Jelena Vasiljević (PhD in socio-cultural anthropology) is a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade. Her background is in political anthropology and citizenship studies. Main areas of expertise and research interests include: citizenship transformations in post-Yugoslav states, memory politics, culture and rights, active citizenship and social movements, political solidarity, theories of solidarity, Southeast Europe, social engagement.
She was a Research Fellow at the University of Edinburgh and at the Centre for South East European Studies, University of Graz.
Currently active in: EnTrust Horizon 2020 project; Jean Monnet Network Active citizenship in the Western Balkans; The Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BiEPAG).
This paper contends that, under certain socio-political circumstances and in given historical per... more This paper contends that, under certain socio-political circumstances and in given historical periods, some art forms become particularly powerful means of expressing collective ideas about a shared past. Might artistic forms themselves tell us something about the social function of collective memory, as well as about the society that “addresses” its past through them? In an attempt to answer this question, the paper will look at the distinctive artistic expressions for remembering the Yugoslav anti-fascist Partisan movement and World War II at three moments in time, during which the memory of World War II was respectively (1) institutionalized as a narrative of the Partisan struggle and victory (through monumental memorials), (2) then called into question and remolded into “dissident” literary narratives, to eventually become (3) a form of activist socio-cultural critique of both nationalist memorialization in post-Yugoslav states and contemporary capitalist realities (through choir singing).
Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe, 2024
The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great v... more The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great variation among them in terms of origin, ideological profile, organizational forms and adopted strategies. Typically, they depart from participatory practices and contribute to participatory turns in politics. However, there is scant research on how movement parties maintain those principles and procedures once they enter the institutional arena. Moreover, the question of intra-party democracy (IPD) is itself rarely researched, particularly in Southeast Europe (SEE), a region dominated by authoritarian centralized parties. Therefore, this chapter aims to contribute to the growing literature on party movements by focusing on SEE and looking into their party movements’ internal democracy practices. We take examples of two ideologically similar democratic movement parties, MOŽEMO! (We Can) from Croatia and Zeleno-levi front (Green-Left Front) from Serbia. Both originated as bottom-up green-left movements within political settings dominated by right-wing political narratives but in differing national contexts regarding the quality of democracy. This chapter presents an analysis of MOŽEMO! and Zeleno-levi front statutory documents, focusing primarily on their articulation of participatory principles for IPD.
While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential ... more While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant
mobilizing potential ... more While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
Kosovo – Serbia: A Different Approach, Pristina and Belgrade: Institute for Social Policy Musine Kokalari & Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, 2022
Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens' a... more Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens' attitudes, sense of agency and ability to formulate concrete policy proposals. The focus of this paper is the first ever deliberative mini public in Belgrade, centred on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone and rerouting traffic in the city core. By relying on a set of qualitative and quantitative data collected before and after the deliberation, we aim to explore the effects of the public deliberation on the participants' knowledge, attitudes and preferences. Our hypothesis was that participation in this deliberative process led to better understanding (enhanced knowledge) of the discussed topic and change in attitudes and preferences regarding its realization. The scope of this study is limited, given the non-experimental design and small sample. Overall, the results indicate that participants` knowledge on the topic of deliberation is enhanced, becoming more precise, elaborate and encompassing different perspectives. As for the attitudes and preferences, in most cases, around two-thirds of the sample changed their positions, while about a third of the sample changed sides, mostly agreeing less with the expansion of the pedestrian zone. The findings support the conclusion that, on a local level, deliberation has the capacity to inform and enhance competence for greater political participation.
Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually ope... more Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually operates as the “social glue” for the latter, holding together its formal components such as rights, duties, and membership criteria. The “we” that sets the parameters for membership and equality is not only legally defined but also discursively produced and maintained. Here, the rhetoric of solidarity plays an important yet ambiguous role, as it can advocate for interdependence and full inclusion while at the same time solidifying the exclusionary “we.” The aim of this article is to show how solidarity reasoning—the question of with whom we should be solidary and why—plays a functional role in maintaining citizenship agendas, and how this reasoning changes to support and enable shifts in these agendas. The dominant solidarity narratives that have supported prevailing citizenship agendas in Serbia (and across the post-Yugoslav space) over the last couple of decades will be discussed, as will counter-narratives that have served to destabilize hegemonic agendas by envisioning citizenship communities differently. Today, the ambiguous role solidarity can play within a citizenship agenda becomes especially obvious in neoliberal regimes, where, as I will show in the case of contemporary Serbia, calls for solidarity can be deployed to foster very distinct, arguably mutually opposing, kinds of political subjectivities and citizen activism.
East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, 2020
Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually ope... more Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually operates as the “social glue” for the latter, holding together its formal components such as rights, duties, and membership criteria. The “we” that sets the parameters for membership and equality is not only legally defined but also discursively produced and maintained. Here, the rhetoric of solidarity plays an important yet ambiguous role, as it can advocate for interdependence and full inclusion while at the same time solidifying the exclusionary “we.” The aim of this article is to show how solidarity reasoning—the question of with whom we should be solidary and why—plays a functional role in maintaining citizenship agendas, and how this reasoning changes to support and enable shifts in these agendas. The dominant solidarity narratives that have supported prevailing citizenship agendas in Serbia (and across the post-Yugoslav space) over the last couple of decades will be discussed, as wil...
In memory studies, the importance of textualization and visualization (cultural mediation) of the... more In memory studies, the importance of textualization and visualization (cultural mediation) of the socially shared memories of the past is particularly emphasized. However, while the accent is on the issues of the reasons for some representations to become dominant in relation to others, why the preferred images of the past change over time, as well as of the circumstances and actors that facilitate these changes in the choice and representation of the “desirable” past, less attention is paid to the change in the dominant media through which these images are transferred. This paper examines the reasons behind certain socio-political circumstances and historical periods that render particularly relevant some artistic forms in collective representations of the shared past. Can the artistic forms themselves, as the media of transfer of the messages from the past, testify of the socio-historical function of collective memory, as well as of the society that “addresses” its past in this ma...
Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 16 (3):899–915, 2021
Kulturni pristup studijama sećanja posebno naglašava važnost tekstualizacije i vizualizacije (kul... more Kulturni pristup studijama sećanja posebno naglašava važnost tekstualizacije i vizualizacije (kulturne medijacije) društveno deljenih sećanja na prošlost. Međutim, dok se akcenat prevashodno stavlja na pitanja zašto neke predstave o prošlosti postaju dominantne u odnosu na druge, zašto se preferirane slike prošlosti menjaju tokom vremena, kao i kako se, pod kojim okolnostima i uz pomoć kojih aktera ove izmene u odabiru i predstavljanju „poželjne“ prošlosti odigravaju, manje se pažnje poklanja pitanju smene dominantnih medija kojima se slike prošlosti prenose. Istraživačko pitanje ovog rada jeste zašto u određenim društvenopolitičkim okolnostima i istorijskim periodima neke umetničke forme postaju naročito relevantne za kolektivne predstave o deljenoj prošlosti. Mogu li nam same umetničke forme, kao mediji prenošenja poruka iz prošlosti, reći nešto o društveno-istorijskoj funkciji kolektivnog sećanja, kao i o samom društvu koje se na ovaj način „obraća“ svojoj prošlosti? U pokušaju da ponudi potvrdni odgovor na ovo pitanje, rad će se osvrnuti na favorizovane umetničke izraze sećanja na Drugi svetski rat u tri vremenska trenutka, u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji i nakon nje: radi se o okvirnim vremenskim periodima kada se sećanje na Drugi svetski rat: 1) ozvaničava i institucionalizuje kao narativ o partizanskoj borbi i pobedi; 2) osporava, te preoblikuje u „disidentski“ narativ; 3) preuzima od nekadašnjeg oficijelnog sećanja i pretvara u oblik društveno-kulturne kritike.
This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to... more This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.
The break-up of Yugoslavia disintegrated the Yugoslav citizenship regime, and new communities of ... more The break-up of Yugoslavia disintegrated the Yugoslav citizenship regime, and new communities of citizens and citizenship regulations were born. Since the identitarian and lived aspects of citizenship are inseparable from its formal and legal aspects, (not) having the ‘right’ personal documents and (not) being recognized as the ‘right’ kind of citizen had profound effects on the lives of many individuals. Relying on the concept of documentality and stressing the feature of documents as being constitutive of social reality, this article analyses personal narratives illustrating the lived experience of citizenship transformations after the break-up of Yugoslavia.
The main focus of our paper is on a specific form of democratic discourse, used in different type... more The main focus of our paper is on a specific form of democratic discourse, used in different types of social engagement actions (petitions, speeches, intellectual engagement, ad hoc citizens' protests, social movements etc.), that attempts to politicize a certain issue by challenging the neoliberal principle of instrumentalism which argues that democratic procedures can legitimately be abandoned in the name of the greater efficiency of socioeconomic development. Therefore, we start from identifying the discourse of "neoliberal instrumentalism" and its relative success in delegitimizing the welfare state and mechanisms of democratic decision making and we formulate a conceptual model of a democratic counter-narrative named "anti-instrumentalist discourse". Through empirical analyses of discourse used by We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own initiative, that mobilized against the Serbian government's urban project Belgrade Waterfront we try to illustrate the applicability and the heuristic value of the proposed model. The data for the analyses were collected through 1) desk analysis of available secondary data on the Belgrade Waterfront project, 2) official statements and proclamations of the We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own initiative, 3) semi-structured interviews with four core members of the initiative.
In a broader sense, this article is interested in solidarity as a politically operational concept... more In a broader sense, this article is interested in solidarity as a politically operational concept. To be able to answer more general questions - like What does it mean to base a political community on the principles of solidarity? Can acts of solidarity be used not only to help (support) others, but with the aim to change power relations and constitute new political orders as well? - we must first situate solidarity in relation to some already established frameworks of thinking about the political community. It is within theories and models of citizenship that I want to situate my exploration of the political value of solidarity in this paper. Firstly, if we want to go beyond isolated gestures and actions of solidarity, to question its general capacities for political reordering, we need to firmly anchor it in broad concepts that capture the ideals and visions of political community. Without a doubt, citizenship is one such concept. Secondly, there is hardly a theory or approach to citizenship that does not presuppose some aspects of solidarity as foundational. Finally, and closely related to the previous point, citizenship and solidarity, although often conceptually intertwined, form a paradoxical duo, reflecting further potential paradoxes that may arise from endeavours to engage solidarity as a political principle. In short, citizenship is a simultaneously inclusive and exclusive notion, incorporating the idea that some sort of boundary encircles a body of citizens (most often, but not exclusively, nation-state boundaries), despite the fact that solidarity loses much of its meaning when expected to operate and be exercised within certain imposed limits.
Adriana Zaharijević i Katarina Lončarević (eds.), Feministička teorija je za sve. Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju i Fakultet političkih nauka, pp. 361–375., 2019
Kakva je priroda odnosa između zajednice i solidarnosti; da li solidarnost konstituiše zajednicu ... more Kakva je priroda odnosa između zajednice i solidarnosti; da li solidarnost konstituiše zajednicu ili, obrnuto, zajednica stvara solidarne veze; ima li solidarnost antagonizujućeg drugog (solidarna borba protiv) i kako solidarnost konstituiše grani-ce/zidove/mostove između nas i drugih/drugačijih; u čemu se sastoji politička priroda solidarnosti (za razliku od drugih društvenih odnosa pomoći, podrške, saradnje)? In-spirisana stalnom i gorljivom tematizacijom ovih pitanja unutar feminizma, u ovom tekstu ću se pak fokusirati na sam pojam-problem solidarnosti u društvenoj teoriji ge-neralno, uverena da svaka teorijska refleksija o njemu, a naročito o njegovoj podrazu-mevanoj političkoj dimenziji, mora imati visoku relevantnost i za feministički teorijski i praktični angažman. U tekstu ću se prvo kratko osvrnuti na savremeni kontekst koji je reaktuelizovao interesovanje za solidarnost, te ukazati na pristupe ovoj temi koje lično smatram najproduktivnijim. Taj će me put neminovno dovesti i do problema adekvatne definicije, tj. do razloga zbog kojih je teško precizno definisati solidarnost. Potom ću se opet vratiti na savremenost i neke skorašnje pokušaje teoretisanja i problematizovanja solidarnosti-kao ideje, kao ponašanja, i kao stavova-te pokušati da uočim spone među njima, kao i da ukažem na neka otvorena pitanja i teme za čija dublja istraživanja snažno plediram.
This paper contends that, under certain socio-political circumstances and in given historical per... more This paper contends that, under certain socio-political circumstances and in given historical periods, some art forms become particularly powerful means of expressing collective ideas about a shared past. Might artistic forms themselves tell us something about the social function of collective memory, as well as about the society that “addresses” its past through them? In an attempt to answer this question, the paper will look at the distinctive artistic expressions for remembering the Yugoslav anti-fascist Partisan movement and World War II at three moments in time, during which the memory of World War II was respectively (1) institutionalized as a narrative of the Partisan struggle and victory (through monumental memorials), (2) then called into question and remolded into “dissident” literary narratives, to eventually become (3) a form of activist socio-cultural critique of both nationalist memorialization in post-Yugoslav states and contemporary capitalist realities (through choir singing).
Participatory Democratic Innovations in Southeast Europe, 2024
The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great v... more The scholarship on ‘movement parties’ – parties originating from social movements – shows great variation among them in terms of origin, ideological profile, organizational forms and adopted strategies. Typically, they depart from participatory practices and contribute to participatory turns in politics. However, there is scant research on how movement parties maintain those principles and procedures once they enter the institutional arena. Moreover, the question of intra-party democracy (IPD) is itself rarely researched, particularly in Southeast Europe (SEE), a region dominated by authoritarian centralized parties. Therefore, this chapter aims to contribute to the growing literature on party movements by focusing on SEE and looking into their party movements’ internal democracy practices. We take examples of two ideologically similar democratic movement parties, MOŽEMO! (We Can) from Croatia and Zeleno-levi front (Green-Left Front) from Serbia. Both originated as bottom-up green-left movements within political settings dominated by right-wing political narratives but in differing national contexts regarding the quality of democracy. This chapter presents an analysis of MOŽEMO! and Zeleno-levi front statutory documents, focusing primarily on their articulation of participatory principles for IPD.
While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential ... more While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant
mobilizing potential ... more While the narratives of democratization and Europeanization had significant mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
Kosovo – Serbia: A Different Approach, Pristina and Belgrade: Institute for Social Policy Musine Kokalari & Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, 2022
Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens' a... more Participation in deliberative arenas is often lauded for its transformative impact on citizens' attitudes, sense of agency and ability to formulate concrete policy proposals. The focus of this paper is the first ever deliberative mini public in Belgrade, centred on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone and rerouting traffic in the city core. By relying on a set of qualitative and quantitative data collected before and after the deliberation, we aim to explore the effects of the public deliberation on the participants' knowledge, attitudes and preferences. Our hypothesis was that participation in this deliberative process led to better understanding (enhanced knowledge) of the discussed topic and change in attitudes and preferences regarding its realization. The scope of this study is limited, given the non-experimental design and small sample. Overall, the results indicate that participants` knowledge on the topic of deliberation is enhanced, becoming more precise, elaborate and encompassing different perspectives. As for the attitudes and preferences, in most cases, around two-thirds of the sample changed their positions, while about a third of the sample changed sides, mostly agreeing less with the expansion of the pedestrian zone. The findings support the conclusion that, on a local level, deliberation has the capacity to inform and enhance competence for greater political participation.
Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually ope... more Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually operates as the “social glue” for the latter, holding together its formal components such as rights, duties, and membership criteria. The “we” that sets the parameters for membership and equality is not only legally defined but also discursively produced and maintained. Here, the rhetoric of solidarity plays an important yet ambiguous role, as it can advocate for interdependence and full inclusion while at the same time solidifying the exclusionary “we.” The aim of this article is to show how solidarity reasoning—the question of with whom we should be solidary and why—plays a functional role in maintaining citizenship agendas, and how this reasoning changes to support and enable shifts in these agendas. The dominant solidarity narratives that have supported prevailing citizenship agendas in Serbia (and across the post-Yugoslav space) over the last couple of decades will be discussed, as will counter-narratives that have served to destabilize hegemonic agendas by envisioning citizenship communities differently. Today, the ambiguous role solidarity can play within a citizenship agenda becomes especially obvious in neoliberal regimes, where, as I will show in the case of contemporary Serbia, calls for solidarity can be deployed to foster very distinct, arguably mutually opposing, kinds of political subjectivities and citizen activism.
East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures, 2020
Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually ope... more Solidarity and citizenship are intertwined in a very complex manner, where the former usually operates as the “social glue” for the latter, holding together its formal components such as rights, duties, and membership criteria. The “we” that sets the parameters for membership and equality is not only legally defined but also discursively produced and maintained. Here, the rhetoric of solidarity plays an important yet ambiguous role, as it can advocate for interdependence and full inclusion while at the same time solidifying the exclusionary “we.” The aim of this article is to show how solidarity reasoning—the question of with whom we should be solidary and why—plays a functional role in maintaining citizenship agendas, and how this reasoning changes to support and enable shifts in these agendas. The dominant solidarity narratives that have supported prevailing citizenship agendas in Serbia (and across the post-Yugoslav space) over the last couple of decades will be discussed, as wil...
In memory studies, the importance of textualization and visualization (cultural mediation) of the... more In memory studies, the importance of textualization and visualization (cultural mediation) of the socially shared memories of the past is particularly emphasized. However, while the accent is on the issues of the reasons for some representations to become dominant in relation to others, why the preferred images of the past change over time, as well as of the circumstances and actors that facilitate these changes in the choice and representation of the “desirable” past, less attention is paid to the change in the dominant media through which these images are transferred. This paper examines the reasons behind certain socio-political circumstances and historical periods that render particularly relevant some artistic forms in collective representations of the shared past. Can the artistic forms themselves, as the media of transfer of the messages from the past, testify of the socio-historical function of collective memory, as well as of the society that “addresses” its past in this ma...
Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 16 (3):899–915, 2021
Kulturni pristup studijama sećanja posebno naglašava važnost tekstualizacije i vizualizacije (kul... more Kulturni pristup studijama sećanja posebno naglašava važnost tekstualizacije i vizualizacije (kulturne medijacije) društveno deljenih sećanja na prošlost. Međutim, dok se akcenat prevashodno stavlja na pitanja zašto neke predstave o prošlosti postaju dominantne u odnosu na druge, zašto se preferirane slike prošlosti menjaju tokom vremena, kao i kako se, pod kojim okolnostima i uz pomoć kojih aktera ove izmene u odabiru i predstavljanju „poželjne“ prošlosti odigravaju, manje se pažnje poklanja pitanju smene dominantnih medija kojima se slike prošlosti prenose. Istraživačko pitanje ovog rada jeste zašto u određenim društvenopolitičkim okolnostima i istorijskim periodima neke umetničke forme postaju naročito relevantne za kolektivne predstave o deljenoj prošlosti. Mogu li nam same umetničke forme, kao mediji prenošenja poruka iz prošlosti, reći nešto o društveno-istorijskoj funkciji kolektivnog sećanja, kao i o samom društvu koje se na ovaj način „obraća“ svojoj prošlosti? U pokušaju da ponudi potvrdni odgovor na ovo pitanje, rad će se osvrnuti na favorizovane umetničke izraze sećanja na Drugi svetski rat u tri vremenska trenutka, u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji i nakon nje: radi se o okvirnim vremenskim periodima kada se sećanje na Drugi svetski rat: 1) ozvaničava i institucionalizuje kao narativ o partizanskoj borbi i pobedi; 2) osporava, te preoblikuje u „disidentski“ narativ; 3) preuzima od nekadašnjeg oficijelnog sećanja i pretvara u oblik društveno-kulturne kritike.
This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to... more This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements’ characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.
The break-up of Yugoslavia disintegrated the Yugoslav citizenship regime, and new communities of ... more The break-up of Yugoslavia disintegrated the Yugoslav citizenship regime, and new communities of citizens and citizenship regulations were born. Since the identitarian and lived aspects of citizenship are inseparable from its formal and legal aspects, (not) having the ‘right’ personal documents and (not) being recognized as the ‘right’ kind of citizen had profound effects on the lives of many individuals. Relying on the concept of documentality and stressing the feature of documents as being constitutive of social reality, this article analyses personal narratives illustrating the lived experience of citizenship transformations after the break-up of Yugoslavia.
The main focus of our paper is on a specific form of democratic discourse, used in different type... more The main focus of our paper is on a specific form of democratic discourse, used in different types of social engagement actions (petitions, speeches, intellectual engagement, ad hoc citizens' protests, social movements etc.), that attempts to politicize a certain issue by challenging the neoliberal principle of instrumentalism which argues that democratic procedures can legitimately be abandoned in the name of the greater efficiency of socioeconomic development. Therefore, we start from identifying the discourse of "neoliberal instrumentalism" and its relative success in delegitimizing the welfare state and mechanisms of democratic decision making and we formulate a conceptual model of a democratic counter-narrative named "anti-instrumentalist discourse". Through empirical analyses of discourse used by We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own initiative, that mobilized against the Serbian government's urban project Belgrade Waterfront we try to illustrate the applicability and the heuristic value of the proposed model. The data for the analyses were collected through 1) desk analysis of available secondary data on the Belgrade Waterfront project, 2) official statements and proclamations of the We Won't Let Belgrade D(r)own initiative, 3) semi-structured interviews with four core members of the initiative.
In a broader sense, this article is interested in solidarity as a politically operational concept... more In a broader sense, this article is interested in solidarity as a politically operational concept. To be able to answer more general questions - like What does it mean to base a political community on the principles of solidarity? Can acts of solidarity be used not only to help (support) others, but with the aim to change power relations and constitute new political orders as well? - we must first situate solidarity in relation to some already established frameworks of thinking about the political community. It is within theories and models of citizenship that I want to situate my exploration of the political value of solidarity in this paper. Firstly, if we want to go beyond isolated gestures and actions of solidarity, to question its general capacities for political reordering, we need to firmly anchor it in broad concepts that capture the ideals and visions of political community. Without a doubt, citizenship is one such concept. Secondly, there is hardly a theory or approach to citizenship that does not presuppose some aspects of solidarity as foundational. Finally, and closely related to the previous point, citizenship and solidarity, although often conceptually intertwined, form a paradoxical duo, reflecting further potential paradoxes that may arise from endeavours to engage solidarity as a political principle. In short, citizenship is a simultaneously inclusive and exclusive notion, incorporating the idea that some sort of boundary encircles a body of citizens (most often, but not exclusively, nation-state boundaries), despite the fact that solidarity loses much of its meaning when expected to operate and be exercised within certain imposed limits.
Adriana Zaharijević i Katarina Lončarević (eds.), Feministička teorija je za sve. Beograd: Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju i Fakultet političkih nauka, pp. 361–375., 2019
Kakva je priroda odnosa između zajednice i solidarnosti; da li solidarnost konstituiše zajednicu ... more Kakva je priroda odnosa između zajednice i solidarnosti; da li solidarnost konstituiše zajednicu ili, obrnuto, zajednica stvara solidarne veze; ima li solidarnost antagonizujućeg drugog (solidarna borba protiv) i kako solidarnost konstituiše grani-ce/zidove/mostove između nas i drugih/drugačijih; u čemu se sastoji politička priroda solidarnosti (za razliku od drugih društvenih odnosa pomoći, podrške, saradnje)? In-spirisana stalnom i gorljivom tematizacijom ovih pitanja unutar feminizma, u ovom tekstu ću se pak fokusirati na sam pojam-problem solidarnosti u društvenoj teoriji ge-neralno, uverena da svaka teorijska refleksija o njemu, a naročito o njegovoj podrazu-mevanoj političkoj dimenziji, mora imati visoku relevantnost i za feministički teorijski i praktični angažman. U tekstu ću se prvo kratko osvrnuti na savremeni kontekst koji je reaktuelizovao interesovanje za solidarnost, te ukazati na pristupe ovoj temi koje lično smatram najproduktivnijim. Taj će me put neminovno dovesti i do problema adekvatne definicije, tj. do razloga zbog kojih je teško precizno definisati solidarnost. Potom ću se opet vratiti na savremenost i neke skorašnje pokušaje teoretisanja i problematizovanja solidarnosti-kao ideje, kao ponašanja, i kao stavova-te pokušati da uočim spone među njima, kao i da ukažem na neka otvorena pitanja i teme za čija dublja istraživanja snažno plediram.
Kada govorimo o krizi demokratije i zarobljenoj državi u jugistočnoj Evropi, najčešće se pominju:... more Kada govorimo o krizi demokratije i zarobljenoj državi u jugistočnoj Evropi, najčešće se pominju: endemska korupcija, partokratija, fenomen zarobljenih institucija, kontrola medija, te paraliza parlamentarizma.
Međutim, paralelno s ovim trendom – svakako u velikoj meri i kao odgovor na njega – svedočimo i nastajanju novih političkih organizovanja odozdo: protestnih i drugih samoorganizovanih građanskih inicijativa koje kritikuju rastući autoritarizam i nepoštovanje demokratskih procedura. Predstavljamo rezultate komparativnog istraživanja – prvog sistematskog pokušaja da se dva snažna talasa građanskog aktivizma i angažovanosti iznesu na svetlost dana.
Zahvaljujući podršci Balkanskog fonda za demokratiju i regionalne kancelarije FES SOE, nudimo doprinos razumevanju nastanka, funkcionisanja i izazova društvenih pokreta u dve paradigmatične države u regionu.
Uz prihvatanje kulturne obojenosti građanstva, neophodno je prihvatiti i uvek prisutnu političku ... more Uz prihvatanje kulturne obojenosti građanstva, neophodno je prihvatiti i uvek prisutnu političku prirodu kulturnog (odnosno onog koje se tiče grupnih afilijacija, bilo u etničkom, religijskom ili nekom drugom smislu). Ako priznamo izvesnu snagu argumentu da kao građani moramo imati pravo i na (svoju) kulturu, trebalo bi uvažiti i uvid da smo u (svojoj) kulturi odmah već i građani – jer i kultura je stvar politike, pripadanja, pregovaranja, odnosa moći, privilegovanja i marginalizacije. Građanski identitet nije sekundaran u odnosu na kulturni. Zapravo, teško ih je uopšte razdvojiti, a kako bi se izbegla mistifikacija koju kulturološka objašnjenja politike često sobom nose, potrebno je reafirmisati građansko i, ovog puta, njega injektirati u paradigmu kulturnog. S jedne strane, pristupi antropologije javnih politika mogu se koristiti za kontekstualno razumevanje širih društvenih implikacija pravnih i političkih dokumenata kojima se postavljaju osnove za kategorizaciju i upravljanje građanima i političkim telom. S druge strane, u okolnostima u kojima se pitanja određivanja (spoljnih granica) građanstva i njegovih unutrašnjih razgraničavanja (po etničkim i drugim linijama) postavljaju u samo središte političkih procesa – kao što je to slučaj u našem, ali i mnogim drugim postkonfliktnim društvima – građanstvo (kao potvrda pripadnosti) i državljanstvo (kao potvrda veze između pojedinca i institucija zajednice u kojoj živi) postaju plodan i važan etnografski teren, ne samo za antropološku disciplinu. Politički i pravni okviri u kojima se sprovode politike državljanstva i regulišu dostupnosti građanskih prava (i njihovo često vezivanje za prava konkretnih etničkih grupa), najdirektnije utiču na sudbine brojnih ljudi. Upravo su zato etnografske studije, kao komplementarna sredstva primene i testiranja teorijskih ideja, neophodne kao načini prodiranja u živući svet ljudskih odnosa konstituisanih uslovima normiranja i regulisanja zajednica građana i državljana. Otkrivanjem tog sveta najubedljivije nam se otkriva i istina da građanstvo nije samo teorijski koncept ili politička kategorija, već i definišući aspekt ljudske agensnosti i težnje ka dostojanstvenom životu.
Ova knjiga nastoji da odgovori na pitanje šta danas znači angažman i šta znači želeti uspostaviti... more Ova knjiga nastoji da odgovori na pitanje šta danas znači angažman i šta znači želeti uspostaviti studije angažovanosti.
Knjiga predstavlja zbornik radova Grupe za studije angažovanosti Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teritoriju. Ona je pokušaj da se pojam angažmana rasvetli i oblikuje na određene načine.
Cilj knjige je da se otvori prostor za jedno sasvim novo polje istraživanja, najavljeno podnaslovom.
Call for papers for a workshop and special issue to be held at 12 December, in online format at t... more Call for papers for a workshop and special issue to be held at 12 December, in online format at the Institute of Philosophy and Social Theory in Belgrade. Submission deadline: 20 October 2022.
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Papers by Jelena Vasiljevic
mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
mobilizing potential in the Western Balkans during the 1990s and early 2000s, their relevance has been largely undermined by recent political developments in the region and growing crises of solidarity within the EU. This article offers a novel perspective for understanding the prospects of an EU future for the Western Balkans, through a discussion of the ideas and practices of political solidarity. It introduces the need to differentiate between reactive and institutional solidarity, and argues that institutional solidarity has a unique potential to mobilize the attention and commitment of citizens by offering a projection of a durable and sustainable political community organized around the principles of social justice and equality. Operationalizing this has become a necessary precondition not only for the “European future” of the Western Balkans but also for the future of the European project itself.
Međutim, paralelno s ovim trendom – svakako u velikoj meri i kao odgovor na njega – svedočimo i nastajanju novih političkih organizovanja odozdo: protestnih i drugih samoorganizovanih građanskih inicijativa koje kritikuju rastući autoritarizam i nepoštovanje demokratskih procedura. Predstavljamo rezultate komparativnog istraživanja – prvog sistematskog pokušaja da se dva snažna talasa građanskog aktivizma i angažovanosti iznesu na svetlost dana.
Zahvaljujući podršci Balkanskog fonda za demokratiju i regionalne kancelarije FES SOE, nudimo doprinos razumevanju nastanka, funkcionisanja i izazova društvenih pokreta u dve paradigmatične države u regionu.
Knjiga predstavlja zbornik radova Grupe za studije angažovanosti Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teritoriju. Ona je pokušaj da se pojam angažmana rasvetli i oblikuje na određene načine.
Cilj knjige je da se otvori prostor za jedno sasvim novo polje istraživanja, najavljeno podnaslovom.