits of varying function. The occupation likely began during the Rillito phase (A.D. 850-950) and continued into the transitional Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1100-1200). The most intensive occupation was during the Middle Rincon phase (A.D. 1000-1100), particularly during the Middle Rincon 2 (A.D. 1040-1080) and Middle Rincon 3 (A.D. 1080-1100) subphases. Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. As noted, these are minimum numbers and the actual extent of the occupation was almost certainly larger. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase is similar to patterns seen throughout the Tucson Basin at this time and suggests that the "Classic period aggregation" actually began during the end of the preClassic period.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (defined as being within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments and possibly other forms of mica-based jewelry.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Perhaps most importantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus. The presence of significant material differences between household-level assemblages suggests that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
Sunset Crater, near Flagstaff, Arizona, produced about 8 km2 lava flow fields and a ∼ 2300-km2 tephra blanket in an area that had been settled by prehistoric groups for at least 1000 years. Local subsistence relied on agriculture, primarily maize, and > 30 cm tephra cover rendered 265 km2 of prime land unfarmable. This area was apparently abandoned for at least several generations. A > 500-km2 area was probably marked by collapsed roofs and other structural damage from the fallout. If the eruption occurred during the agricultural season, the fallout would also have significantly damaged crops. The eruption did have some benefits to local groups because lower elevation land, which had previously been too dry to farm, became agriculturally productive due to 3–8 cm of tephra ‘mulch’ and some temporary soil nutrient improvements. This previously uninhabited land became the site of significant year-round settlement and farming, eventually containing some of the largest pueblo structures ever built in the region. New agricultural techniques were developed to manage the fallout mulch. The eruption also affected ceramic production and trading patterns, and volcano-related ritual behavior – the production of maize-impressed lava-spatter agglutinate – was initiated.
Little Springs Volcano, about 200 km northwest of Sunset Crater, is a small spatter rampart around a series of vents that produced about 5 km2 of lava flow fields, about 1 km2 of land severely affected by ballistic fall, and no significant tephra fall. The small area affected resulted in much less disruption of human activities than at Sunset Crater. Farming was still possible right up to the edge of the lava flows, which became attractive sites for settlements. Most sites along the lava flows have habitation and storage structures at the base of the flow and a series of small, apparently little-used, structures on the blocky lava flow above. These lava surface structures may have been defensive in nature. In addition, trails were constructed on the blocky lava flow surface. These trails, whose access points are difficult to recognize from below, appear to have been used for rapid movement across the flows, and may also have been defensive in nature. Spatter-agglutinate blocks containing ceramic sherds within them, similar to the maize-impressed spatter agglutinate at Sunset Crater, were made at Little Springs and carried to a nearby habitation site.
In arid and semiarid lands such as northern Arizona, tephra fall is a mixed blessing. Thick cinder blankets (> 20–30 cm) render land uninhabitable, but thinner (3–8 cm) deposits can serve to conserve soil moisture, regulate soil temperature (thus lengthening the growing season), and, by lowering soil pH, provide a temporary (decades to a century or two) increase in available phosphorus, an important nutrient for growth. The mulch opened up new lands for settlement but likely only lasted for a century or two before reworking reduced its effects. A significant drop in population of the settlements in the cinder-mulch area around A.D. 1250 suggests that 150 years was the maximum period that "cinder-management" -- that is, keeping a thin layer of cinders on top of agricultural plots -- was effective. This, combined with a likely decrease in soil nutrients from 150 years of intensive agriculture, once again made this land inhospitable to agricultural production.
eruption effects vary dramatically due to eruption style, tephra blanket extent, climate, types of land use, the culture and complexity of the affected group, and resulting
governmental action. A comparison of a historic eruption (Parícutin, México) with prehistoric eruptions (herein we primarily focus on Sunset Crater in northern Arizona, USA) elucidates the controls on and effects of these variables. Long-term effects of lava fl ows extend little beyond the flow edges. These flows, however, can be used for defensive purposes, providing refuges from invasion for those who know them well. In arid lands, tephra blankets serve as mulches, decreasing runoff and evaporation, increasing
infi ltration, and regulating soil temperature. Management and retention of these scoria mulches, which can open new areas for agriculture, become a priority for farming
communities. In humid areas, though, the tephra blanket may impede plant growth and increase erosion. Cultural responses to eruptions vary, from cultural collapse, through
fragmentation of society, dramatic changes, and development of new technologies, to little apparent change. Eruptions may also be viewed as retribution for poor behavior, and attempts are made to mollify angry gods.
Recent multidisciplinary studies using a variety of chemical assays and detailed tree-ring morphology analyses indicate that this date is probably not accurate. In this paper we present new evidence suggesting that Sunset Crater most likely erupted in the mid-to-late A.D. 1080s, with an eruption duration of no more than a year and probably several weeks or months. Although changing the date of the eruption by ~20-25 years, and the eruptive period from 200 years to several weeks or months, may not seem overly significant, it does have important ramifications for reconstructing the prehistory of the general Flagstaff, Sunset Crater, and Wupatki areas.
the plateau and mountain areas to the north and east
(Figure 7.1). The archaeology of the Basin is characterized
by highly variable architectural remains and ceramic
assemblages that contain a multiplicity of wares
and types. It is not surprising, then, that the prehistory
of Tonto Basin has been interpreted in different ways by
different researchers: to some, the Basin was an uninhabited
(or empty) niche colonized by groups from the
Hohokam or pueblos to the north and east of Tonto
Basin (or both); to others, it was a cultural sponge that
absorbed complete social systems and traditions from
neighboring areas; to still others it was the heartland of
the Salado, a migratory but distinctive cultural group
who used Tonto Basin as a base from which to spread
throughout much of the southern U.S. Southwest. Indeed,
Tonto Basin has been included at one time or another
as part of nearly every prehistoric culture area that
surrounds it.
The variety of architectural forms and ceramic types
found in Tonto Basin certainly indicates significant interaction
and cultural mixing with neighboring areas. However,
few researchers have systematically explored the possibility
that an indigenous cultural system developed and persisted
in the Basin itself. Our research suggests that prehistoric
Tonto Basin populations were neither wholly subsumed by
neighboring culture areas nor passive receptors on which
cultural imprints of neighboring areas were planted. Instead,
the data indicate the presence of an indigenous population
that interacted and mixed with neighboring groups
(at some times more intensively than others), but who
maintained a distinct cultural identity throughout the developmental sequence. Understanding changes in sociocultural systems at local and areal scales, then. is critical to understanding the dynamics of Tonto Basin prehistory and the Salado concept.
Classic period (A.D. 1150-1450) Hohokam platform
mound village situated in the southern Tucson Basin.
The site has been known to the archaeological
community since 1929. Since that time, portions of
it have undergone archaeological survey and excavation.
To date, including the current project, archaeological
investigations have identified 154 prehistoric
cultural features at the site. Recovered feature
types include: 2 pithouses, 19 adobe-walled pit structures,
12 adobe-walled surface structures, a possible
platform mound (with another on private property
east of the current project area), 23 secondary cremations,
1 inhumation, and numerous extramural
pits and portions of adobe walls that may represent
adobe-walled surface structures or adobe compounds
that likely contain multiple rooms.
The present project was conducted by Desert Archaeology,
Inc., personnel for Tucson Water and the
City of Tucson in advance of waterline installation.
Two alternate alignments were proposed by Tucson
Water—Alternate Route 1 and Alternate Route
2—both of which could potentially impact cultural
resources at the Zanardelli site, a nearby agricultural
rock-pile field, AZ BB:13:315 (ASM), and two small
artifact scatters, AZ BB:13:268 (ASM) and AZ
BB:13:521 (ASM) (see Figures 1.1-1.3). The two alternate
routes underwent Phase 1 archaeological
data recovery in January 2016 (Elson and Swartz
2016a; Swartz 2015). Based on the much lower density
of discovered subsurface cultural resources in
Alternate Route 2, Tucson Water selected this as the
preferred alignment.
The results of Phase 2 data recovery within Alternate
Route 2 is the focus of this report; the results
of the Phase 1 excavations in both Alternate Route 1
and Alternate Route 2 are presented in Appendix A
(this volume; see also Elson and Swartz 2016a). The
other sites were found to be outside the defined
project area and were therefore not further investigated
after Phase 1.
Phase 2 data recovery in Alternate Route 2 was
conducted 4-11 April 2016. Two backhoe strip
trenches were investigated along the eastern edge
of Nogales Highway (U.S. 89) within the Zanardelli
site boundary, one in the northern portion of the
project area and one in the southern portion. Because
the footprint of the planned ground disturbance activities
was small, and due to prior disturbance
through installation of a waterline and fiber-optics
cable, only approximately 30 m2 of undisturbed deposits
were available for archaeological excavation.
Within this small area, 10 primary prehistoric cultural
features were discovered, including portions
of 4 adobe-walled pit structures, 2 large pits, and 2
small pits in the northern trench; two extramural
surfaces were excavated in the southern trench.
Ceramic temporal data indicate the Phase 2
project area was occupied during the Classic period,
primarily the late Classic period Tucson phase (A.D.
1300-1450), based on dating two of the adobe-walled
pit-structures and a large pit (see Table 1.1 for Tucson
Basin phase systematics). Previous research at
the Zanardelli site strongly suggests the northern
Desert Archaeology trench (Trench Unit 311) was
located between two platform mounds—the only
two remaining mounds at the site from an unknown
number destroyed by modern development—and
was therefore situated in the central district of the
site, or as it is also called, the mound precinct. No
mortuary features were identified during either
Phase 1 or Phase 2 investigations, although 16 fragments
of isolated human bone were repatriated to
the Tohono O’odham Nation per the project burial
agreement.
Data recovered during the current project support
previous research that strongly indicates the
Zanardelli site was a large, riverine, Hohokam Classic
period village situated along the Santa Cruz
River. Data from all Zanardelli projects suggest general
use of the site area may have begun as early as
the pre-Classic Snaketown or Cañada del Oro
phases, circa A.D. 700-850, given the occurrence of
isolated sherds that date to this time. However, the
earliest features excavated to date are a single pit
and several pit structures that date to the Late Rincon
phase (A.D. 1100-1150), or more likely, the Late
Rincon-Tanque Verde phase (circa A.D. 1100-1200)
transition.
This, in conjunction with a significant increase
in the quantity of recovered Late Rincon Red-onbrown
ceramics as compared with earlier wares,
suggests the primary, or most intensive, occupation
began during this transitional pre-Classic to Classic
period, although high population densities were
likely not reached until the mid- to late Classic period
Tanque Verde phase or early Tucson phase. A
Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase population aggregation
into the Zanardelli site area fits well with
other recent Tucson Basin research that suggests
settlement shifts once thought to have occurred during
the early Classic period instead have their genesis
during the late pre-Classic Late Rincon phase.
Figures 5.1-5.3 combine data from this and previous
investigations, showing the extent of excavated
features (Figure 5.1), structure type (Figure
5.2), and structures through time (Figure 5.3). These
figures are included here to assess site structure and
to summarize this and previous investigations for
future research at the site.
Dating the 33 individual structures with temporal
information shows an even distribution during
the Classic period, with 12 structures dating to the
Tanque Verde phase and 13 structures dating to the
Tucson phase. Two structures, both pithouses, were
dated to the Late Rincon-Tanque Verde phase transition,
while another six structures could only be
dated to the general Classic period. Although there
is a general temporal sequence in the Tucson Basin
from pithouses to adobe-walled pit structures to
adobe-walled surface structures (see Haury 1928;
Zahniser 1966), recent research indicates all three of
these structure types were constructed throughout
the Classic period and can be contemporaneous. This
is supported by the Zanardelli data, where adobe
surface structures and adobe pit structures date to
both the Tanque Verde and Tucson phases. Thus,
architecture alone in the absence of additional temporal
information cannot be used for dating purposes.
The presence of at least two platform mounds,
and probably more, is a clear indication that the
Zanardelli site was a major village. The site probably
functioned in the integration of a set of related
smaller villages, farmsteads, and fieldhouse sites into
a larger community system. The nature of this integrative
mechanism is unclear, although it is not
likely related to the presence of Salado polychrome
(Roosevelt Red Ware) ceramics and obsidian artifacts,
which have been suggested to represent participation
in a pan-southern Southwest regional social
network (see Borck and Mills 2017). Neither artifact
type was recovered from the current project
area, even though the majority of the features date
to the Tucson phase, a time when Salado polychrome
ceramics and obsidian were widespread.
Very few Salado polychrome ceramics and obsidian
artifacts have been recovered from previous
investigations; the Salado wares comprise less than
1.0 percent of the decorated ceramics recovered from
all subsurface excavations. Tucson Polychrome or
Tucson Black-on-Red, another late Classic period
ware found in the Tucson Basin, is also generally
absent from the site, and similar to the frequency of
Salado polychrome. Instead, Sells Red, a red ware
ceramic thought to have been made in the
Papaguería region west of Tucson, was recovered
in a higher frequency than at platform mound villages
in the central and northern Tucson Basin.
Given this, along with the overall lack of Salado
polychrome and Maverick Mountain series ceramics,
obsidian artifacts, and extrabasinal ceramic trade
wares, the Zanardelli site appears to be unusual for
a large Tucson Basin riverine platform mound village.
The data tentatively suggest the Zanardelli inhabitants
were focused on interaction with groups
and resources to the south and west, which is unlike
all other large Classic period villages in the Tucson
Basin, which tend to be focused internally into
the Tucson Basin and to the north and east.
iv Abstract
Volcano eruptions are some of the most powerful natural phenomena, with impacts extending far beyond the zone of physical destruction. As ethnographic and archaeological data attest, volcano eruptions can act upon social groups as catalysts, as processes, and sometimes as terminating factors. Within a span of at most 100 years, two volcanoes – Sunset Crater and Little Springs -- situated only 200 km apart, erupted in the northern Southwest U.S., significantly altering the physical landscape and the psychological worldview of the prehistoric inhabitants. Recent chemical assays, dendrochronological information, and ceramic typological data place the eruptions sometime in the late 11th century A.D. , with Sunset Crater most likely erupting in the period between A.D. 1085-1090 (and note that the well-entrenched A.D. 1064 date for the eruption of Sunset Crater is no longer believed to be accurate). At the time of the eruptions, both areas were inhabited by small groups of similar pueblo-building dry-land farmers, living in the transitional pinyon-ponderosa pine forests of northern Arizona.
Sunset Crater has long been posited to have played a significant role in post-eruptive social, demographic, and technological change, including population displacement, large-scale migration, and the development of new technologies to undertake agriculture in areas now covered with thin layers of ash and cinders. The volcano refugees who left the Sunset Crater area and settled (or founded?) the prehistoric sites in Wupatki National Monument soon constructed the largest and most complex pueblo villages in the region. Recent research shows that the Little Springs eruption also played a played a role in migration and settlement restructuring, but instead of abandonment, the lava flows were re-occupied, most likely as a defensive refuge. Other social and natural factors such as ritual, the proximity of nearby kin or trade-partners, and environmental conditions, likely also played a role in this process. This paper discusses the differences in adaptive behavior between local populations in the Sunset Crater and Little Springs areas, much of which is based on the different nature of the two eruptions, but in each case, the adaptations were highly successful. Major catastrophic events permanently alter natural and cultural landscapes, requiring significant behavioral change for survival.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there is evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation. Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible, if not likely, that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. The burial of dogs in what appear to be defined cemeteries often located near the edges of the larger human cemeteries also suggests that dogs were respected and considered to be more than work animals or a source of food -- of the 34 recovered dog burials, none contained evidence for butchering and subsequent consumption.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for canal system headgates, allowing the flow of water from the Santa Cruz River to be monitored and adjusted as needed. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the river. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this area. The Marana platform mound site and Furrey’s Ranch platform mound site were associated with adjacent reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach, meaning that the flow of water for these irrigation communities could not be directly regulated by the platform mound villages, nor could the inhabitants of the Yuma Wash site directly regulate the water flow reaching the platform mound villages, except through alliances or force.
The two chapters included on this page -- Chapters 14 and 15 -- synthesize data from Desert Archaeology's 2008 excavations and provide interpretative analyses to support our reconstruction of Classic period (ca. A.D. 1150-1450(?)) life on the Santa Cruz River. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of this large village site. The Hohokam Classic period has long been known to be a period of relatively dramatic change, most visible in the aggregation of a relatively large number of pre-Classic and early Classic period sites into six large platform mound villages, with all but one located on the Santa Cruz River. At the same time, we see a reduction in the size of economic and exchange systems, particularly pottery, which becomes very localized, changing from a relatively widespread network, with most of the decorated pottery in the Tucson Basin originating from only three or four areas (petrofacies) on the Santa Cruz River in central Tucson, to one of smaller subregions with more limited distributions. We interpret the Classic period as a time of stress, both social and almost certainly environmental, with the subregional patterning likely indicative of the importance of knowing one's neighbors, and knowing them well, as a form of alliance and community protection. We suggest that at least in the Tucson Basin, but likely throughout the Southwest U.S., it is time to revive earlier models from the turn of the 20th century through the late 1960s that proposes that conflict, or the threat of conflict, was more of a prime mover in culture change than currently believed.
The presence or threat of conflict is suggested by a number of variables: 1) settlement aggregation, and particularly the movement of many sites out of the open floodplain to the terraces above the floodplain; 2) the occupation of defensive site locations, such as trincheras sites or at least nearby areas where the movement of "strangers" could be observed; 3) the construction of platform mounds, which unlike the ballcourts that preceded them, were restricted in access and almost certainly related to status of either the individual leader or the leader's group; and 4) the likely presence of migrant groups from areas both north and south of the Tucson Basin, which is known to put stress on local populations, particularly local populations living in an area with limited precipitation and therefore dependent on irrigation agriculture. Irrigation agriculture at the scale practiced in the Tucson Basin almost certainly would have required leadership, food surplus, and a relatively large amount of cooperation both within, and possibly between, groups. And finally, although not stated in our chapter and admittedly highly subjective and speculative (and also highly subject to criticism, but isn't that what science is for?), the senior author believes that intergroup conflict, or even the threat of conflict, is an important and significant variable in the behavior and survival of human populations, one that is also an important and relatively well-documented variable in the behavior of other higher primates. I find it very interesting, and to me, likely significant, that there is a clear correlation with the loss of "conflict" as a viable hypotheses and the escalation of the Vietnam War. As strongly as we (meaning Anthropologists) are supposedly trained in cultural relativity and objective scientific observation, we are still very much a product of our culture.
The Yuma Wash site was a permanently occupied large Classic period village situated in the northern Tucson Basin at the juncture of the eastern bajada of the Tucson Mountains with the Santa Cruz River floodplain. The site area was also intermittently used on a much smaller scale during the rest of the Hohokam sequence and during the Early Agricultural and Early Ceramic periods, as well as during the Historic period. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc. for the Town of Marana prior to and during improvements to Silverbell Road and the construction of the Crossroads at Silverbell Park.
The initial data recovery of the Silverbell Road alignment was conducted by Old Pueblo Archaeology Center (OPAC). OPAC investigated five sites within the Silverbell Road right-of-way and completed data recovery at AZ AA:12:313 (ASM). Three of the remaining four sites were separated solely by modern channels of Yuma Wash, and for the Desert Archaeology project were considered loci of the Yuma Wash site, although they retained their three original ASM site numbers: AZ AA:12:122 (ASM), AZ AA:12:311 (ASM) and AZ AA:12:312 (ASM). The last site, AZ AA:12:314 (ASM) was situated at the southern end of the project area with only a small portion of it within the right-of-way. A canal site, AZ AA:12:1047 (ASM), likely dating to the Classic period, was also discovered during the Desert Archaeology investigations. The Historic period occupation of the Yuma Wash site includes the Bojórquez-Aguirre Ranch structures that dated to the late 1800s. Data recovery of the historic occupation was covered by the OPAC investigations.
Desert Archaeology recorded 1162 cultural features, including 303 human mortuary features. The vast majority of the features dated to the Classic period and the site was intensively occupied during both the Tanque Verde (A.D. 1150-1300) and Tucson (A.D. 1300-1450) phases. Occupation prior to the Classic period is difficult to characterize due to the paucity of features; a total of 235 structures has now been identified at the Yuma Wash site and AA:12:314, but fewer than a dozen of these have been found through testing or excavation to date prior A.D. 1150. The early occupation was likely intermittent and of varying function, with the site sometimes permanently inhabited for a few years, sometimes seasonally inhabited, and sometimes likely vacant. There was a hiatus during the Rincon phase (A.D. 950-1150) in the portions of the sites investigated by Desert Archaeology, although there was evidence for a very small Rincon occupation in previous investigations.
The Area of Potential Effect (APE) for the Yuma Wash Project was irregular and consisted largely of a small, primarily linear slice of the site. Due to this, site structure could not be clearly determined. However, several observations could be made for the Classic period occupation, which are discussed in detail in this chapter (Ch. 14) and the final concluding chapter (Ch. 15). Locus AA:12:122 was occupied only during the Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1150-1300) and showed clear pithouse courtyard groups with cemeteries to the east or southeast. This pattern was much less visible in the other loci due to the shape of the right-of-way and the dynamic nature of the natural deposits, allowing for Classic period features to originate at numerous levels. Still, several pithouse courtyard groups were found at the other loci; most of the courtyard groups dated to the Tanque Verde phase but several likely dated to the Tucson phase (A.D. 1300-1450). An adobe compound constructed during the Tanque Verde phase and occupied into the Tucson phase contained surface adobe rooms and underlying pit structures. Traces of at least one additional compound were found in previous work at the site, outside of the current right-of-way. It is possible that the Tucson phase courtyard groups were contemporaneous with the adobe compound. The Yuma Wash data support previous archaeological research in the Tucson Basin and the Hohokam area in general suggesting a temporal sequence in architecture, with pithouses transitioning into adobe-walled pitrooms and finally into adobe-walled surface rooms, many within compound walls. While this temporal trend is broadly accurate, the Yuma Wash data indicate all three architectural forms can also be absolutely contemporaneous, raising questions about the timing, function, and use of these structures, as well as the nature of the social groups who occupied them. The Yuma Wash data also indicate that architecture alone cannot be used as a basis for temporal placement when reconstructing internal site structure, despite the relatively numerous efforts over the years by archaeologists to do so.
The Classic period occupants of the Yuma Wash site were farmers who supplemented their subsistence by gathering nearby wild plants and hunting rabbits and occasionally larger game. At the site, the occupants produced items including ceramic pots, flaked stone and ground stone tools, and some shell jewelry. In exchange, they also received ceramics from other sites within the Tucson Basin and obsidian, shell, and non-local ceramics from sites across the Greater Southwest. Little evidence of manufacturing or trade was seen in the much smaller assemblage from site AA:12:314.
The large number of mortuary features at the site included features from all stages of the cremation process as well as primary inhumations. Over 50 percent of the inhumations were infants and these were associated with large group serving vessels more often than expected. Small household-sized cemeteries were located within the courtyards and larger communal cemeteries were located to the east and southeast of residential areas. Patterning of the various types of cremation features and the ages of the individuals was identified in the larger cemeteries. Interestingly, the burials of domestic dogs were also frequently clustered, and some of these clusters were near the edges of the larger human cemeteries.
The Santa Cruz River has been divided into irrigation reaches based on the bedrock outcrops and other geological factors that indicate ideal locations for headgate construction for canal systems. The Yuma Wash site was part of the irrigation community associated with the Cañada del Oro Reach of the Santa Cruz. During the Classic period, the Yuma Wash site was the largest site in this reach, as no known platform mound sites are located in this reach. The Marana mound site and Furrey’s Ranch mound were associated with the reaches at each end of the Cañada del Oro Reach so were in irrigation communities adjacent to the one in which the Yuma Wash site is located.
The Yuma Wash report contains results from the Desert Archaeology, Inc. excavations conducted in 2008. Chapter 14, by Deborah L. Swartz and Mark D. Elson, describes the site structure and chronology. Chapter 15, by Mark D. Elson and Deborah L. Swartz, also included on this Academia.edu website, presents the final interpretations and discussion of the site, focusing on Classic period settlement of a large permanently inhabited village in the Tucson Basin and how the Yuma Wash site interacted and was integrated into neighboring Classic period occupations. Whenever possible, the results from the previous work by OPAC are also included to provide a more complete understanding of the site. A set of supplemental data associated with this project can be found at http://www.archaeologysouthwest.org/store/anthropological-papers/ap49.html.
In contrast to ballcourts, platform mounds were closed features with restricted access and may have served as a stage for ritual activities and resource redistribution, although some mounds may have also had elite residential functions. Whether platform mounds were residential, functioning as "homes" for the elite, or whether they were largely vacant ceremonial centers used for ritual purposes, has been the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the past 100 years and will likely continue to be the subject of debate in Hohokam archaeology for the next 100 years. The mounds consisted of rooms on top of an elevated 2-3 m high deliberately-constructed platform, sometimes involving thousands of cubic meters of fill and tens of thousands of person-days in the labor energy needed for construction. These were very ostentatious features that would have been extremely prominent on the flat desert basin landscape (no other Hohokam structure is higher than a single story) and they were clearly constructed to be seen and to convey a powerful message. Classic period platform mounds (to differentiate this form from earlier pre-Classic period "dance" mounds) were initially constructed in the Hohokam area around A.D. 1200 or 1250 and lasted until A.D. 1350-1450 (or possibly as late as 1475-1500), when it becomes difficult to both trace the Hohokam archaeologically and to place them in a secure temporal framework. The mounds almost certainly marked group territory and were symbols of status, with those responsible for directing the construction showing the world that they commanded the power and the surplus food and labor needed to lead their people to create such structures. Interestingly, unlike ballcourts, whose construction and use may be related to the subsurface origin of the people, platform mounds extend into the sky, which cross-cultural ethnographic data suggest is highly status-related, with the higher (or larger) the structure, the higher the status.
The Tanque Verde Wash site, AZ BB:13:68 (ASM), is a small agricultural village located in the eastern Tucson Basin, approximately 25 km east of the large riverine settlements along the Santa Cruz River. The northwest locus of the site was investigated during the current project for the City of Tucson prior to residential development, complementing previous investigations in the southeast locus. Including all archaeological work at the site to date, 57 pithouses have now been sampled or completely excavated, in addition to 43 mortuary features and hundreds of extramural pits of varying function. The occupation likely began during the Rillito phase (A.D. 850-950) and continued into the transitional Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase (A.D. 1100-1200). The most intensive occupation was during the Middle Rincon phase (A.D. 1000-1100), particularly during the Middle Rincon 2 (A.D. 1040-1080) and Middle Rincon 3 (A.D. 1080-1100) subphases. Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. As noted, these are minimum numbers and the actual extent of the occupation was almost certainly larger. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase is similar to patterns seen throughout the Tucson Basin at this time and suggests that the "Classic period aggregation" actually began during the end of the preClassic period.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (defined as being within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments and possibly other forms of mica-based jewelry.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Perhaps most importantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus. The presence of significant material differences between household-level assemblages suggests that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
Sunset Crater, near Flagstaff, Arizona, produced about 8 km2 lava flow fields and a ∼ 2300-km2 tephra blanket in an area that had been settled by prehistoric groups for at least 1000 years. Local subsistence relied on agriculture, primarily maize, and > 30 cm tephra cover rendered 265 km2 of prime land unfarmable. This area was apparently abandoned for at least several generations. A > 500-km2 area was probably marked by collapsed roofs and other structural damage from the fallout. If the eruption occurred during the agricultural season, the fallout would also have significantly damaged crops. The eruption did have some benefits to local groups because lower elevation land, which had previously been too dry to farm, became agriculturally productive due to 3–8 cm of tephra ‘mulch’ and some temporary soil nutrient improvements. This previously uninhabited land became the site of significant year-round settlement and farming, eventually containing some of the largest pueblo structures ever built in the region. New agricultural techniques were developed to manage the fallout mulch. The eruption also affected ceramic production and trading patterns, and volcano-related ritual behavior – the production of maize-impressed lava-spatter agglutinate – was initiated.
Little Springs Volcano, about 200 km northwest of Sunset Crater, is a small spatter rampart around a series of vents that produced about 5 km2 of lava flow fields, about 1 km2 of land severely affected by ballistic fall, and no significant tephra fall. The small area affected resulted in much less disruption of human activities than at Sunset Crater. Farming was still possible right up to the edge of the lava flows, which became attractive sites for settlements. Most sites along the lava flows have habitation and storage structures at the base of the flow and a series of small, apparently little-used, structures on the blocky lava flow above. These lava surface structures may have been defensive in nature. In addition, trails were constructed on the blocky lava flow surface. These trails, whose access points are difficult to recognize from below, appear to have been used for rapid movement across the flows, and may also have been defensive in nature. Spatter-agglutinate blocks containing ceramic sherds within them, similar to the maize-impressed spatter agglutinate at Sunset Crater, were made at Little Springs and carried to a nearby habitation site.
In arid and semiarid lands such as northern Arizona, tephra fall is a mixed blessing. Thick cinder blankets (> 20–30 cm) render land uninhabitable, but thinner (3–8 cm) deposits can serve to conserve soil moisture, regulate soil temperature (thus lengthening the growing season), and, by lowering soil pH, provide a temporary (decades to a century or two) increase in available phosphorus, an important nutrient for growth. The mulch opened up new lands for settlement but likely only lasted for a century or two before reworking reduced its effects. A significant drop in population of the settlements in the cinder-mulch area around A.D. 1250 suggests that 150 years was the maximum period that "cinder-management" -- that is, keeping a thin layer of cinders on top of agricultural plots -- was effective. This, combined with a likely decrease in soil nutrients from 150 years of intensive agriculture, once again made this land inhospitable to agricultural production.
eruption effects vary dramatically due to eruption style, tephra blanket extent, climate, types of land use, the culture and complexity of the affected group, and resulting
governmental action. A comparison of a historic eruption (Parícutin, México) with prehistoric eruptions (herein we primarily focus on Sunset Crater in northern Arizona, USA) elucidates the controls on and effects of these variables. Long-term effects of lava fl ows extend little beyond the flow edges. These flows, however, can be used for defensive purposes, providing refuges from invasion for those who know them well. In arid lands, tephra blankets serve as mulches, decreasing runoff and evaporation, increasing
infi ltration, and regulating soil temperature. Management and retention of these scoria mulches, which can open new areas for agriculture, become a priority for farming
communities. In humid areas, though, the tephra blanket may impede plant growth and increase erosion. Cultural responses to eruptions vary, from cultural collapse, through
fragmentation of society, dramatic changes, and development of new technologies, to little apparent change. Eruptions may also be viewed as retribution for poor behavior, and attempts are made to mollify angry gods.
Recent multidisciplinary studies using a variety of chemical assays and detailed tree-ring morphology analyses indicate that this date is probably not accurate. In this paper we present new evidence suggesting that Sunset Crater most likely erupted in the mid-to-late A.D. 1080s, with an eruption duration of no more than a year and probably several weeks or months. Although changing the date of the eruption by ~20-25 years, and the eruptive period from 200 years to several weeks or months, may not seem overly significant, it does have important ramifications for reconstructing the prehistory of the general Flagstaff, Sunset Crater, and Wupatki areas.
the plateau and mountain areas to the north and east
(Figure 7.1). The archaeology of the Basin is characterized
by highly variable architectural remains and ceramic
assemblages that contain a multiplicity of wares
and types. It is not surprising, then, that the prehistory
of Tonto Basin has been interpreted in different ways by
different researchers: to some, the Basin was an uninhabited
(or empty) niche colonized by groups from the
Hohokam or pueblos to the north and east of Tonto
Basin (or both); to others, it was a cultural sponge that
absorbed complete social systems and traditions from
neighboring areas; to still others it was the heartland of
the Salado, a migratory but distinctive cultural group
who used Tonto Basin as a base from which to spread
throughout much of the southern U.S. Southwest. Indeed,
Tonto Basin has been included at one time or another
as part of nearly every prehistoric culture area that
surrounds it.
The variety of architectural forms and ceramic types
found in Tonto Basin certainly indicates significant interaction
and cultural mixing with neighboring areas. However,
few researchers have systematically explored the possibility
that an indigenous cultural system developed and persisted
in the Basin itself. Our research suggests that prehistoric
Tonto Basin populations were neither wholly subsumed by
neighboring culture areas nor passive receptors on which
cultural imprints of neighboring areas were planted. Instead,
the data indicate the presence of an indigenous population
that interacted and mixed with neighboring groups
(at some times more intensively than others), but who
maintained a distinct cultural identity throughout the developmental sequence. Understanding changes in sociocultural systems at local and areal scales, then. is critical to understanding the dynamics of Tonto Basin prehistory and the Salado concept.
cinder mulch, 3-10 cm thick, allowed low elevation areas previously too dry to farm to now be settled. Despite the stress of the eruption, the prehistoric populations who inhabited this area not only thrived, they prospered, eventually building some of the largest village sites in the northern Southwest U.S. The goal here is to understand the nature of this highly successful adaptation. Further, the project area crosses what has long been considered a cultural boundary between two groups, the Sinagua to the south and east and the Cohonina to the north and west. The distinction between these groups is based largely on the predominance of different ceramic wares, with the Sinagua using Alameda Brown Ware and the Cohonina using San Francisco Mountain Gray Ware. Project research questions involved reconstructing the prehistoric settlement, including examining the question of cultural affiliation, with the goal of refining current understanding of human response to the Sunset Crater Volcano eruption.
To answer the research questions, Chapters 1-4 in the volume place the 41 investigated sites into their proper environmental and cultural contexts, setting the scene for the more synthetic questions that follow. This entails an examination of project area culture history over the more than 1,000 years (A.D. 100-1150) represented in the site sample. The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano and the resulting prehistoric adaptation are detailed in Chapters 5 and 6. The re-dating of the eruption from A.D. 1064 to the mid-A.D. 1080s has significant implications for reconstructing the occupation. The Hopi perspective on the prehistoric settlement is examined in Chapter 7, providing insight into architecture, landscape use, agricultural practices, and artifact function and manufacture. Hopi accounts of the Sunset Crater eruption are also examined. The final chapter, Chapter 8, brings together data from all the archaeological analyses, to synthesize and model the prehistoric occupation of the project area. It is proposed that the inhabitants of the Sunset Crater area were, in many ways, pre-adapted to deal with the eruption, due to: (1) The absence of a strictly hierarchical social system that allowed for rapid, site-level decision-making; (2) an already in-place risk-reduction agricultural strategy based on the cultivation of numerous small plots spread over a variety of microenvironments; (3) a flexible settlement system; and, (4) the ability to freely migrate. These factors are seen as key traits that allowed for this successful adaptation. The data indicate that what had long been proposed to be a cultural boundary between Sinagua and Cohonina groups is, instead, a ceramic boundary, with ceramic exchange and not group migration accounting for the patterning in different ceramic wares. This suggests that the large sites constructed in Wupatki National Monument and other low elevation areas following the eruption were likely built by displaced volcano refugees, not by outside migrants as previous researchers have proposed. The results of this investigation may be particularly significant today given changing climatic conditions and increased population movement into potentially hazardous areas.
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on
Coconino National Forest (CNF) land. The project
was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the
Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT)
prior to the widening and improvement of 26.7 km
(16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary
of Wupatki National Monument in the north,
and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological
fieldwork occurred over two primary field
seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season
in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor
was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. All project area sites are also
within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with the closest
sites only 5 km from the volcano. As we discuss in the volume, Sunset Crater erupted
for a few weeks to months sometime between A.D. 1050 and
1125 and most likely between A.D. 1085-1090. Basalt lava from the eruption covered an area of approximately 8 sq. km, while another 2,300 sq. km was
covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater
cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach
map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates that at a minimum the U.S. 89 sites were
covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material,
which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement,
subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric
adaptation to environmental variability and to
the Sunset Crater eruption were primary research
themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the
project area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2-
8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems.
A total of 73 structures was excavated, which
included 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D.
1100s. The most intensive occupation was between
A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the
Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area also crosses what has long been
considered to be a boundary between two distinct
archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of
Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this
boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman
Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the
U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have
moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide,
roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well
within the current project area. About half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this
point, and about half lie to the north. This affords
an excellent opportunity to address the question of
the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as
well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas
in general, and every analyst on the project was
asked to examine this question using their particular
data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contain
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, with chapters
on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation
studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental
reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No.
37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions.
In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data
presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct
the settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited
the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in
general. The eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano sometime between A.D. 1085-1090, as well as the immediate response and eventual short- and long-term adaptations to this eruption by the prehistoric inhabitants of the U.S. 89 project area is a particular focus of the research.
The two parts of Anthropological Papers No. 30
present the project background, environment, and
descriptive information about the testing and excavation
of the 41 project area sites. Part 1 includes
the two sites in Elevation Zone 1 (5,700-6,199 ft
[1,737-1,889 m] asl) and 11 sites in Elevation Zone 2
(6,200-6,699 ft [1,890-2,042 m] asl), the lower elevation
zones in the northern half of the project area.
Part 2 includes the nine sites in Elevation Zone 3
(6,700-7,199 ft [2,042-2,194 m] asl, north), the nine
sites in Elevation Zone 4 (7,200+ ft [2,195+ m] asl),
and the 10 sites in Elevation Zone 5 (6,700-7,199 ft
[2,042-2,194 m] asl, south). These volumes contain
site and feature descriptions, maps, general artifact
data, and interpretations of site function and dating.
Diagnostic ceramics from critical contexts that
were used to date the sites are presented by feature.
41 prehistoric sites located approximately 30 km
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on
Coconino National Forest (CNF) land. The project
was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the
Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT)
prior to the widening and improvement of 26.7 km
(16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary
of Wupatki National Monument in the north,
and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological
fieldwork occurred over two primary field
seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season
in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor
was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. All project area sites are also
within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with the closest
sites only 5-6 km away. Sunset Crater erupted
for a few years sometime between A.D. 1050 and
1125. Basalt lava from the eruption covered an area
of approximately 8 km2, while another 2,300 km2 was
covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater
cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach
map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates that, minimumally, the U.S. 89 sites were
covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material,
which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement,
subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric
adaptation to environmental variability and to
the Sunset Crater eruption were primary research
themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the
project area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2-
8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems.
A total of 73 structures was excavated, which
included 41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D.
1100s. The most intensive occupation was between
A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the
Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area also crosses what has long been
considered to be a boundary between two distinct
archaeological culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of
Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this
boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman
Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the
U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have
moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide,
roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well
within the current project area. About half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this
point, and about half lie to the north. This affords
an excellent opportunity to address the question of
the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as
well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas
in general, and every analyst on the project was
asked to examine this question using their particular
data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contain
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, with chapters
on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation
studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental
reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No.
37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions.
In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data
presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct
the settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited
the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in
general.
The two parts of Anthropological Papers No. 30
present the project background, environment, and
descriptive information about the testing and excavation
of the 41 project area sites. Part 1 includes
the two sites in Elevation Zone 1 (5,700-6,199 ft
[1,737-1,889 m] asl) and 11 sites in Elevation Zone 2
(6,200-6,699 ft [1,890-2,042 m] asl), the lower elevation
zones in the northern half of the project area.
Part 2 includes the nine sites in Elevation Zone 3
(6,700-7,199 ft [2,042-2,194 m] asl, north), the nine
sites in Elevation Zone 4 (7,200+ ft [2,195+ m] asl),
and the 10 sites in Elevation Zone 5 (6,700-7,199 ft
[2,042-2,194 m] asl, south). These volumes contain
site and feature descriptions, maps, general artifact
data, and interpretations of site function and dating.
Diagnostic ceramics from critical contexts that
were used to date the sites are presented by feature.
Coconino National Forest (CNF) land, specifically the Peaks Ranger District. The project was conducted by Desert Archaeology, Inc., for the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT) prior to widening and improvement of 26.7 km (16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary of Wupatki National Monument in the north, and the town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological fieldwork occurred over two primary field seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season in 1999. A total of almost 12 person-years of labor was expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental zones, ranging from uniper-sage grasslands in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m) asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation zones were defined, using increments of 500 ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature, and vegetation. Additionally, all project area sites are within 25 km of Sunset Crater, with the closest sites only 5-6 km west of the volcano. Sunset
Crater erupted for a very short period (weeks to months to a few years at the absolute most) sometime between A.D. 1050 and 1125 and most probably between A.D. 1085-1090. Basalt lava covered an area of around 8 sq. km, while another 2,300 sq. km was covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates that, minimumally, the U.S. 89 sites were covered with from 5-50 cm of volcanic material, which had a significant impact on prehistoric settlement, subsistence, and economic systems. Prehistoric adaptation to environmental variability, as well as to the Sunset Crater eruption, were primary research themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the
project area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with 2-
8 structures, single-room fieldhouses, limited-activity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field systems.
A total of 73 structures was excavated, including
41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6 ramadas.
Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered, with ceramics
the dominant artifact type, comprising more
than 80 percent of the assemblage. The earliest sites
were occupied around A.D. 400, with the occupation
continuing into the early to mid-A.D. 1100s. The
most intensive occupation was between A.D. 1050
and 1125, the approximate time of the Sunset Crater
eruption.
The project area crosses what has long been considered
to be a boundary between two distinct archaeological
culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, the founder of the Museum of
Northern Arizona (MNA), first recognized this
boundary in the 1930s, and placed it at Deadman
Wash, which crosses the approximate center of the
U.S. 89 project area. Although later researchers have
moved the boundary to the Coconino Divide,
roughly 8 km south of Deadman Wash, it is still well
within the current project area. About half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this
point, and about half lie to the north. This affords
an excellent opportunity to address the question of
the cultural affiliation of project area inhabitants, as
well as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas
in general, and every analyst on the project was
asked to examine this question using their particular
data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, with chapters
on the botanical assemblage (pollen and flotation
studies), prehistoric agriculture, the eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano, and a detailed paleoenvironmental
reconstruction; and Anthropological Papers No.
37 presents the overall project synthesis and conclusions.
In Anthropological Papers No. 37, the data
presented in the preceding volumes are used to reconstruct
the settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems of the prehistoric populations who inhabited
the U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in
general.
This volume presents the analyses of the nonceramic
artifacts from the 41 investigated sites. These
artifacts comprise approximately 16.5 percent of the
98,329 total recovered artifacts: 15,610 pieces of
flaked stone, 1,163 pieces of ground stone, 96 bone
tools, 70 pieces of shell, and 237 miscellaneous artifacts,
which include stone beads, jewelry, and pieces
of pigment. Additionally, 3,493 pieces of unworked
animal bone were also recovered. Note that the
above totals are raw laboratory counts and do not
consider artifact conjoins and refits, and therefore,
the numbers differ slightly from numbers used in
the following analyses, which are based on minimum
number of individuals.
The overall analysis of the flaked stone assemblage
is presented in Chapter 1, while Chapter 2
presents a specialized study of Flagstaff area projectile
points, placing them in their regional context.
Chapter 3 presents the ground stone analyses, also
with an emphasis on regional patterns and interaction
networks, and the shell jewelry recovered from
the project area is discussed in Chapter 4. Chapter 5
presents the results of the analysis of the faunal remains,
including both bone tools and unworked
animal bone used as a food source. The 23 recovered
mortuary features, all of which were
inhumations, are discussed in Chapter 6, and a specialized
study of the dentition of these remains is
presented in Appendix A.
Most of the mortuary features were recovered
from isolated contexts, with only a single possible
small cemetery found. The remains and associated
grave goods were stored and analyzed at MNA in
Flagstaff, and repatriated by the Hopi Tribe upon
completion of the analyses.
on Coconino National Forest (CNF) land, specifically
the Peaks Ranger District. The project was conducted
by Desert Archaeology, Inc., personnel for the Arizona
Department of Transportation (ADOT) prior
to widening and improvement of 26.7 km (16.6
miles) of U.S. 89, between the southern boundary of
Wupatki National Monument in the north, and the
town of Fernwood in the south. Archaeological fieldwork
occurred over two primary field seasons in
1997 and 1998, with a very brief field season in 1999.
A total of almost 12 person-years of labor was expended
during fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. Additionally, all project area
sites are within 25 km of Sunset Crater Volcano, with
the closest sites only 5-6 km west of the volcano. Sunset
Crater erupted for a very short period (months to
a few years) sometime between A.D. 1050 and 1125.
Basalt lava from the eruptions covered an area of
approximately 8 km2, while another 2,300 km2 was
covered by cinder and ash deposits. Sunset Crater
cinders were found on all project area sites. An isopach
map of cinder depth constructed for this project
indicates the U.S. 89 sites were minimally covered
with 5-50 cm of volcanic material, which had a
significant impact on prehistoric settlement, subsistence,
and economic systems. Prehistoric adaptation
to environmental variability, as well as to the Sunset
Crater eruption, were primary research themes.
A wide range of site types is present in the project
area, including large, permanent habitations,
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with two
to eight structures, single-room fieldhouses, limitedactivity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field
systems. A total of 73 structures was excavated, including
41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation continuing into the early to mid-A.D.
1100s. The most intensive occupation was between
A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate time of the
Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area crosses what has long been considered
a boundary between two distinct archaeological
culture areas: the Sinagua to the south and
the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr. Harold
S. Colton, founder of the Museum of Northern Arizona
(MNA), first recognized this boundary in the
1930s, and placed it at Deadman Wash, which
crosses the approximate center of the U.S. 89 project
area. Although later researchers have moved the
boundary to the Coconino Divide, roughly 8 km
south of Deadman Wash, it is still well within the
current project area. About half the intensively investigated
U.S. 89 sites lie south of this point, and
about half lie to the north. This affords an excellent
opportunity to address the question of the cultural
affiliation of project area inhabitants, as well as the
legitimacy of archaeological culture areas in general,
and every analyst on the project was asked to examine
this question using their particular data set.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in a series of anthropological papers: Anthropological
Papers No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains
background information on the project and descriptions
of the 41 investigated sites; Anthropological
Papers No. 31 presents the results of the flaked stone,
ground stone, shell, animal bone, and mortuary
analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 32 presents the
analysis of the ceramic assemblage, including petrographic
ceramic sourcing studies and form and
function analyses; Anthropological Papers No. 33
contains the environmental analyses, including
chapters on the botanical assemblage (pollen and
flotation studies), prehistoric agriculture, the
eruption(s) of Sunset Crater Volcano, and a detailed
paleoenvironmental reconstruction; and Anthropological
Papers No. 37 presents the overall project
synthesis and conclusions. In Anthropological Papers
No. 37, the data presented in the preceding
volumes are used to reconstruct the settlement, subsistence,
and economic systems of the prehistoric
populations who inhabited the U.S. 89 project area
and the Flagstaff area in general.
The analyses of environmental data recovered
during the U.S. 89 project are presented in this volume.
The results of the pollen and macrobotanical
plant analyses are presented in Chapters 1 and 2,
providing insight into project area subsistence systems
and land use. (A summary of Flagstaff area
archaeobotanical studies is provided in Appendix
A.) The agricultural potential of the project area is
explored in Chapters 3-5, with soil fertility assessed
in Chapter 3 using geomorphological analyses and
the CNFs Terrestrial Ecosystems Survey (see also
Appendix C), the results of experimental research
on the mulching capabilities of Sunset Crater tephra
presented in Chapter 4, and aerial photographs combined
with pollen analyses used in Chapter 5 to locate
potential prehistoric agricultural field areas.
Chapters 6 through 8 and Appendix B present geological
data on several different aspects of the midto-
late eleventh century A.D. eruption of Sunset
Crater Volcano. Chapter 6 uses geochemical data to
establish a chemical signature for Sunset Crater tephra
(see also Appendix D), Chapter 7 presents the
data used in construction of an isopach map showing
Sunset Crater tephra thickness and distribution,
Chapter 8 presents recent paleomagnetic analyses
used to date the Sunset Crater lava flows, and Appendix
B gives a chronological summary of recent
(Holocene period) volcano eruptions in the western
United States and northern Mexico. Finally, a detailed
paleoenvironmental reconstruction for the
U.S. 89 project area and the Flagstaff area in general
is provided in Chapter 9. Climatic trends in precipitation
and, for the first time in the southwestern
United States, temperature are presented, along with
implications for prehistoric adaptation.
41 prehistoric sites, approximately 30 km (19 miles)
north of Flagstaff, Arizona. All sites were on Coconino
National Forest land, specifically the Peaks
Ranger District. The project was conducted by Desert
Archaeology, Inc., personnel for the Arizona Department
of Transportation prior to the widening and
improvement of 26.7 km (16.6 miles) of U.S. 89, between
the southern boundary of Wupatki National
Monument in the north, to the town of Fernwood in
the south. Archaeological fieldwork occurred over
two primary field seasons in 1997 and 1998, with a
very brief field season in 1999. In all, close to 12 person-
years of labor were expended on the fieldwork.
The U.S. 89 project area crosses diverse environmental
zones, ranging from juniper-sage grasslands
in the north at approximately 5,700 ft (1,737 m) asl,
to ponderosa pine forests at over 7,200 ft (2,195 m)
asl in the south. Mixed pinyon pine and juniper
woodlands comprise the middle elevations. Five elevation
zones were defined, using increments of 500
ft as a proxy for changes in precipitation, temperature,
and vegetation. Additionally, all project area
sites are within 25 km (16 miles) of Sunset Crater,
with the closest sites only 5-6 km (3-4 miles) west of
the volcano. Sunset Crater erupted for a very short
period (months to a few years) sometime between
A.D. 1050 and 1125. Basalt lava from the eruption
covered an area of approximately 8 km2, while another
2,300 km2 was covered by cinder and ash deposits.
Sunset Crater cinders were found on all project
area sites. An isopach map of cinder depth
constructed for this project indicates that, at a minimum,
the U.S. 89 sites were covered with 5-50 cm of
volcanic material, which had a significant impact on
prehistoric settlement, subsistence, and economic
systems. Prehistoric adaptations to environmental
variability, as well as to the Sunset Crater eruption,
were primary research themes.
A wide range of site types are present in the project
area. These include large, permanent habitations
containing 10-30 masonry rooms and pithouses,
smaller homesteads or seasonal farmsteads with two
to eight structures, single-room fieldhouses, limitedactivity
areas, special-use sites, and agricultural field
systems. A total of 73 structures was excavated, including
41 pithouses, 26 masonry rooms, and 6
ramadas. Close to 100,000 artifacts were recovered,
with ceramics by far the dominant artifact type, comprising
more than 80 percent of the assemblage. The
earliest sites were occupied around A.D. 400, with
the occupation of the project area continuing into
the early to mid-A.D. 1100s. The most intensive
occupation was between A.D. 1050 and 1125, the approximate
time of the Sunset Crater eruption.
The project area crosses what has long been considered
to be a boundary between two distinct archaeological
culture areas: the Sinagua to the south
and the Cohonina to the north and northwest. Dr.
Harold S. Colton, founder of the Museum of Northern
Arizona, first recognized this boundary in the
1930s, and placed it at Deadman Wash, which
crosses the approximate center of the U.S. 89 project
area. Although later researchers moved the boundary
to the Coconino Divide, approximately 8 km (5
miles) south of Deadman Wash, it is still well within
the current project area: about half the intensively
investigated U.S. 89 sites lie south of this point, and
about half lie to the north. This provides an excellent
opportunity to address the question of the cultural
affiliation of project area inhabitants, as well
as the legitimacy of archaeological culture areas in
general. All project analysts were asked to examine
this issue in the context of their particular data sets.
The results of the U.S. 89 investigations are presented
in several Anthropological Papers of the Center
for Desert Archaeology: Anthropological Papers
No. 30, Part 1 and Part 2, contains background information
about the project and descriptions of the
41 investigated sites: Anthropological Papers No. 31
presents the results of the flaked stone, ground stone,
shell, animal bone, and mortuary analyses; and
Anthropological Papers No. 33 contains the environmental
analyses, with chapters on the botanical assemblage
(pollen and flotation studies), prehistoric
agriculture, the eruption of Sunset Crater Volcano,
and a detailed paleoenvironmental reconstruction.
Finally, the overall project synthesis and conclusions
are presented in Anthropological Papers No. 37. In
that volume, the data presented in the preceding volumes
are used to reconstruct the settlement, subsistence,
and economic systems of the prehistoric populations
that inhabited the U.S. 89 project area and
the Flagstaff area in general.
Results of the U.S. 89 project area ceramic analysis
are presented in this volume. The assemblage
contains 81,153 sherds, a raw laboratory count that
does not consider ceramic conjoins and refits. Thus,
it differs slightly from numbers used in most of the
analyses in this volume, which are based on minimum
number of vessels.
An overview of the U.S. 89 ceramic assemblage
is provided in Chapter 1, and the ceramic wares and
types found in the project area and the designations
used by the U.S. 89 project analysts are discussed in
Chapter 2. Chapter 3 presents the analysis of ceramic
form and function, specifically examining possible
differences in cultural affiliation. The results of the
petrographic research of ceramic temper, which suggests
ceramics are only being manufactured in the
southern half of the U.S. 89 project area, are discussed
in Chapter 4, while the significance of the
petrographic data to the U.S. 89 settlement is discussed
in Chapter 5.
Finally, all of the U.S. 89 ceramic data are synthesized
in Chapter 6, with a discussion of the project
research themes and general Flagstaff area ceramic
use; the implications of the ceramic assemblage in
reconstructing project area settlement patterns is also
discussed. Appendix A contains recorded ceramic
type data, by context, from all U.S. 89 sites that contained
ceramics, while Appendix B contains a specialized
study of the recovered worked sherds. The
remaining appendices (C-G) contain databases used
in the analyses of the assemblages discussed in the
volume chapters.
Thirteen sites were tested and then intensively investigated (Chapters 6, 7, 8, and 9) while six were only tested (Chapter 10). Considerable functional and temporal diversity was present; the sites ranged from small, isolated, single-room masonry structures and larger multi-room pueblos dating to the early Classic period (AD 1150-1300), to earlier Preclassic period (AD 750-1150) sites with subsurface pithouse architecture. The Preclassic period sites were for the most part more substantial; an analysis of the archaeological signatures of sedentism suggests that the majority of the Preclassic period sites were sedentary in nature (Chapter 26).-This contrasts with many of the Classic period sites which appear to have been seasonally occupied fieldhouses, although a larger, more permanently occupied (but severely disturbed) pueblo roomblock was also present. Given the traditional emphasis on Classic period sites in Tonto Basin archaeology (Chapter 3), this project represents one of the most complete investigations to date of the less well known Preclassic period. The Deer Creek site (AZ 0:15:52) contained 17 pithouses and dated primarily to the Gila Butte phase (AD 750-850) with a possibly earlier Snaketown phase (AD 650-750) component (Chapter 7). This is now one of the earliest excavated ceramic period sites within the Tonto Basin (Note: this statement must now be modified based on the more recent excavation of the Eagle Ridge site in the Roosevelt Community Development Study in the Lower Tonto Basin, which dates to the Early Ceramic period, ca. AD 100-600; see Elson and Lindeman 1994). Limited testing on a volunteer basis was also undertaken at Rye Creek Ruin (AZ 0:15:1) which, while probably originating during the early Classic period, dates primarily to the late Classic period Gila phase (AD 1300-1450) (Chapter 27). Rye Creek Ruin is one of the largest permanently occupied sites in the Tonto Basin, containing around 150 masonry rooms and two platform mounds. The site was undoubtedly the focus of the Classic period settlement of the Upper Tonto Basin.
The long temporal span of project area sites, running from ca. AD 650/750 to AD 1300 (and with the inclusion of Rye Creek Ruin, possibly as late as AD 1450), allowed for diachronic modeling of prehistoric settlement and subsistence systems within the Upper Tonto Basin (Chapters 4 and 28). Most significantly, the data strongly suggest that the Upper Basin was occupied by an indigenous population who interacted with neighboring populations while remaining culturally discrete. Changes through time in the intensity and direction of interaction networks are clearly apparent, although the overall intensity is believed to have been relatively limited. The earliest inhabitants, ca. AD 700-1000, were tied in most closely with Hohokam groups to the south, although the absence of a Hohokam mortuary complex suggests that the inhabitants were not culturally Hohokam. Sometime shortly after AD 1000/1050, interaction with Hohokam populations ended or was severely curtailed, while interaction with Tusayan populations to the north increased (Chapter 12). The source of this interaction is suggested to be the Flagstaff area. Interaction with Tusayan populations appears to have ended by around AD 1100 or 1150 at the start of the Classic period. Tusayan ceramics are first replaced by Little Colorado white wares and later by Cibola white wares. Rye Creek Ruin appears to have been initially settled during the early Classic period, although there are some indications of an earlier Preclassic period occupation (Chapters 27 and 28). The most intensive occupation was during the late Classic period Gila phase. Given the paucity of sedentary sites within the project area and the Upper Tonto Basin in general during the late Classic period, it is suggested that the Gila phase was a period of population aggregation into Rye Creek Ruin from the surrounding area.
Therefore, unlike previous models of Tonto Basin settlement, the data indicate that there is little need to invoke colonization or migration models to account for the initial settlement of the Upper Tonto Basin. Furthermore, occupation within the Upper Basin was more-or-Iess continuous, at least from the Snaketown or Gila Butte phase through the late Classic period; the notion of a Sacaton phase (ca. AD 900-1100) hiatus originally proposed by the Gladwins (1935) can be finally put to rest. How these data relate to the Lower Tonto Basin, which is closer to the Hohokam core area and in a more similar desert riverine environmental zone, remains unknown. However, our data suggest that while there may have been limited migration into the Tonto Basin from points south and north, the Upper Basin was occupied primarily by an indigenous population who participated in various interaction networks, the nature of which changed through time.
central Arizona, contains two well-known cliff dwelling
sites: the Upper Ruin (AZ U:8:49 [ASM]) and the
Lower Ruin and South and North Annex (AZ U:8:47
[ASM]). The integrity of both of these sites, but
particularly the Upper Ruin, is threatened by natural
deterioration and continued ground disturbance from
rodent and water action. Mitigating these disturbances
may entail subsurface archaeological excavation
in future years. The research design presented in
this volume is designed to guide future archaeological
work at Tonto National Monument by relating
the cliff dwellings to the larger sphere of Tonto Basin
research and archaeological research in the American
Southwest in general. Seven research themes are
presented that are believed to be applicable to data
recovered from the cliff dwellings. The significance of
each theme, appropriate sampling methods, and how
the theme is related to Historic Contexts established
by the Arizona State Historic Preservation Office and
the Tonto National Forest are discussed.
prehistoric agriculturalists of the Tonto Basin. This project was one of three archaeological data recovery projects undertaken for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of Roosevelt Dam in the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. The RCD project involved an investigation of the nature of Preclassic settlement in the Basin, a consideration of the Preclassic to Classic period transition, and a look at the initial development of the platform mound complex. Desert Archaeology was selected to perform this study, which
is focused on a continuous 4-mile study area along the north side of the Salt River at the east end of Roosevelt Lake. This area contains three large Classic period sites. Two of these sites have platform mounds, and the third site may contain over 100 masonry rooms. From west to east these large sites are the centers of the Griffin Wash, Pyramid Point, and Meddler Point site complexes. In all, 29 sites will be sampled (Figure 1.2). This volume presents the research design for the RCD project.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (AD. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site to the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project area was most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time. The RCD project area was largely abandoned by AD. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites.
The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
This volume synthesizes data recovered from the RCD excavations to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin. This includes the integration of data produced by approximately 20 person-years of fieldwork. More than 150,000 artifacts and 300 botanical samples were recovered and analyzed, and reams of nonartifactual data dealing with architecture and other feature types and deposits were produced. Basic site descriptive data and the results of artifact analyses and botanical studies have been presented in previous RCD volumes and are synthesized in the various chapters of this volume. These data are used as a vehicle for discussing a number of issues central to our present understanding and future study of Tonto Basin prehistory. These include issues related to the scale of local systems; the impact of effective environment; processes of migration, interaction and integration; and the significance of cultural diversity.
To briefly summarize, our findings suggest that the Lower Tonto Basin was inhabited between the second and seventh centuries A.D. by an indigenous, ceramic-using population that probably derived from local Late Archaic/Early Agricultural period groups. This population had the closest affinities with contemporaneous groups in the Mogollon Highlands and was distinct from groups within the Phoenix and Tucson basins. Phoenix Basin groups, probably from the Gila River area, migrated into a sparsely populated Tonto Basin sometime during the Colonial period of the eighth century A.D. and established a permanent settlement at Meddler Point. The Meddler Point settlement slowly expanded and interacted with local Tonto Basin groups over the next 250 years, but it still participated in the Hohokam regional system. Relations with the Phoenix Basin area were curtailed at some point during the eleventh century A.D., when the Hohokam regional system retracted and was reorganized. The retraction of that network, along with the expansion of the Chaco system, resulted in increased interaction of Tonto Basin populations with groups to the north and east of the Basin that were producing Cibola White Ware ceramics. An increase in cotton production in the Tonto Basin at approximately the same time suggests that cotton may have been exchanged for white ware vessels. Following established trade connections, migrant pueblo populations entered the Lower Tonto Basin in the mid-to-Iate thirteenth century A.D. Classic period. migration into the Tonto Basin was probably in response to environmental stress and conflict in various portions of the northern Southwest.
The presence of diverse cultural groups, an increasing population to feed, and communication needs are suggested reasons that local populations constructed platform mounds around A.D. 1280. Platform mounds in the RCD project area are believed to be nonresidential, integrative features with a religious or ideological focus. For reasons unknown, but most likely related to continuing environmental and social stress, this system failed within 50 years. All settlements within the RCD project area were abandoned by A.D. 1325. Some groups probably moved to the large settlement at Schoolhouse Point excavated by Arizona State University; most of the population, however, apparently left the eastern Tonto Basin at this time.
Data recovered from the RCD Study have thus refined our understanding of the developmental sequence of the Tonto Basin. Our research has changed some ideas about this sequence, but in other cases, our investigations support previous research. This is particularly true in the case of the Colonial and Classic period migrations, originally proposed by archaeologists from Gila Pueblo in the late 1930s and early 1940s. One of the most important contributions of the RCD Study has been the thorough documentation, with an intensively excavated data set, of chronology, settlement patterns, subsistence practices, architectural sequences, artifact technology, and temporal change. We hope that the other major contribution of the RCD Study lies in the conceptual realm. RCD studies have suggested alternative ways
of viewing the prehistoric past, using archaeologically appropriate concepts that are closely linked to human behavior. The success of these contributions will be measured by the degree to which they aid Tonto Basin archaeologists in the future, from both theoretical and methodological perspectives.
Citation:
Elson, Mark D., Miriam T. Stark, and David A. Gregory (eds)
1995 The Roosevelt Community Development Study: New Perspectives on Tonto Basin Prehistory. Anthropological Papers No. 15, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson.
Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (these two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three volumes) contains the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents the synthesis and conclusions.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile continuous area along the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These include two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites); Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic Horizon (AD. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the Tonto Basin and it provides definitive evidence for an indigenous pre-Hohokam population. The project area was the most intensively inhabited during the early Classic period Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. It was largely abandoned by A.D. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites.
The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these goals, 6 sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, while an extensive data set was gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
The two volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 13 present the project background and provide descriptive information on the excavation and testing of these sites. Found within these volumes are site and feature descriptions, site and feature maps, general artifact data, and preliminary interpretations of the individual sites. Oversized maps from the Meddler Point site are included as a separate bound map supplement to Volume 2 (not included here but available at archaeologysouthwest.org). More specific artifact data and analyses can be found in the three volumes that make up Anthropological Papers No. 14, particularly Volume 2 which explores the ceramic assemblage in detail. Anthropological Papers No. 15 integrates these data to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin.
the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken
in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The
results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert
Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (these
two volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14
(three volumes) contains the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15
presents the synthesis and conclusions.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile continuous area along
the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional,
temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These include two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler
Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry
compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and
Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic Horizon (AD. 100-600) at Locus
B of the Eagle Ridge site through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early
Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the
Tonto Basin, and it provides definitive evidence for an indigenous pre-Hohokam population. The project
area was the most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large
pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. It was largely abandoned by AD. 1325, prior
to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were
recovered from project area sites.
The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the
temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these
goals, 6 sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, while an extensive data set was
gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
The two volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 13 present
the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken
in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The
results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert
Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (two
volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three
volumes) includes the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents
the synthesis and conclusions.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along
the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional,
temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler
Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry
compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and
Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (A.D. 100-600) at Locus
B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (A.D. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early
Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the
Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project
area was the most intensively inhabited during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, large
pueblos, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the
presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time. The RCD project
area was largely abandoned by A.D. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the
Gila phase; very few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites.
The mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the
temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these
goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was
gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
The three volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 14 present the artifact and environmental analyses.
More than 150,000 artifacts were recovered from the RCD excavations. This volume (Volume 1) includes
analyses of the chipped stone (Chapter 1), ground stone (Chapter 2), jewelry and personal ornament
(Chapter 3), and shell (Chapter 4) assemblages. The ceramic artifact assemblage is examined in Volume
2, and Volume 3 presents an analysis of the paleobotanical and osteolOgical data. More specific
information on the individual sites and the project background can be found in Anthropological Papers
No. 13. Anthropological Papers No. 15 integrates and synthesizes these data to provide a more inclusive
view of the prehistoriC occupation of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin.
Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional, temporal, and, likely cultural diversity. These sites included two with platform mounds (the Meddler Point and Pyramid Point sites), a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site), smaller masonry compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site), and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (A.D. 100-600) at Locus B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (A.D. 1250-1350) of the Classic period.
The Center for Desert Archaeology's Anthropological Papers No. 14 (Volume 2) is the project's ceramic artifact report. The volume's organization and chapter thumbnails are presented in Chapter 5 (Stark and Heidke), and Chapter 6 (Heidke) offers an overview of the RCD ceramic collection. Temporal trends in the buffware and decorated brownware ceramics (Henry D. Wallace, Chapter 7), nonbuffware decorated ceramics (Andrew L. Christenson, Chapter 8), utilitarian ceramic temper (Elizabeth Miksa and Heidke, Chapter 9), and utilitarian ceramic manufacturing technology (Stark, Chapter 10) are then reviewed. Chapter 11 (Stark) places the early plainware pottery recovered from one RCD site in the context of the Greater Southwest. Chapter 12 (Stark, James M. Vint, and Heidke) uses temper and paste composition data to probe the origins of the inhabitants of one early Colonial period RCD site. Chapter 13 (Deborah L. Swartz) investigates the relationship between shaped ceramic and stone disks and the evidence for textile production recovered from the project. Chapter 14 (Stark) explores the relationship between utilitarian vessel form and function, and that study leads into the discussion of technological style and methods for addressing cultural identity using utilitarian ceramics that is presented in Chapter 15 (Stark). Chapter 16 (Stark and Heidke) uses a characterization of early Classic period utilitarian ceramic production, distribution, and consumption to model prehistoric Tonto Basin interaction. Finally, Chapter 17 (Heidke and Stark) summarizes the results of the chronological, technological, and economic studies given throughout the volume and places them in the context of the project area's settlement over time.
Location: http://core.tdar.org/document/378206
More Info: Co-edited with Miriam T. Stark. Available through the Digital Archaeological Record (see "Location" link)
Publisher: Center for Desert Archaeology
Organization: Desert Archaeology, Inc.
Publication Date: 1995
Publication Name: The Roosevelt Community Development Study, Volume 2: Ceramic Chronology, Technology, and Economics
Research Interests: Pottery (Archaeology), Ceramic Ana
the Lower Tonto Basin of central Arizona. This is one of three related data recovery projects undertaken
in the Tonto Basin for the Bureau of Reclamation prior to the raising of the Roosevelt Lake dam. The
results of the RCD project are presented in four Anthropological Papers of the Center for Desert
Archaeology: Anthropological Papers No. 12 is the research design; Anthropological Papers No. 13 (two
volumes) contains background information and the site descriptions; Anthropological Papers No. 14 (three
volumes) includes the artifact and environmental analyses; and Anthropological Papers No. 15 presents
the synthesis and conclusions.
The project was situated within the Tonto National Forest and covered a four-mile, continuous area along
the north bank of the Salt River. Sites within the project area exhibited a great range of functional,
temporal, and, possibly, cultural diversity. These included two sites with platform mounds (the Meddler
Point and Pyramid Point sites); a 100-room masonry pueblo (the Griffin Wash site); smaller masonry
compounds (e.g., the Porcupine site); and pithouse hamlets and farmsteads (e.g., the Hedge Apple and
Eagle Ridge sites). Temporal components ranged from the Early Ceramic period (AD. 100-600), at Locus
B of the Eagle Ridge site, through the Roosevelt phase (AD. 1250-1350) of the Classic period. The Early
Ceramic component of the Eagle Ridge site is now the earliest documented ceramic period site in the
Tonto Basin and provides definitive evidence for an indigenous ceramic-using population. The project
area was inhabited most intensively during the Roosevelt phase, when platform mounds, pueblo room
blocks, and small masonry compounds were occupied. Architectural and artifact variability suggest the
presence of several different cultural groups co-residing in the Tonto Basin at this time, and migration is
believed to have been a significant process in Tonto Basin prehistory. The RCD project area was largely
abandoned by AD. 1325, prior to the large-scale aggregation that occurred during the Gila phase; very
few Gila Polychrome sherds were recovered from project area sites.
TIle mandate of the RCD project, as specified by the Bureau of Reclamation, was to investigate the
temporal and developmental sequence of the prehistoric populations within this area. To meet these
goals, six sites were intensively examined through full-scale excavation, and an extensive data set was
gathered from the remaining 21 sites.
The three volumes in Anthropological Papers No. 14 contain the artifact and environmental analyses. More
than 150,000 artifacts were recovered from the RCD excavations. This volume (Volume 3) presents the
paleobotanical and osteological data. Included are analyses of the pollen (Chapter 18), flotation (Chapter
19), faunal (Chapter 20), and mortuary (Chapter 21) assemblages. Data from the subsistence analyses are
combined and synthesized in Chapter 22. Volume 1 of Anthropological Papers No. 14 presents the
analyses of the chipped stone, ground stone, jewelry and personal ornament, and shell assemblages. The
ceramic artifact assemblage is examined in Volume 2. More specific information on the individual sites
and the project background can be found in Anthropological Papers No. 13. Anthropological Papers No.
15 integrates and synthesizes these data to provide a more inclusive view of the prehistoric occupation
of the RCD project area and the Tonto Basin.
I
trash mounds, and 66 extramural features were recovered within a 2500 square meter area.
The excavation methodology, which involved the complete excavation of all major features and the stripping of large areas of extramural space, allows for a detailed investigation into Hohokam settlement of this area.
The site contained a wealth of cultural remains. Approximately 70 percent of the structures burned, many with complete floor assemblages. Numerous whole vessels, flaked and ground stone tools, shell and ceramic jewelry, and over 250,000 seeds and other
ethnobotanical remains, were recovered. A single storage structure, Feature 19 , contained the majority of the ethnobotanical material, along with 18 reconstructible vessels, basket and matting fragments, several palettes, and other artifacts.
The recovery of a large number of Middle Rincon sherds and whole vessels allowed for a refinement of the 100 year Middle Rincon subphase into three periods through the use of multidimensional scaling techniques. These data are used in conjunction with other chronological indicators to structure the site into contemporaneous sets of courtyard groups or pithouse clusters. A wide range of extramural activities are also documented.
The nearly complete excavation and data recovery, along with detailed petrographic analysis of the ceramic assemblage, also allows for an in-depth examination of trade and exchange within the Tucson Basin. The data indicate that the majority of the Tanque Verde Wash ceramics were not manufactured locally but instead were imported from the Santa Cruz River area in the western Tucson Basin. A flow-rate analysis is conducted on the ceramic assemblage.
As a related analysis, settlement patterns within the eastern Tucson Basin are examined through a detailed investigation of all eastern Basin sites recorded to date. This study represents the first in-depth synthesis of this material. Several models for settlement are presented and the data are compared with previous settlement models developed for the
Santa Cruz River area in the western Tucson Basin.
Archaeological investigations focused on the courtyard group or household, the basic economic and social unit of Hohokam settlement. Household estimates are the minimum number, because one-third to one-half of the site area has not been systematically investigated, although limited testing has shown that additional Middle Rincon structures are present. Occupation of the site grew from a minimum of one or two households during the Rillito/Early Rincon phase, to five households during Middle Rincon 2 and 3. The site was largely depopulated by the Late Rincon phase, which contained two households, while only a single household was occupied during the final Late Rincon/Tanque Verde phase. The Tanque Verde Wash site data strongly suggest that settlement and subsistence systems seen in the more intensively studied Santa Cruz River area also occurred in the eastern Tucson Basin, where Middle Rincon settlement consisted of dispersed “rancheria” sites that aggregated into fewer, but larger, sites during the Classic period. The apparent depopulation of the site sometime in the Late Rincon phase also suggests it was during this time that aggregation began.
The inhabitants of the Tanque Verde Wash site made very few artifacts, consisting primarily of expedient flaked and ground stone tools. The lack of pottery-production tools suggests that even ceramics compatible with the “local” petrofacies (within 3 km of the Tanque Verde Wash site) were not made at the site itself. Tanque Verde Wash households were therefore not craft producers, but rather, craft consumers, importing most of their pottery, shell jewelry, and ground stone tools. Petrographic research indicates the source for most of the decorated and approximately 40% of the plain ware ceramics was the Beehive Petrofacies along the Santa Cruz River, where large pottery-producing sites have been documented. Goods exchanged by Tanque Verde Wash inhabitants for these artifacts likely included higher elevation resources, above 4,000 ft, easily accessible in the nearby Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains. These resources included agave, acorns, and pieces of micaceous schist. Micaceous schist, found only in these mountains, was a highly desirable ceramic temper, and has been recovered in
significant quantities from pottery-producing sites along the Santa Cruz River, where it is intrusive. The Tanque Verde Wash site inhabitants may have also engaged in limited craft specialization, specifically in the manufacture of mica ornaments.
The Tanque Verde Wash data strongly suggest each household functioned in a relatively independent manner. This is based on differences in food resources and ceramics among contemporaneous households, including those in close proximity to each other. This further suggests that each household may have had specific trade-partner ties with households at other sites, possibly based on kinship. Craft specialization in mica ornament production was also household specific, involving two or three of the five Middle Rincon households. Significantly, ethnobotanical and artifact data also suggest the Middle Rincon households in the southeast locus were wealthier, or better off, than contemporaneous households in the northwest locus, raising the possibility that status-based ranking or social stratification was present by this time in Tucson Basin Hohokam society.
Early Rincon subphase. Occupation drastically decreased during the Middle Rincon subphase and the site was essentially abandoned by the Late Rincon subphase. An isolated and discrete component in the southern section of the site was tested through backhoe trench excavation to determine the significance of this area and the location of the
southern site boundary. Twenty-six subsurface features were recorded in trenches spaced 50 m apart. These included 20 pithouses and it is estimated that the southern component
contained a substantial occupation during the Rillito phase; as many as 60 to 85 houses are predicted to be present. The southern boundary of the site was defined through the testing.