Medijatizacijski pristup istražuje međuigru medijskih i komunikacionih promena, s jedne strane, i... more Medijatizacijski pristup istražuje međuigru medijskih i komunikacionih promena, s jedne strane, i društvenih i kulturnih promena s druge strane. U fokusu je definisanje uloge medija u tom kompleksnom međuodnosu, koji su proučavali mnogi autori, a istraživači medijatizacije se oslanjaju ponajviše na teorije Entonija Gidensa, Pjera Burdijea i Bruna Latura. Manuel Kastels je takođe fokusiran na odnos medija i društva a u ovoj disertaciji rekonstruiše se njegovo viđenje medijatizacijskog procesa. Kao i istraživači medijatizacije, Kastels polazi od uloge medija i komunikacije kada problematizuje promene u savremenom svetu, a takođe je optuživan za izvesni nedostatak kritičke perspektive. Istraživanje se u disertaciji obavlja na dva nivoa. Prvo se analiziraju kritičke teorije Frankfurtske škole, poststrukturalizma i kulturnih studija, kao i različite verzije medium teorije, da bi se kritički konceptualizovala interakcija medija, društva i kulture. Potom se okreće analizi Kastelsove teorij...
Northern Lights: Film & Media Studies Yearbook, Volume 22, Issue Pop Politics on a Mutable Screen, 2024
This article focuses on the recent Russian and Serbian pop-political entanglement. Russians usual... more This article focuses on the recent Russian and Serbian pop-political entanglement. Russians usually rely on hard-power elements like military, energy and economics, but in the last several years they became active as sport club sponsors, telecommunication provider’s partners and film producers. The article examines the latter phenomenon of increasing presence of Russian characters within Serbian media culture, whether it is domestic, Russian or American production, like in the case of Stranger Things, where a Serbian actor Nikola Đuričko plays a Russian smuggler. The central figure though is young actor Miloš Biković, hired many times by Russian film producers in the last decade. His film The Balkan Line (2019) is examined in this article as a representative of Russian soft-power influence as well as their geopolitical stance. The Balkan Shadows (2017–present) and Stranger Things (2016–present) are analysed as pro-western counterparts in this superpower struggle within Serbian media culture.
The paper examines three approaches
to the information society and argues their
differences are b... more The paper examines three approaches to the information society and argues their differences are based on different definitions of knowledge. Daniel Bell’s post-industrial society is the most well-known approach and it is focused of academic verified theoretical knowledge. Therefore, its influence is stronger in the realm of technologically advanced manufacturing industries. Manuel Castells’ network society concept builds on Bell’s definition but adds cultural aspects related to collective identities that oppose the abstract instrumentalism of contemporary digital economy that leads to global inequalities and insecurities. It focuses on global economic and political contradictions that lead to social crisis, democratic deficits and military conflicts. The knowledge society paradigm, related to Austrian School of Economics, has a very broad, even populist definition of knowledge as “what people believe they know”. It is very useful in the case of media market, especially social media, where digital platforms business models are closely related to non-academic knowledge gathering and processing, called big data. The knowledge society paradigm, the paper argues, will be the most influential in the future, while Castells’ network society concept needs to complete its critical framework.
Abstract: The paper examines generational relations and their potential for social change
or furt... more Abstract: The paper examines generational relations and their potential for social change or further development of consumerist society. First, some hopes of critical theorists are described with a focus on usefulness of generational conflict for social dynamics, but also more negative possibilities related to the deterioration of society and the failure of the project of modernity are examined. Three retrospective models are presented and their possible application in the case of digital phenomena. Ancient Socratic model already perceives the distancing between generations, the problem of knowledge formation and agressive rhetoric among citizens. This is presented in small case studies of knowledge production on Wikipedia and Twitter as a contested political terrain. Liberal Lockean model amplifies the importance of generational conflict for further liberalization of societies, but its theory also has comodifying and exploitative aspects, that are exemplified in family media repertoires, unpaid users' labour on platforms and commercially driven data processing. Romantic Rousseaun model adds nature-friendly and artistic romanticized aspects to intergenerational relations. The analysis shows that its potential for emancipatory language games and environmentalist activism are suppressed within a market oriented framework of digital realm. The final conclusion is that, while critical thinkers expected the conflict of generations would have emancipatory potential, the generational divide serves business and political interests instead.
Сажетак: Рад разматра облике односа између генерација и њихов потенцијални допринос друштвеним променама или развоју потрошачког друштва. Описане су наде критичких теоретичара у погледу користи сукоба генерација за друштвену динамику, као и стрепње о дезинтеграцији друштва и пропасти пројекта модерне. Изложена су три ретроспективна модела генерацијских сукоба и анализирана њихова могућа примена у дигиталном добу. Антички сократовски модел указује на раздвајање генерација, проблем успостављања знања и феномен агресивне полемике. То је анализирано на примерима Википедије као продукције знања и Твитера као простора за грађанску дебату. Либерални локовски модел продубљава значај сукоба генерација за либерализацију друштва, али применом сопствене педагошке теорије носи опасности комодификације и експлоатације младих, што је описано на примерима породичног медијског репертоара, неплаћеног рада корисника платформи и комерцијалне обраде података. Русоовски романтичарски модел наглашава еколошке и романтичарске аспекте међугенерацијских односа, али потенцијал језичких игара и еколошких покрета умањен је у тржишним оквирима дигиталне технологије.
Rad analizira mogućnosti razvoja javnosti u (trans)nacionalnim i digitalnim okvirima. Polazeći od... more Rad analizira mogućnosti razvoja javnosti u (trans)nacionalnim i digitalnim okvirima. Polazeći od Habermasove konceptualizacije, javna sfera se razume kao prostor između države i tržišta, gde se odigrava politički obračun autoriteta i publiciteta, rezultirajući javnim mnjenjem kao izrazom narodnog suvereniteta. Ustrojstvo Evropske unije problematizuje prvobitne nacionalne okvire javnosti. U kontekstu „etatizma bez države“ i jedinstvenog tržišta, kao i prioriteta evropske medijske politike, uspostavljanje kontinentalnog javnog mnjenja umnogome je osujećeno. Prateći teoriju medijskih sistema, rad pokazuje da je dominantna tendencija stvaranje hibridnih modela koji uključuju komercijalizaciju i političku instrumentalizaciju medija, zadržavajući nedostatke mediteranskog i preuzimajući mane liberalnog modela, što ometa formiranje javnosti. Država u krizi pokušava kompenzovati narodnim komunikacionim suverenitetom, usled čega pribegava autoritarnom etatizmu, čiji su pojavni oblici strukturno i tehnološko razdvajanje sfere mejnstrim i novih medija, „flak”, te mediokratske formacije arkanskog dela državnog aparata. Navedeni aspekti čine kontekst u kojem deluje tvitersfera. Usled slabe transnacionalne regulative, javnosferski potencijal platforme pod upravom je same Tviter korporacije, koja vrši profitno orijentisanu koordinaciju i kontrolu korisnika, dok pojedinačnim državama preostaje da nađu meru između zaštite i ograničavanja slobode govora. Međutim, države sa autokratskim tendencijama svesno pogoršavaju kvalitet diskursa: kompjuterizovanom propagandom, astroturfingom, strateškim spamovanjem, botovskim simulacijama građanskog delovanja s ciljem polarizacije i urušavanja tvitersfere. Razlika u odnosu na mejnstrim medije je što nema restrikcije cirkulacije sadržaja, već pre – njegovog zagađenja hiperprodukcijom. Tvitersfera time nasleđuje strukturna ograničenja sopstvenog medijskog sistema, ali ne uspeva da reši ni problem reprezentacije, niti interakcije, jer se diskursi strateški kontaminiraju onda kada se ne mogu kontrolisati.
The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a vi... more The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a view of the future in line with temporalized Platonism that excludes people that belong to the past. The clash of statues and media in Charlottesville presented mediatization as a progressive but not dialectical force. Statues and media did not check each other’s biases. Media embody the confrontation of authority and publicity (Habermas) or the Enlightenment and Absolutism (Koselleck). After the neoliberal commercialization, the Enlightenment acquired the form of utopian future that confronts the media logic against conservative forces. The truth is constructed according to the prescribed future. Trump blamed all, in accordance with the Absolutist principle. Commercial media professionalism stood by its Enlightenment origins and accused Trump of revitalizing forces of the past. Because most citizens were against taking down the statues, commercialized media logic was less receiver steerin...
The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parl... more The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parliamentary election campaign. Habermas’ view of the interrelation of commercial media and the state provides the background for the examination of the tension between media and political logic. It is a political confl ict where the winner makes the rules of society. Mediatization of politics is the result of this confl ict, and commercial media logic is shown as based on the market actors’ interests. The media belong to the civil society; therefore, the article introduces a normative aspect of media logic, which reconstructs the political confrontation. The paper then turns to Montenegro’s social context. While the mediatization of politics needs a critical upgrade in the case of developed countries, in less stable states social contradictions should infl uence media logic the way Reinhart Koselleck’s theory suggests. Koselleck’s thesis is that the Enlightenment’s critique, embodied in th...
Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa, 2019
Rad rekonstruiše neoliberalnu hegemoniju pomoću pojma logike – specifičnog modusa operandi politi... more Rad rekonstruiše neoliberalnu hegemoniju pomoću pojma logike – specifičnog modusa operandi političkih, ekonomskih i medijskih institucija. Ako društvenu dinamiku razumemo kroz međuigru logika, onda suprotstavljene doktrine naglašavaju i različite logike, te njihova međuigra proizvodi posebne posledice. U slučaju jugoslovenskog marksizma, politička logika bila je nerazvijena, otelovljena u slabom institucionalnom okviru koji je otvarao prostor za sisteme ličnog sledbeništva naspram vladavine opštih zakona. Ali srpska tranzicija, koliko je trpela zbog nasleđa socijalizma, toliko je bila i temeljno neoliberalna. Javni interes i pravna država, kao kategorije političke logike, definisani su pod uticajem teorija Fridriha Hajeka i Karla Šmita. Ekonomska logika je sada, fukoovski rečeno, tvorac javnog prava i izvor neprestane genealogije države. Ekonomski proces je odvojen od pitanja pravde i solidarnosti. Od države se očekuje da spreči ometanje tržišta od strane društva. Posledični rastući problemi nejednakosti i socijalne imobilnosti paralelni su reviziji demokratskih ustanova, konstrukciji tržišta i očekivanoj populističkoj reakciji. Razmena ideja u javnoj sferi blokirana je od strane hiperkomercijalizovanih i/ili politički kontrolisanih medija, a popularna kultura duboko je neoliberalizovana. Rad zaključuje da je prevencija alternativnih gledišta o institucionalnoj vladavini, zajedno sa šmitovskim suverenističkim intervencijama i neoliberalnom marketizacijom, ograničila državu prilikom pravednog i solidarističkog definisanja javnog interesa i sprovođenja njenih nadležnosti.
Who voted for Trump? Conservatives, racists? Maybe that’s not the best approach. Clinton, compare... more Who voted for Trump? Conservatives, racists? Maybe that’s not the best approach. Clinton, compared to Obama, lost small percentages among all races, lower classes, less educated, even women and youth. Clinton failed to keep Obama’s percentages, while Trump improved Romney’s statistics among minorities and lower classes. These ex-Obama voters, who can hardly be called racists, were a decisive part of Trump’s victory. Trump’s populist configuration doesn’t only consist of his voters, but also of ex-Clinton voters who supported an independent candidate or didn’t vote. That is the true form of Gramscian hegemony, that doesn’t just manufacture consent but also promotes passivity. While Laclau focuses on people’s unity under the populist leader who acts as an empty signifier, Gramscian perspective doesn’t see things that monolithic. That is, Laclau assumes people consciously agree and support the populist worldview. He doesn’t consider possible ideological manipulations or social struggles. On the other hand, Gramsci maintains the only thing a populist leader has to do is to bring the opposition to the point of contradictory consciousness, that leads to inactivity, indecisiveness and passivity. That is, hegemony is cognitive. It is always a complex and ambivalent sum of very different people. From this perspective, Trump’s media approach doesn’t have just entertainment but also a cognitive value. The paper shows how Trump tried not just to gain votes from different social groups but to make Clinton lose votes. Also, as a reality player or professional wrestler, his performance depended on opponents’ actions and more specifically - weaknesses. Because competition among wrestlers is fake (kayfabe), his aggressiveness was seen as staged. Media stunts provided him with a fairly good number of women’s votes, but also African-Americans and working class, even though they’re primarily Democratic Party’s voters.
The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parl... more The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parliamentary election campaign. Habermas’ view of the interrelation of commercial media and the state provides the background for the examination of the tension between media and political logic. It is a political confl ict where the winner makes the rules of society. Mediatization of politics is the result of this confl ict, and commercial media logic is shown as based on the market actors’ interests. The media belong to the civil society; therefore, the article introduces a normative aspect of media logic, which reconstructs the political confrontation. The paper then turns to Montenegro’s social context. While the mediatization of politics needs a critical upgrade in the case of developed countries, in less stable states social contradictions should infl uence media logic the way Reinhart Koselleck’s theory suggests. Koselleck’s thesis is that the Enlightenment’s critique, embodied in the commercial media of Habermas’ liberal public sphere, produced the crisis of the absolutist state, whose purpose was stopping the European civil wars. It created a path to new social confl icts and the disorganization of civil society. Montenegro’s multi-ethnic, post-socialist society in the process of neoliberal transition is complementary to Koselleck’s pathogenesis of modernity. Citizens handled social insecurities by rehabilitating the absolutist principle. Comparative frame analysis of commercial RTV Vijesti and the public service RTCG found the principles of Enlightenment and Absolutism in media logic of both channels, which excluded political parallelism as the only possible cause. Vijesti, steered by audience involvement, represented Milo Đukanović both as a tyrant and as a guarantor of social stability. Instead of neoliberal policies, Vijesti defended the public sector. It embraced both the Enlightenment’s critique and left wing statolatry. Integration of Habermas’ and Koselleck’s theory with mediatization of politics was therefore proved adequate.
Proces medijskog oblikovanja političkog komuniciranja podrazumeva di-stanciranje medija od politi... more Proces medijskog oblikovanja političkog komuniciranja podrazumeva di-stanciranje medija od politike procesom komercijalizacije, dodeljujući pod-sistemima društva određenu logiku. Pribavljanjem autonomije formira se medijska logika koja utiče na političku logiku. Međutim, u savremenom kontekstu takva vrsta diferencijacije podsistema je problematična. Rad prei-spituje kritički deficit teorije pomoću Habermasovog koncepta javne sfere. Habermas međuodnos komercijalnih medija i države razume kao politički obračun s ciljem postavljanja društvenih i tržišnih pravila. komercijalna me-dijska logika stoga je jednostrani opis funkcionisanja medija, zbog čega istra-živači ne dovode u pitanje neoliberalne faktore koji podupiru medijatizaciju. Rad sugeriše uvođenje normativnog aspekta. Predlaže korišćenje medijskih frejmova kao pokazatelja logike, pošto sadržaj vesti otkriva i karakteristike organizacione kontrole i publike. Primerima izveštavanja o kampanjama Bernija Sandersa i donalda Trampa na komercijalnim (nBC, CBS) i javnoj televiziji (PBS) ilustrovaće se delovanje dva tipa političara naspram komerci-jalne i normativne strane medijske logike. Rezultat pokazuje osnovanost teze o usklađivanju medijatizacije politike i Habermasove teorije.
MEdiaTiZaTion oF PoLiTiCS: CaSE oF BERniE SandERS and donaLd TRUMP Abstract Mediatization of politics examines media moulding of political communication. it occurs primarily through the process of commercialization, that differentiates social subsystems and attributes certaing logics. Within functionalist framework, media logic influences political logic. But differentiation of subsystems seems problematic. The paper questions this critical deficit from the public sphere perspective. Habermas defines the state/media interrelationship as a political conflict where the winner makes the social and market rules. Commercial logic describes media’s modus operandi without questioning the neoliberal factors behind it. This article introduces normative aspect of media logic and suggests media frames as its indicators. Content can show us characteristics of organizational control and the audience. Media coverage of Bernie Sanderss and donald Trump’s campaigns, on both commercial and public television news, shows us the interplay of different types of politicans and two sides of media logic. Findings confirm the soundness of Habermasian approach to mediatization of politics.
Network society is structured around Net vs. Self opposition. Even though Manuel Castells was a M... more Network society is structured around Net vs. Self opposition. Even though Manuel Castells was a Marxist, he does not see this tension solely as a relationship of capital and labour anymore. The Self is more than class identity. It is cultural, related to ethnic collectivities or just personal, experimental identities. The Net refers to global interconnectedness of economic, political, military and communication networks. Power, wealth and technology gravitate toward the Net, led by planet's elites (Castells 2019: 84). Abstract, universal instrumentalism is the principle of the network society (Castells 2000: 132), formed by a trinity of EU, Washington and Asian Pacific establishment (Japan-centred at the time), that imposed deregulation, privatisation and globalization as "development mechanisms". The polarization of societies with a top 1% and a strong lower strata, connected by a weak middle, did not lead to a class struggle but the conflict of the Net and particularistic identities (Brexit, Trump), focused on defending personality and culture, along with their living standards. It is a confrontation of globalization and identity or people against the state (Castells 2002: 294). Nationalism is no longer a legitimizing identity of the state but stands against the logic of institutional domination. Its problem is that even though cultural identity has separated from state power, nationalism has not created a sufficient political project that would replace the corrupted institutions. Instead, nationalism became an object of emotional/ cognitive manipulation by a fraction of the ruling class that seeks to maintain most of the status quo. This is what I will try to show in this paper.
Сажетак: Рад нуди објашњење изборног успеха Александра Вучића, које не залази у проблеме који су ... more Сажетак: Рад нуди објашњење изборног успеха Александра Вучића, које не залази у проблеме који су одувек пратили српске изборе, од злоупотребе институција до отворених изборних малверзација. Опозиција је и у горим изборним условима бе-лежила бољи успех. Рад истиче теоријску линију од Хобса преко Хегела до Рајнхарта Козелека, који као одговор на дезорганизовано грађанско друштво предлажу идеју органске државе и апсолутистичког монарха. Постсоцијалистичко друштво, које је прошло кроз ратно стање и преживљава неолибералну транзицију, препознаје вођу као извор сигурности, иако вођа не мора заиста да поседује те карактеристике. Конструк-ција председника као фактора мира, чврстине и стабилности регистрована је на јавном сервису, док су опозициони кандидати и Н1 покушавали да деконструишу овај процес, а да притом нису понудили задовољавајућу алтернативу, која би објединила идеје националног поноса, државе и демократског лидерства. Н1 и опозиција умногоме су се вратили на ниво првобитне Хабермасове либералне јавности.
Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji, 2018
Rad analizira sporno značenje javnog interesa uslijed neoliberalnih strukturnih promjena u savrem... more Rad analizira sporno značenje javnog interesa uslijed neoliberalnih strukturnih promjena u savremenim društvima. Habermasova teorija javne sfere objašnjava sinegdohu: interes jedne partikularne javnosti pozira kao opšti interes. rad po-kazuje da je ova populistička inverzija imanentna i neoliberalizmu. Neoliberalni kriterijumi efikasnosti i maksimizacije bogatstva stoje u pozadini teleološkog utilitarizma, oblika ideološke apologije aktuelne redefinicije javnog interesa u korist specijalnih privatnih interesa a nasuprot opštem interesu. Mediji koji proizvode pristanak građana u kontrolisanoj javnoj sferi nude objašnjenje se-mantičkog aspekta problema, ali ne i kompletne političke apatije ljudi. Zbog toga rad predlaže oslanjanje na učenje Klausa Ofea o asocijacionim obrascima kolektivne akcije koji daju snagu klasičnim konstitucionalnim garancijama i obezbjeđuju realnu ravnotežu društvenih snaga. To jest, kontekst u kome tre-ba tražiti paradoksalno razlikovanje javnog i opšteg interesa jeste u odnosima znanja/moći, ne samo u medijsko-komunikativnoj sferi. rad pokazuje da je neoliberalizam u pozadini i populističke reakcije i njene specifične "konstitucije", koja nastavlja da distorzira razumijevanje javnog interesa, javne sfere, demokratije i naroda uopšte.
DIGITALNE MEDIJSKE TEHNOLOGIJE I DRUŠTVENO-OBRAZOVNE PROMENE, 2016
Ostvarena tehnološka konvergencija i skepsa prema razvoju odnosa s publikom jeste savremeno stanj... more Ostvarena tehnološka konvergencija i skepsa prema razvoju odnosa s publikom jeste savremeno stanje javne televizije. Komparacija sa PBS-om pokazuje deficit RTS-ove interaktivnosti, pošto PBS nalazi kreativne načine saradnje preko digitalnih platformi, kvalitetnijom upotrebom društvenih mreža, institucijom ombudsmana, kao i korišćenjem interneta kao izvora informacija o stavovima građana. Razlog tome ne nalazi se samo u finansijskim problemima ili političkom paralelizmu, već i specifičnoj strukturi gledalaca, koja je u Srbiji bliža konceptu masovne publike.
The condition of public television is defined as between technological convergence and interactivity. RTS has a sceptical attitude toward it’s audence’s low quality input, while PBS uses digital platforms creatively, with more dynamic social media pages. Institution of ombudsman established a strong relationship with the public, and citizens activity on the internet is used as information source for public opinion formation. RTS’ interactive deficit is then explained not in terms of financial instablty or political paralelism, but in a specific structure of viewers, that i Serbia is closer to the concept of mass.
This paper examines certain dialectic of deviance, not just in the
sense of its positive role in ... more This paper examines certain dialectic of deviance, not just in the sense of its positive role in the moral conflicts that characterize social progress, but also as nonconformist phenomena that sooner or later becomes commodified. The film Easy Rider can be used as a theoretical tool in order to analyze the individualistic and social aspects of counterculture, with a focus on repressive, de-sublimated practices that invert the meaning of freedom, justice and equality. The paper questions whether the counterculture, in spite of the initial celebration of apostasy and social experiments, eventually ended up being integrated within the system by becoming a mask of social domination itself. Ideological contradictions of Easy Rider show the aesthetic and asocial nature of the countercultural identity, which has culminated in the pathological production of authenticity in capitalism. Instead of alternative, solidaristic community, there is yet again atomistic conception of society. The second part of the paper considers the possibility of abandoning capitalist society. The search for ancorpy was violently suppressed in the film, but in reality the counterculture’s most radical elements were discarded or watered down, in order to sell it as a market product. The paper concludes that the postmodernist cultural Left has neglected the class conflict and focused on the extension of minority rights while the neoliberal deterioration of social rights was in progress. The film anticipates a contemporary social condition, a different kind of ideological hegemony, where the conflict occurs within the subordinated class, among different factions, leaving the power center untouched. Popular culture has lost its utopian dimension, while deviation has acquired a specific capitalist function.
Rad analizira restrukturiranje feminizma procesom medijatizacije. Progresivna ideja o opštoj jedn... more Rad analizira restrukturiranje feminizma procesom medijatizacije. Progresivna ideja o opštoj jednakosti žena i muškaraca može se pogrešno reinterpretirati u medijima. Rad postavlja pitanje zašto je tako. Medijatizacija podrazumijeva dijalektički međuodnos medijsko-komunikacionih i socio-kulturnih promjena, gdje određene karakteristike medijske produkcije utiču na društvene interakcije. Predstavljena su dva aktuelna primjera medijskog oblikovanja feminizma. Prvo je ukazano na neke pravilnosti u scenariju filma Pobješnjeli Maks: autoput bijesa (Mad Max: Fury Road), distopiji u kojoj muški vladar posjeduje apsolutnu, koncentrisanu političku i ekonomsku moć. Film liberalnu individuu zamjenjuje sasvim prirodno ukorijenjenom osobom ženskog pola, koja uklanja tiranina i nadalje igra lik suverenog zakonodavca. Suprotno Džonu Rolsu (John Rawls), principi društvenog poretka se ne konstruišu iza vela neznanja no izjednačavaju sa ženskim principima. To ujedno odgovara globalnoj emancipaciji žena, ali takođe i prikrivanju prvobitnog apsolutističkog principa, pošto umjesto stroge muške diktature stoji benevolentna ženska monarhija, ali ne i liberalna demokratija. Potom se na primjeru američkih predsjedničkih izbora primjećuje sličan pokušaj prikrivanja odnosa moći ženskim pitanjem. Hilari Klinton (Hillary Clinton), ali i Donald Tramp (Donald Trump), otjelovljavaju pervertirani liberalizam, potvrđujući tezu kritičke teorije o kultu osjećaja koji maskira društveno-ekonomsku dominaciju. Koristeći Habermasov (Jürgen Habermas), koncept javne sfere, koji vidi politički obračun između komercijalnih medija i države sa ciljem postavljanja društvenih i tržišnih pravila, rad zaključuje da kvazifeministički fokus medija u kampanji potvrđuje medijatizaciju kao jedan od instrumenata industrije kulture
INTERPRETACIJE JUGOSLOVENSKIH SUKOBA I NJIHOVE POSLEDICE: IZMEĐU SUŠTINSKOG NESLAGANJA I DIJALOGA, 2016
Članak prikazuje specifične srpsko-hrvatske odnose moći u jugoslovenskim filmskim narativima. Nag... more Članak prikazuje specifične srpsko-hrvatske odnose moći u jugoslovenskim filmskim narativima. Naglašavaju se etničke hijerarhije unutar socijalističkog koncepta ''bratstva i jedinstva'', koji je najčešće shvatan kao ideološki uprošćen i monolitan. Korišćenjem primjera iz dva filma, Braća po materi i Kad čuješ zvona, predstavljene su simboličke rezolucije društvenih tenzija između dva etniciteta. To potvrđuje kako viđenje Mihaila Bahtina o ideološkim znakovima kao arenama borbe, tako i tvrdnju Fredrika Džejmsona da magični narativi riješavaju društvene kontradikcije. U oba slučaja, jedan etnicitet proizvodi odnos moć/znanje, pomoću kojeg podređuje drugu grupu. Hrvatski film koristi diskurs orijentalizma, dok srpski rekonstruiše konflikt kao porodični spor, dodajući mu intimnu i emocionalnu stranu.
This paper analysis deceiving and self-deceiving aspects of society in Stanley Kubrick’s films, w... more This paper analysis deceiving and self-deceiving aspects of society in Stanley Kubrick’s films, which illustrate the problems of the enlightenment from the perspective of critical theory and poststructuralism. “A Space Odyssey” registers the source of nietzschean power relations in human nature. A violent humanity is a foundation of the one-dimensional, Cold War society and welfare state, where misinforming the communists or it’s own population is justified by a “higher cause”. Political interests deliver their own version of truth. Pseudoindividuality and conformity are present not just on this very planet, but also among astronauts in space. The film also shows a countercultural opposition, and the critique of it is further developed in the “Clockwork Orange”. Kubrick doesn’t except a classic marcusean view of second dimension. Nietzschean nature forms both language and action of youth subcultures, and the difference between good and evil is rhetorically blurred. Agressive hero becomes the victim of foucauldian prison discipline, and for Kubrick the consequence of it is the loss of free will to form moral decisions. By forbidding lying and violence, or, by “normalizing”, good behaviour stops being an action of free will. But cruelty of the main character also becomes a public virtue (Horkheimer and Adorno’s totalitarianism), and becomes useful for social elites. Calculative and sadistic aspects of enlightenment are brought in collision, with no clear resolutions, forming life in the risky and reflexive modernity. Kubrick’s dialectics of enlightenment caries a cynical implication that lyes and violence are both enemies and constituents of enlightenment.
Medijatizacijski pristup istražuje međuigru medijskih i komunikacionih promena, s jedne strane, i... more Medijatizacijski pristup istražuje međuigru medijskih i komunikacionih promena, s jedne strane, i društvenih i kulturnih promena s druge strane. U fokusu je definisanje uloge medija u tom kompleksnom međuodnosu, koji su proučavali mnogi autori, a istraživači medijatizacije se oslanjaju ponajviše na teorije Entonija Gidensa, Pjera Burdijea i Bruna Latura. Manuel Kastels je takođe fokusiran na odnos medija i društva a u ovoj disertaciji rekonstruiše se njegovo viđenje medijatizacijskog procesa. Kao i istraživači medijatizacije, Kastels polazi od uloge medija i komunikacije kada problematizuje promene u savremenom svetu, a takođe je optuživan za izvesni nedostatak kritičke perspektive. Istraživanje se u disertaciji obavlja na dva nivoa. Prvo se analiziraju kritičke teorije Frankfurtske škole, poststrukturalizma i kulturnih studija, kao i različite verzije medium teorije, da bi se kritički konceptualizovala interakcija medija, društva i kulture. Potom se okreće analizi Kastelsove teorij...
Northern Lights: Film & Media Studies Yearbook, Volume 22, Issue Pop Politics on a Mutable Screen, 2024
This article focuses on the recent Russian and Serbian pop-political entanglement. Russians usual... more This article focuses on the recent Russian and Serbian pop-political entanglement. Russians usually rely on hard-power elements like military, energy and economics, but in the last several years they became active as sport club sponsors, telecommunication provider’s partners and film producers. The article examines the latter phenomenon of increasing presence of Russian characters within Serbian media culture, whether it is domestic, Russian or American production, like in the case of Stranger Things, where a Serbian actor Nikola Đuričko plays a Russian smuggler. The central figure though is young actor Miloš Biković, hired many times by Russian film producers in the last decade. His film The Balkan Line (2019) is examined in this article as a representative of Russian soft-power influence as well as their geopolitical stance. The Balkan Shadows (2017–present) and Stranger Things (2016–present) are analysed as pro-western counterparts in this superpower struggle within Serbian media culture.
The paper examines three approaches
to the information society and argues their
differences are b... more The paper examines three approaches to the information society and argues their differences are based on different definitions of knowledge. Daniel Bell’s post-industrial society is the most well-known approach and it is focused of academic verified theoretical knowledge. Therefore, its influence is stronger in the realm of technologically advanced manufacturing industries. Manuel Castells’ network society concept builds on Bell’s definition but adds cultural aspects related to collective identities that oppose the abstract instrumentalism of contemporary digital economy that leads to global inequalities and insecurities. It focuses on global economic and political contradictions that lead to social crisis, democratic deficits and military conflicts. The knowledge society paradigm, related to Austrian School of Economics, has a very broad, even populist definition of knowledge as “what people believe they know”. It is very useful in the case of media market, especially social media, where digital platforms business models are closely related to non-academic knowledge gathering and processing, called big data. The knowledge society paradigm, the paper argues, will be the most influential in the future, while Castells’ network society concept needs to complete its critical framework.
Abstract: The paper examines generational relations and their potential for social change
or furt... more Abstract: The paper examines generational relations and their potential for social change or further development of consumerist society. First, some hopes of critical theorists are described with a focus on usefulness of generational conflict for social dynamics, but also more negative possibilities related to the deterioration of society and the failure of the project of modernity are examined. Three retrospective models are presented and their possible application in the case of digital phenomena. Ancient Socratic model already perceives the distancing between generations, the problem of knowledge formation and agressive rhetoric among citizens. This is presented in small case studies of knowledge production on Wikipedia and Twitter as a contested political terrain. Liberal Lockean model amplifies the importance of generational conflict for further liberalization of societies, but its theory also has comodifying and exploitative aspects, that are exemplified in family media repertoires, unpaid users' labour on platforms and commercially driven data processing. Romantic Rousseaun model adds nature-friendly and artistic romanticized aspects to intergenerational relations. The analysis shows that its potential for emancipatory language games and environmentalist activism are suppressed within a market oriented framework of digital realm. The final conclusion is that, while critical thinkers expected the conflict of generations would have emancipatory potential, the generational divide serves business and political interests instead.
Сажетак: Рад разматра облике односа између генерација и њихов потенцијални допринос друштвеним променама или развоју потрошачког друштва. Описане су наде критичких теоретичара у погледу користи сукоба генерација за друштвену динамику, као и стрепње о дезинтеграцији друштва и пропасти пројекта модерне. Изложена су три ретроспективна модела генерацијских сукоба и анализирана њихова могућа примена у дигиталном добу. Антички сократовски модел указује на раздвајање генерација, проблем успостављања знања и феномен агресивне полемике. То је анализирано на примерима Википедије као продукције знања и Твитера као простора за грађанску дебату. Либерални локовски модел продубљава значај сукоба генерација за либерализацију друштва, али применом сопствене педагошке теорије носи опасности комодификације и експлоатације младих, што је описано на примерима породичног медијског репертоара, неплаћеног рада корисника платформи и комерцијалне обраде података. Русоовски романтичарски модел наглашава еколошке и романтичарске аспекте међугенерацијских односа, али потенцијал језичких игара и еколошких покрета умањен је у тржишним оквирима дигиталне технологије.
Rad analizira mogućnosti razvoja javnosti u (trans)nacionalnim i digitalnim okvirima. Polazeći od... more Rad analizira mogućnosti razvoja javnosti u (trans)nacionalnim i digitalnim okvirima. Polazeći od Habermasove konceptualizacije, javna sfera se razume kao prostor između države i tržišta, gde se odigrava politički obračun autoriteta i publiciteta, rezultirajući javnim mnjenjem kao izrazom narodnog suvereniteta. Ustrojstvo Evropske unije problematizuje prvobitne nacionalne okvire javnosti. U kontekstu „etatizma bez države“ i jedinstvenog tržišta, kao i prioriteta evropske medijske politike, uspostavljanje kontinentalnog javnog mnjenja umnogome je osujećeno. Prateći teoriju medijskih sistema, rad pokazuje da je dominantna tendencija stvaranje hibridnih modela koji uključuju komercijalizaciju i političku instrumentalizaciju medija, zadržavajući nedostatke mediteranskog i preuzimajući mane liberalnog modela, što ometa formiranje javnosti. Država u krizi pokušava kompenzovati narodnim komunikacionim suverenitetom, usled čega pribegava autoritarnom etatizmu, čiji su pojavni oblici strukturno i tehnološko razdvajanje sfere mejnstrim i novih medija, „flak”, te mediokratske formacije arkanskog dela državnog aparata. Navedeni aspekti čine kontekst u kojem deluje tvitersfera. Usled slabe transnacionalne regulative, javnosferski potencijal platforme pod upravom je same Tviter korporacije, koja vrši profitno orijentisanu koordinaciju i kontrolu korisnika, dok pojedinačnim državama preostaje da nađu meru između zaštite i ograničavanja slobode govora. Međutim, države sa autokratskim tendencijama svesno pogoršavaju kvalitet diskursa: kompjuterizovanom propagandom, astroturfingom, strateškim spamovanjem, botovskim simulacijama građanskog delovanja s ciljem polarizacije i urušavanja tvitersfere. Razlika u odnosu na mejnstrim medije je što nema restrikcije cirkulacije sadržaja, već pre – njegovog zagađenja hiperprodukcijom. Tvitersfera time nasleđuje strukturna ograničenja sopstvenog medijskog sistema, ali ne uspeva da reši ni problem reprezentacije, niti interakcije, jer se diskursi strateški kontaminiraju onda kada se ne mogu kontrolisati.
The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a vi... more The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a view of the future in line with temporalized Platonism that excludes people that belong to the past. The clash of statues and media in Charlottesville presented mediatization as a progressive but not dialectical force. Statues and media did not check each other’s biases. Media embody the confrontation of authority and publicity (Habermas) or the Enlightenment and Absolutism (Koselleck). After the neoliberal commercialization, the Enlightenment acquired the form of utopian future that confronts the media logic against conservative forces. The truth is constructed according to the prescribed future. Trump blamed all, in accordance with the Absolutist principle. Commercial media professionalism stood by its Enlightenment origins and accused Trump of revitalizing forces of the past. Because most citizens were against taking down the statues, commercialized media logic was less receiver steerin...
The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parl... more The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parliamentary election campaign. Habermas’ view of the interrelation of commercial media and the state provides the background for the examination of the tension between media and political logic. It is a political confl ict where the winner makes the rules of society. Mediatization of politics is the result of this confl ict, and commercial media logic is shown as based on the market actors’ interests. The media belong to the civil society; therefore, the article introduces a normative aspect of media logic, which reconstructs the political confrontation. The paper then turns to Montenegro’s social context. While the mediatization of politics needs a critical upgrade in the case of developed countries, in less stable states social contradictions should infl uence media logic the way Reinhart Koselleck’s theory suggests. Koselleck’s thesis is that the Enlightenment’s critique, embodied in th...
Otete institucije u Srbiji: teorija i praksa, 2019
Rad rekonstruiše neoliberalnu hegemoniju pomoću pojma logike – specifičnog modusa operandi politi... more Rad rekonstruiše neoliberalnu hegemoniju pomoću pojma logike – specifičnog modusa operandi političkih, ekonomskih i medijskih institucija. Ako društvenu dinamiku razumemo kroz međuigru logika, onda suprotstavljene doktrine naglašavaju i različite logike, te njihova međuigra proizvodi posebne posledice. U slučaju jugoslovenskog marksizma, politička logika bila je nerazvijena, otelovljena u slabom institucionalnom okviru koji je otvarao prostor za sisteme ličnog sledbeništva naspram vladavine opštih zakona. Ali srpska tranzicija, koliko je trpela zbog nasleđa socijalizma, toliko je bila i temeljno neoliberalna. Javni interes i pravna država, kao kategorije političke logike, definisani su pod uticajem teorija Fridriha Hajeka i Karla Šmita. Ekonomska logika je sada, fukoovski rečeno, tvorac javnog prava i izvor neprestane genealogije države. Ekonomski proces je odvojen od pitanja pravde i solidarnosti. Od države se očekuje da spreči ometanje tržišta od strane društva. Posledični rastući problemi nejednakosti i socijalne imobilnosti paralelni su reviziji demokratskih ustanova, konstrukciji tržišta i očekivanoj populističkoj reakciji. Razmena ideja u javnoj sferi blokirana je od strane hiperkomercijalizovanih i/ili politički kontrolisanih medija, a popularna kultura duboko je neoliberalizovana. Rad zaključuje da je prevencija alternativnih gledišta o institucionalnoj vladavini, zajedno sa šmitovskim suverenističkim intervencijama i neoliberalnom marketizacijom, ograničila državu prilikom pravednog i solidarističkog definisanja javnog interesa i sprovođenja njenih nadležnosti.
Who voted for Trump? Conservatives, racists? Maybe that’s not the best approach. Clinton, compare... more Who voted for Trump? Conservatives, racists? Maybe that’s not the best approach. Clinton, compared to Obama, lost small percentages among all races, lower classes, less educated, even women and youth. Clinton failed to keep Obama’s percentages, while Trump improved Romney’s statistics among minorities and lower classes. These ex-Obama voters, who can hardly be called racists, were a decisive part of Trump’s victory. Trump’s populist configuration doesn’t only consist of his voters, but also of ex-Clinton voters who supported an independent candidate or didn’t vote. That is the true form of Gramscian hegemony, that doesn’t just manufacture consent but also promotes passivity. While Laclau focuses on people’s unity under the populist leader who acts as an empty signifier, Gramscian perspective doesn’t see things that monolithic. That is, Laclau assumes people consciously agree and support the populist worldview. He doesn’t consider possible ideological manipulations or social struggles. On the other hand, Gramsci maintains the only thing a populist leader has to do is to bring the opposition to the point of contradictory consciousness, that leads to inactivity, indecisiveness and passivity. That is, hegemony is cognitive. It is always a complex and ambivalent sum of very different people. From this perspective, Trump’s media approach doesn’t have just entertainment but also a cognitive value. The paper shows how Trump tried not just to gain votes from different social groups but to make Clinton lose votes. Also, as a reality player or professional wrestler, his performance depended on opponents’ actions and more specifically - weaknesses. Because competition among wrestlers is fake (kayfabe), his aggressiveness was seen as staged. Media stunts provided him with a fairly good number of women’s votes, but also African-Americans and working class, even though they’re primarily Democratic Party’s voters.
The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parl... more The paper examines the media’s moulding of political communication in the Montenegrin’s 2016 parliamentary election campaign. Habermas’ view of the interrelation of commercial media and the state provides the background for the examination of the tension between media and political logic. It is a political confl ict where the winner makes the rules of society. Mediatization of politics is the result of this confl ict, and commercial media logic is shown as based on the market actors’ interests. The media belong to the civil society; therefore, the article introduces a normative aspect of media logic, which reconstructs the political confrontation. The paper then turns to Montenegro’s social context. While the mediatization of politics needs a critical upgrade in the case of developed countries, in less stable states social contradictions should infl uence media logic the way Reinhart Koselleck’s theory suggests. Koselleck’s thesis is that the Enlightenment’s critique, embodied in the commercial media of Habermas’ liberal public sphere, produced the crisis of the absolutist state, whose purpose was stopping the European civil wars. It created a path to new social confl icts and the disorganization of civil society. Montenegro’s multi-ethnic, post-socialist society in the process of neoliberal transition is complementary to Koselleck’s pathogenesis of modernity. Citizens handled social insecurities by rehabilitating the absolutist principle. Comparative frame analysis of commercial RTV Vijesti and the public service RTCG found the principles of Enlightenment and Absolutism in media logic of both channels, which excluded political parallelism as the only possible cause. Vijesti, steered by audience involvement, represented Milo Đukanović both as a tyrant and as a guarantor of social stability. Instead of neoliberal policies, Vijesti defended the public sector. It embraced both the Enlightenment’s critique and left wing statolatry. Integration of Habermas’ and Koselleck’s theory with mediatization of politics was therefore proved adequate.
Proces medijskog oblikovanja političkog komuniciranja podrazumeva di-stanciranje medija od politi... more Proces medijskog oblikovanja političkog komuniciranja podrazumeva di-stanciranje medija od politike procesom komercijalizacije, dodeljujući pod-sistemima društva određenu logiku. Pribavljanjem autonomije formira se medijska logika koja utiče na političku logiku. Međutim, u savremenom kontekstu takva vrsta diferencijacije podsistema je problematična. Rad prei-spituje kritički deficit teorije pomoću Habermasovog koncepta javne sfere. Habermas međuodnos komercijalnih medija i države razume kao politički obračun s ciljem postavljanja društvenih i tržišnih pravila. komercijalna me-dijska logika stoga je jednostrani opis funkcionisanja medija, zbog čega istra-živači ne dovode u pitanje neoliberalne faktore koji podupiru medijatizaciju. Rad sugeriše uvođenje normativnog aspekta. Predlaže korišćenje medijskih frejmova kao pokazatelja logike, pošto sadržaj vesti otkriva i karakteristike organizacione kontrole i publike. Primerima izveštavanja o kampanjama Bernija Sandersa i donalda Trampa na komercijalnim (nBC, CBS) i javnoj televiziji (PBS) ilustrovaće se delovanje dva tipa političara naspram komerci-jalne i normativne strane medijske logike. Rezultat pokazuje osnovanost teze o usklađivanju medijatizacije politike i Habermasove teorije.
MEdiaTiZaTion oF PoLiTiCS: CaSE oF BERniE SandERS and donaLd TRUMP Abstract Mediatization of politics examines media moulding of political communication. it occurs primarily through the process of commercialization, that differentiates social subsystems and attributes certaing logics. Within functionalist framework, media logic influences political logic. But differentiation of subsystems seems problematic. The paper questions this critical deficit from the public sphere perspective. Habermas defines the state/media interrelationship as a political conflict where the winner makes the social and market rules. Commercial logic describes media’s modus operandi without questioning the neoliberal factors behind it. This article introduces normative aspect of media logic and suggests media frames as its indicators. Content can show us characteristics of organizational control and the audience. Media coverage of Bernie Sanderss and donald Trump’s campaigns, on both commercial and public television news, shows us the interplay of different types of politicans and two sides of media logic. Findings confirm the soundness of Habermasian approach to mediatization of politics.
Network society is structured around Net vs. Self opposition. Even though Manuel Castells was a M... more Network society is structured around Net vs. Self opposition. Even though Manuel Castells was a Marxist, he does not see this tension solely as a relationship of capital and labour anymore. The Self is more than class identity. It is cultural, related to ethnic collectivities or just personal, experimental identities. The Net refers to global interconnectedness of economic, political, military and communication networks. Power, wealth and technology gravitate toward the Net, led by planet's elites (Castells 2019: 84). Abstract, universal instrumentalism is the principle of the network society (Castells 2000: 132), formed by a trinity of EU, Washington and Asian Pacific establishment (Japan-centred at the time), that imposed deregulation, privatisation and globalization as "development mechanisms". The polarization of societies with a top 1% and a strong lower strata, connected by a weak middle, did not lead to a class struggle but the conflict of the Net and particularistic identities (Brexit, Trump), focused on defending personality and culture, along with their living standards. It is a confrontation of globalization and identity or people against the state (Castells 2002: 294). Nationalism is no longer a legitimizing identity of the state but stands against the logic of institutional domination. Its problem is that even though cultural identity has separated from state power, nationalism has not created a sufficient political project that would replace the corrupted institutions. Instead, nationalism became an object of emotional/ cognitive manipulation by a fraction of the ruling class that seeks to maintain most of the status quo. This is what I will try to show in this paper.
Сажетак: Рад нуди објашњење изборног успеха Александра Вучића, које не залази у проблеме који су ... more Сажетак: Рад нуди објашњење изборног успеха Александра Вучића, које не залази у проблеме који су одувек пратили српске изборе, од злоупотребе институција до отворених изборних малверзација. Опозиција је и у горим изборним условима бе-лежила бољи успех. Рад истиче теоријску линију од Хобса преко Хегела до Рајнхарта Козелека, који као одговор на дезорганизовано грађанско друштво предлажу идеју органске државе и апсолутистичког монарха. Постсоцијалистичко друштво, које је прошло кроз ратно стање и преживљава неолибералну транзицију, препознаје вођу као извор сигурности, иако вођа не мора заиста да поседује те карактеристике. Конструк-ција председника као фактора мира, чврстине и стабилности регистрована је на јавном сервису, док су опозициони кандидати и Н1 покушавали да деконструишу овај процес, а да притом нису понудили задовољавајућу алтернативу, која би објединила идеје националног поноса, државе и демократског лидерства. Н1 и опозиција умногоме су се вратили на ниво првобитне Хабермасове либералне јавности.
Konstitucionalizam i ustavni dizajn u demokratskoj recesiji, 2018
Rad analizira sporno značenje javnog interesa uslijed neoliberalnih strukturnih promjena u savrem... more Rad analizira sporno značenje javnog interesa uslijed neoliberalnih strukturnih promjena u savremenim društvima. Habermasova teorija javne sfere objašnjava sinegdohu: interes jedne partikularne javnosti pozira kao opšti interes. rad po-kazuje da je ova populistička inverzija imanentna i neoliberalizmu. Neoliberalni kriterijumi efikasnosti i maksimizacije bogatstva stoje u pozadini teleološkog utilitarizma, oblika ideološke apologije aktuelne redefinicije javnog interesa u korist specijalnih privatnih interesa a nasuprot opštem interesu. Mediji koji proizvode pristanak građana u kontrolisanoj javnoj sferi nude objašnjenje se-mantičkog aspekta problema, ali ne i kompletne političke apatije ljudi. Zbog toga rad predlaže oslanjanje na učenje Klausa Ofea o asocijacionim obrascima kolektivne akcije koji daju snagu klasičnim konstitucionalnim garancijama i obezbjeđuju realnu ravnotežu društvenih snaga. To jest, kontekst u kome tre-ba tražiti paradoksalno razlikovanje javnog i opšteg interesa jeste u odnosima znanja/moći, ne samo u medijsko-komunikativnoj sferi. rad pokazuje da je neoliberalizam u pozadini i populističke reakcije i njene specifične "konstitucije", koja nastavlja da distorzira razumijevanje javnog interesa, javne sfere, demokratije i naroda uopšte.
DIGITALNE MEDIJSKE TEHNOLOGIJE I DRUŠTVENO-OBRAZOVNE PROMENE, 2016
Ostvarena tehnološka konvergencija i skepsa prema razvoju odnosa s publikom jeste savremeno stanj... more Ostvarena tehnološka konvergencija i skepsa prema razvoju odnosa s publikom jeste savremeno stanje javne televizije. Komparacija sa PBS-om pokazuje deficit RTS-ove interaktivnosti, pošto PBS nalazi kreativne načine saradnje preko digitalnih platformi, kvalitetnijom upotrebom društvenih mreža, institucijom ombudsmana, kao i korišćenjem interneta kao izvora informacija o stavovima građana. Razlog tome ne nalazi se samo u finansijskim problemima ili političkom paralelizmu, već i specifičnoj strukturi gledalaca, koja je u Srbiji bliža konceptu masovne publike.
The condition of public television is defined as between technological convergence and interactivity. RTS has a sceptical attitude toward it’s audence’s low quality input, while PBS uses digital platforms creatively, with more dynamic social media pages. Institution of ombudsman established a strong relationship with the public, and citizens activity on the internet is used as information source for public opinion formation. RTS’ interactive deficit is then explained not in terms of financial instablty or political paralelism, but in a specific structure of viewers, that i Serbia is closer to the concept of mass.
This paper examines certain dialectic of deviance, not just in the
sense of its positive role in ... more This paper examines certain dialectic of deviance, not just in the sense of its positive role in the moral conflicts that characterize social progress, but also as nonconformist phenomena that sooner or later becomes commodified. The film Easy Rider can be used as a theoretical tool in order to analyze the individualistic and social aspects of counterculture, with a focus on repressive, de-sublimated practices that invert the meaning of freedom, justice and equality. The paper questions whether the counterculture, in spite of the initial celebration of apostasy and social experiments, eventually ended up being integrated within the system by becoming a mask of social domination itself. Ideological contradictions of Easy Rider show the aesthetic and asocial nature of the countercultural identity, which has culminated in the pathological production of authenticity in capitalism. Instead of alternative, solidaristic community, there is yet again atomistic conception of society. The second part of the paper considers the possibility of abandoning capitalist society. The search for ancorpy was violently suppressed in the film, but in reality the counterculture’s most radical elements were discarded or watered down, in order to sell it as a market product. The paper concludes that the postmodernist cultural Left has neglected the class conflict and focused on the extension of minority rights while the neoliberal deterioration of social rights was in progress. The film anticipates a contemporary social condition, a different kind of ideological hegemony, where the conflict occurs within the subordinated class, among different factions, leaving the power center untouched. Popular culture has lost its utopian dimension, while deviation has acquired a specific capitalist function.
Rad analizira restrukturiranje feminizma procesom medijatizacije. Progresivna ideja o opštoj jedn... more Rad analizira restrukturiranje feminizma procesom medijatizacije. Progresivna ideja o opštoj jednakosti žena i muškaraca može se pogrešno reinterpretirati u medijima. Rad postavlja pitanje zašto je tako. Medijatizacija podrazumijeva dijalektički međuodnos medijsko-komunikacionih i socio-kulturnih promjena, gdje određene karakteristike medijske produkcije utiču na društvene interakcije. Predstavljena su dva aktuelna primjera medijskog oblikovanja feminizma. Prvo je ukazano na neke pravilnosti u scenariju filma Pobješnjeli Maks: autoput bijesa (Mad Max: Fury Road), distopiji u kojoj muški vladar posjeduje apsolutnu, koncentrisanu političku i ekonomsku moć. Film liberalnu individuu zamjenjuje sasvim prirodno ukorijenjenom osobom ženskog pola, koja uklanja tiranina i nadalje igra lik suverenog zakonodavca. Suprotno Džonu Rolsu (John Rawls), principi društvenog poretka se ne konstruišu iza vela neznanja no izjednačavaju sa ženskim principima. To ujedno odgovara globalnoj emancipaciji žena, ali takođe i prikrivanju prvobitnog apsolutističkog principa, pošto umjesto stroge muške diktature stoji benevolentna ženska monarhija, ali ne i liberalna demokratija. Potom se na primjeru američkih predsjedničkih izbora primjećuje sličan pokušaj prikrivanja odnosa moći ženskim pitanjem. Hilari Klinton (Hillary Clinton), ali i Donald Tramp (Donald Trump), otjelovljavaju pervertirani liberalizam, potvrđujući tezu kritičke teorije o kultu osjećaja koji maskira društveno-ekonomsku dominaciju. Koristeći Habermasov (Jürgen Habermas), koncept javne sfere, koji vidi politički obračun između komercijalnih medija i države sa ciljem postavljanja društvenih i tržišnih pravila, rad zaključuje da kvazifeministički fokus medija u kampanji potvrđuje medijatizaciju kao jedan od instrumenata industrije kulture
INTERPRETACIJE JUGOSLOVENSKIH SUKOBA I NJIHOVE POSLEDICE: IZMEĐU SUŠTINSKOG NESLAGANJA I DIJALOGA, 2016
Članak prikazuje specifične srpsko-hrvatske odnose moći u jugoslovenskim filmskim narativima. Nag... more Članak prikazuje specifične srpsko-hrvatske odnose moći u jugoslovenskim filmskim narativima. Naglašavaju se etničke hijerarhije unutar socijalističkog koncepta ''bratstva i jedinstva'', koji je najčešće shvatan kao ideološki uprošćen i monolitan. Korišćenjem primjera iz dva filma, Braća po materi i Kad čuješ zvona, predstavljene su simboličke rezolucije društvenih tenzija između dva etniciteta. To potvrđuje kako viđenje Mihaila Bahtina o ideološkim znakovima kao arenama borbe, tako i tvrdnju Fredrika Džejmsona da magični narativi riješavaju društvene kontradikcije. U oba slučaja, jedan etnicitet proizvodi odnos moć/znanje, pomoću kojeg podređuje drugu grupu. Hrvatski film koristi diskurs orijentalizma, dok srpski rekonstruiše konflikt kao porodični spor, dodajući mu intimnu i emocionalnu stranu.
This paper analysis deceiving and self-deceiving aspects of society in Stanley Kubrick’s films, w... more This paper analysis deceiving and self-deceiving aspects of society in Stanley Kubrick’s films, which illustrate the problems of the enlightenment from the perspective of critical theory and poststructuralism. “A Space Odyssey” registers the source of nietzschean power relations in human nature. A violent humanity is a foundation of the one-dimensional, Cold War society and welfare state, where misinforming the communists or it’s own population is justified by a “higher cause”. Political interests deliver their own version of truth. Pseudoindividuality and conformity are present not just on this very planet, but also among astronauts in space. The film also shows a countercultural opposition, and the critique of it is further developed in the “Clockwork Orange”. Kubrick doesn’t except a classic marcusean view of second dimension. Nietzschean nature forms both language and action of youth subcultures, and the difference between good and evil is rhetorically blurred. Agressive hero becomes the victim of foucauldian prison discipline, and for Kubrick the consequence of it is the loss of free will to form moral decisions. By forbidding lying and violence, or, by “normalizing”, good behaviour stops being an action of free will. But cruelty of the main character also becomes a public virtue (Horkheimer and Adorno’s totalitarianism), and becomes useful for social elites. Calculative and sadistic aspects of enlightenment are brought in collision, with no clear resolutions, forming life in the risky and reflexive modernity. Kubrick’s dialectics of enlightenment caries a cynical implication that lyes and violence are both enemies and constituents of enlightenment.
Monografija nudi kritičku analizu novoholivudskog talasa američke kinematografije. Polazna teorij... more Monografija nudi kritičku analizu novoholivudskog talasa američke kinematografije. Polazna teorijska postavka jeste altiserovsko shvatanje medijske kulture, obrazovnog sistema i ostalih društvenih institucija kao ideoloških aparata države, koji su od porodice preuzeli ulogu podizanja sljedećih generacija u skladu sa potrebama sistema. To uvjerenje dijele frankurtovci i poststrukturaliti u svojim pokušajima sinteze marksizma i psihoanalize. U slučaju radničke klase oni konstatuju da je međugeneracijsko udaljavanje podsticano od strane ideoloških aparata sa ciljem sprečavanja formiranja klasne svesti. Kod buržoazije se, s druge strane, razvijanjem porodične prisnosti garantuje nesmetano međugeneracijsko kretanje kapitala. Zbog toga će nova levica posmatrati sukob generacija medu pripadnicima srednje klase kao važnu polugu radikalne društvene promjene. Analiza holivudske reprodukcije „kulturalnog rata”, i tipa ličnosti koji je suprotstavljen otuđenom „jednodimenzionalnom” čovjeku, donosi uvid da je pokušaj stvaranja kontrakulturne utopije bio neuspješan, a da su konzervativci kao agenti sistema suzbijali alternative, nudili predstave o društvu kao predatorskoj džungli kojima treba suprotstaviti antibirokratski individualizam, i povući se u porodičnu sferu ili etničke zajednice. Sukob generacija je familijarizovan, prikazan kao porodični spor, i time depolitizovan. Izjednačavanjem popularne kulture sa dečijom kulturom izbrisana je granica izmedu adolescencije i punoletnosti. Mladost više nije razvojna već identitetska kategorija, a bez jasne predstave zrelosti kontrakultura ostaje politicki autistična.
This monograph offers a critical analysis of a New Hollywood cinema. The starting theoretical construct is an althusserian comprehension of media culture, education system and other social institutions as ideological state apparatuses, who took over the role of a family, raising the next generation in line with the needs of the system. This belief is shared by critical theory and poststructuralism in their attempts of synthesis of Marxism and psychoanalysis. Accordingly, in the case of the working class they claim that the generational alienation was encouraged by the ideological apparatus to prevent the formation of class consciousness. On the other hand, for the bourgeoisie, the development of family intimacy guaranteed an uninterrupted movement of intergenerational capital. New Left viewed the conflict between middle–class generations as an important lever of radical social change. Analysis of Hollywood cultural war, and the specific type of personality that is opposed to the alienated “one–dimensional” man, brings the insight that the attempt to achieve countercultural utopia has failed, because the conservatives as agents of the system have suppressed alternatives. They offered the vision of a society as a predatory jungle, which was confronted by anti–bureaucratic individualism, withdrawal to family sphere or ethnic community. Conflict of generations is familiarized, shown as a family quarrel, and thus depoliticized. By equating popular culture with the children’s culture, the boundary between adolescence and maturity is erased. Youth development is no longer a category within identity development, but the identity as such. Without a clear idea of the maturity, the political counterculture remains autistic.
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Papers by Nikola Mlađenović
https://intellectdiscover.com/content/journals/10.1386/nl_00049_1
to the information society and argues their
differences are based on different definitions of
knowledge. Daniel Bell’s post-industrial society is
the most well-known approach and it is focused of
academic verified theoretical knowledge.
Therefore, its influence is stronger in the realm of
technologically advanced manufacturing
industries. Manuel Castells’ network society
concept builds on Bell’s definition but adds
cultural aspects related to collective identities that
oppose the abstract instrumentalism of
contemporary digital economy that leads to global
inequalities and insecurities. It focuses on global
economic and political contradictions that lead to
social crisis, democratic deficits and military
conflicts. The knowledge society paradigm, related
to Austrian School of Economics, has a very broad,
even populist definition of knowledge as “what
people believe they know”. It is very useful in the
case of media market, especially social media,
where digital platforms business models are
closely related to non-academic knowledge
gathering and processing, called big data. The
knowledge society paradigm, the paper argues,
will be the most influential in the future, while
Castells’ network society concept needs to
complete its critical framework.
or further development of consumerist society. First, some hopes of critical theorists are described with a focus on usefulness of generational conflict for social dynamics, but also more
negative possibilities related to the deterioration of society and the failure of the project of
modernity are examined. Three retrospective models are presented and their possible application in the case of digital phenomena. Ancient Socratic model already perceives the distancing between generations, the problem of knowledge formation and agressive rhetoric among citizens. This is presented in small case studies of knowledge production on Wikipedia and
Twitter as a contested political terrain. Liberal Lockean model amplifies the importance of generational conflict for further liberalization of societies, but its theory also has comodifying and exploitative aspects, that are exemplified in family media repertoires, unpaid users'
labour on platforms and commercially driven data processing. Romantic Rousseaun model adds nature-friendly and artistic romanticized aspects to intergenerational relations. The
analysis shows that its potential for emancipatory language games and environmentalist activism are suppressed within a market oriented framework of digital realm. The final conclusion is that, while critical thinkers expected the conflict of generations would have emancipatory potential, the generational divide serves business and political interests instead.
Сажетак: Рад разматра облике односа између генерација и њихов потенцијални
допринос друштвеним променама или развоју потрошачког друштва. Описане су
наде критичких теоретичара у погледу користи сукоба генерација за друштвену
динамику, као и стрепње о дезинтеграцији друштва и пропасти пројекта модерне. Изложена су три ретроспективна модела генерацијских сукоба и анализирана
њихова могућа примена у дигиталном добу. Антички сократовски модел указује на
раздвајање генерација, проблем успостављања знања и феномен агресивне полемике.
То је анализирано на примерима Википедије као продукције знања и Твитера као
простора за грађанску дебату. Либерални локовски модел продубљава значај сукоба
генерација за либерализацију друштва, али применом сопствене педагошке теорије
носи опасности комодификације и експлоатације младих, што је описано на примерима породичног медијског репертоара, неплаћеног рада корисника платформи и комерцијалне обраде података. Русоовски романтичарски модел наглашава еколошке
и романтичарске аспекте међугенерацијских односа, али потенцијал језичких игара
и еколошких покрета умањен је у тржишним оквирима дигиталне технологије.
autoriteta i publiciteta, rezultirajući javnim mnjenjem kao izrazom narodnog
suvereniteta. Ustrojstvo Evropske unije problematizuje prvobitne nacionalne
okvire javnosti. U kontekstu „etatizma bez države“ i jedinstvenog tržišta,
kao i prioriteta evropske medijske politike, uspostavljanje kontinentalnog
javnog mnjenja umnogome je osujećeno. Prateći teoriju medijskih sistema,
rad pokazuje da je dominantna tendencija stvaranje hibridnih modela koji
uključuju komercijalizaciju i političku instrumentalizaciju medija, zadržavajući nedostatke mediteranskog i preuzimajući mane liberalnog modela,
što ometa formiranje javnosti. Država u krizi pokušava kompenzovati narodnim komunikacionim suverenitetom, usled čega pribegava autoritarnom etatizmu, čiji su pojavni oblici strukturno i tehnološko razdvajanje sfere
mejnstrim i novih medija, „flak”, te mediokratske formacije arkanskog dela
državnog aparata. Navedeni aspekti čine kontekst u kojem deluje tvitersfera. Usled slabe transnacionalne regulative, javnosferski potencijal platforme pod upravom je same Tviter korporacije, koja vrši profitno orijentisanu koordinaciju i kontrolu korisnika, dok pojedinačnim državama preostaje da nađu meru između zaštite i ograničavanja slobode govora. Međutim, države sa autokratskim tendencijama svesno pogoršavaju kvalitet diskursa: kompjuterizovanom propagandom, astroturfingom, strateškim spamovanjem, botovskim simulacijama građanskog delovanja s ciljem polarizacije i urušavanja tvitersfere. Razlika u odnosu na mejnstrim medije je što nema restrikcije cirkulacije sadržaja, već pre – njegovog zagađenja hiperprodukcijom. Tvitersfera time nasleđuje strukturna ograničenja sopstvenog medijskog sistema, ali ne uspeva da reši ni problem reprezentacije, niti interakcije, jer se diskursi strateški kontaminiraju onda kada se ne mogu kontrolisati.
That is the true form of Gramscian hegemony, that doesn’t just manufacture consent but also promotes passivity. While Laclau focuses on people’s unity under the populist leader who acts as an empty signifier, Gramscian perspective doesn’t see things that monolithic. That is, Laclau assumes people consciously agree and support the populist worldview. He doesn’t consider possible ideological manipulations or social struggles. On the other hand, Gramsci maintains the only thing a populist leader has to do is to bring the opposition to the point of contradictory consciousness, that leads to inactivity, indecisiveness and passivity. That is, hegemony is cognitive. It is always a complex and ambivalent sum of very different people.
From this perspective, Trump’s media approach doesn’t have just entertainment but also a cognitive value. The paper shows how Trump tried not just to gain votes from different social groups but to make Clinton lose votes. Also, as a reality player or professional wrestler, his performance depended on opponents’ actions and more specifically - weaknesses. Because competition among wrestlers is fake (kayfabe), his aggressiveness was seen as staged. Media stunts provided him with a fairly good number of women’s votes, but also African-Americans and working class, even though they’re primarily Democratic Party’s voters.
MEdiaTiZaTion oF PoLiTiCS: CaSE oF
BERniE SandERS and donaLd TRUMP
Abstract
Mediatization of politics examines media moulding of political communication. it occurs primarily through the process of commercialization, that
differentiates social subsystems and attributes certaing logics. Within functionalist framework, media logic influences political logic. But differentiation of subsystems seems problematic. The paper questions this critical deficit from the public sphere perspective. Habermas defines the state/media
interrelationship as a political conflict where the winner makes the social
and market rules. Commercial logic describes media’s modus operandi without questioning the neoliberal factors behind it. This article introduces
normative aspect of media logic and suggests media frames as its indicators.
Content can show us characteristics of organizational control and the audience. Media coverage of Bernie Sanderss and donald Trump’s campaigns, on
both commercial and public television news, shows us the interplay of different types of politicans and two sides of media logic. Findings confirm the
soundness of Habermasian approach to mediatization of politics.
The condition of public television is defined as between technological convergence and interactivity. RTS has a sceptical attitude toward it’s audence’s low quality input, while PBS uses digital platforms creatively, with more dynamic social media pages. Institution of ombudsman established a strong relationship with the public, and citizens activity on the internet is used as information source for public opinion formation. RTS’ interactive deficit is then explained not in terms of financial instablty or political paralelism, but in a specific structure of viewers, that i Serbia is closer to the concept of mass.
sense of its positive role in the moral conflicts that characterize
social progress, but also as nonconformist phenomena that sooner or
later becomes commodified. The film Easy Rider can be used as a
theoretical tool in order to analyze the individualistic and social aspects
of counterculture, with a focus on repressive, de-sublimated practices
that invert the meaning of freedom, justice and equality. The paper
questions whether the counterculture, in spite of the initial celebration
of apostasy and social experiments, eventually ended up being
integrated within the system by becoming a mask of social domination
itself. Ideological contradictions of Easy Rider show the aesthetic and
asocial nature of the countercultural identity, which has culminated
in the pathological production of authenticity in capitalism. Instead
of alternative, solidaristic community, there is yet again atomistic
conception of society. The second part of the paper considers the
possibility of abandoning capitalist society. The search for ancorpy was
violently suppressed in the film, but in reality the counterculture’s most
radical elements were discarded or watered down, in order to sell it as
a market product. The paper concludes that the postmodernist cultural
Left has neglected the class conflict and focused on the extension of
minority rights while the neoliberal deterioration of social rights was
in progress. The film anticipates a contemporary social condition,
a different kind of ideological hegemony, where the conflict occurs
within the subordinated class, among different factions, leaving the
power center untouched. Popular culture has lost its utopian dimension,
while deviation has acquired a specific capitalist function.
https://intellectdiscover.com/content/journals/10.1386/nl_00049_1
to the information society and argues their
differences are based on different definitions of
knowledge. Daniel Bell’s post-industrial society is
the most well-known approach and it is focused of
academic verified theoretical knowledge.
Therefore, its influence is stronger in the realm of
technologically advanced manufacturing
industries. Manuel Castells’ network society
concept builds on Bell’s definition but adds
cultural aspects related to collective identities that
oppose the abstract instrumentalism of
contemporary digital economy that leads to global
inequalities and insecurities. It focuses on global
economic and political contradictions that lead to
social crisis, democratic deficits and military
conflicts. The knowledge society paradigm, related
to Austrian School of Economics, has a very broad,
even populist definition of knowledge as “what
people believe they know”. It is very useful in the
case of media market, especially social media,
where digital platforms business models are
closely related to non-academic knowledge
gathering and processing, called big data. The
knowledge society paradigm, the paper argues,
will be the most influential in the future, while
Castells’ network society concept needs to
complete its critical framework.
or further development of consumerist society. First, some hopes of critical theorists are described with a focus on usefulness of generational conflict for social dynamics, but also more
negative possibilities related to the deterioration of society and the failure of the project of
modernity are examined. Three retrospective models are presented and their possible application in the case of digital phenomena. Ancient Socratic model already perceives the distancing between generations, the problem of knowledge formation and agressive rhetoric among citizens. This is presented in small case studies of knowledge production on Wikipedia and
Twitter as a contested political terrain. Liberal Lockean model amplifies the importance of generational conflict for further liberalization of societies, but its theory also has comodifying and exploitative aspects, that are exemplified in family media repertoires, unpaid users'
labour on platforms and commercially driven data processing. Romantic Rousseaun model adds nature-friendly and artistic romanticized aspects to intergenerational relations. The
analysis shows that its potential for emancipatory language games and environmentalist activism are suppressed within a market oriented framework of digital realm. The final conclusion is that, while critical thinkers expected the conflict of generations would have emancipatory potential, the generational divide serves business and political interests instead.
Сажетак: Рад разматра облике односа између генерација и њихов потенцијални
допринос друштвеним променама или развоју потрошачког друштва. Описане су
наде критичких теоретичара у погледу користи сукоба генерација за друштвену
динамику, као и стрепње о дезинтеграцији друштва и пропасти пројекта модерне. Изложена су три ретроспективна модела генерацијских сукоба и анализирана
њихова могућа примена у дигиталном добу. Антички сократовски модел указује на
раздвајање генерација, проблем успостављања знања и феномен агресивне полемике.
То је анализирано на примерима Википедије као продукције знања и Твитера као
простора за грађанску дебату. Либерални локовски модел продубљава значај сукоба
генерација за либерализацију друштва, али применом сопствене педагошке теорије
носи опасности комодификације и експлоатације младих, што је описано на примерима породичног медијског репертоара, неплаћеног рада корисника платформи и комерцијалне обраде података. Русоовски романтичарски модел наглашава еколошке
и романтичарске аспекте међугенерацијских односа, али потенцијал језичких игара
и еколошких покрета умањен је у тржишним оквирима дигиталне технологије.
autoriteta i publiciteta, rezultirajući javnim mnjenjem kao izrazom narodnog
suvereniteta. Ustrojstvo Evropske unije problematizuje prvobitne nacionalne
okvire javnosti. U kontekstu „etatizma bez države“ i jedinstvenog tržišta,
kao i prioriteta evropske medijske politike, uspostavljanje kontinentalnog
javnog mnjenja umnogome je osujećeno. Prateći teoriju medijskih sistema,
rad pokazuje da je dominantna tendencija stvaranje hibridnih modela koji
uključuju komercijalizaciju i političku instrumentalizaciju medija, zadržavajući nedostatke mediteranskog i preuzimajući mane liberalnog modela,
što ometa formiranje javnosti. Država u krizi pokušava kompenzovati narodnim komunikacionim suverenitetom, usled čega pribegava autoritarnom etatizmu, čiji su pojavni oblici strukturno i tehnološko razdvajanje sfere
mejnstrim i novih medija, „flak”, te mediokratske formacije arkanskog dela
državnog aparata. Navedeni aspekti čine kontekst u kojem deluje tvitersfera. Usled slabe transnacionalne regulative, javnosferski potencijal platforme pod upravom je same Tviter korporacije, koja vrši profitno orijentisanu koordinaciju i kontrolu korisnika, dok pojedinačnim državama preostaje da nađu meru između zaštite i ograničavanja slobode govora. Međutim, države sa autokratskim tendencijama svesno pogoršavaju kvalitet diskursa: kompjuterizovanom propagandom, astroturfingom, strateškim spamovanjem, botovskim simulacijama građanskog delovanja s ciljem polarizacije i urušavanja tvitersfere. Razlika u odnosu na mejnstrim medije je što nema restrikcije cirkulacije sadržaja, već pre – njegovog zagađenja hiperprodukcijom. Tvitersfera time nasleđuje strukturna ograničenja sopstvenog medijskog sistema, ali ne uspeva da reši ni problem reprezentacije, niti interakcije, jer se diskursi strateški kontaminiraju onda kada se ne mogu kontrolisati.
That is the true form of Gramscian hegemony, that doesn’t just manufacture consent but also promotes passivity. While Laclau focuses on people’s unity under the populist leader who acts as an empty signifier, Gramscian perspective doesn’t see things that monolithic. That is, Laclau assumes people consciously agree and support the populist worldview. He doesn’t consider possible ideological manipulations or social struggles. On the other hand, Gramsci maintains the only thing a populist leader has to do is to bring the opposition to the point of contradictory consciousness, that leads to inactivity, indecisiveness and passivity. That is, hegemony is cognitive. It is always a complex and ambivalent sum of very different people.
From this perspective, Trump’s media approach doesn’t have just entertainment but also a cognitive value. The paper shows how Trump tried not just to gain votes from different social groups but to make Clinton lose votes. Also, as a reality player or professional wrestler, his performance depended on opponents’ actions and more specifically - weaknesses. Because competition among wrestlers is fake (kayfabe), his aggressiveness was seen as staged. Media stunts provided him with a fairly good number of women’s votes, but also African-Americans and working class, even though they’re primarily Democratic Party’s voters.
MEdiaTiZaTion oF PoLiTiCS: CaSE oF
BERniE SandERS and donaLd TRUMP
Abstract
Mediatization of politics examines media moulding of political communication. it occurs primarily through the process of commercialization, that
differentiates social subsystems and attributes certaing logics. Within functionalist framework, media logic influences political logic. But differentiation of subsystems seems problematic. The paper questions this critical deficit from the public sphere perspective. Habermas defines the state/media
interrelationship as a political conflict where the winner makes the social
and market rules. Commercial logic describes media’s modus operandi without questioning the neoliberal factors behind it. This article introduces
normative aspect of media logic and suggests media frames as its indicators.
Content can show us characteristics of organizational control and the audience. Media coverage of Bernie Sanderss and donald Trump’s campaigns, on
both commercial and public television news, shows us the interplay of different types of politicans and two sides of media logic. Findings confirm the
soundness of Habermasian approach to mediatization of politics.
The condition of public television is defined as between technological convergence and interactivity. RTS has a sceptical attitude toward it’s audence’s low quality input, while PBS uses digital platforms creatively, with more dynamic social media pages. Institution of ombudsman established a strong relationship with the public, and citizens activity on the internet is used as information source for public opinion formation. RTS’ interactive deficit is then explained not in terms of financial instablty or political paralelism, but in a specific structure of viewers, that i Serbia is closer to the concept of mass.
sense of its positive role in the moral conflicts that characterize
social progress, but also as nonconformist phenomena that sooner or
later becomes commodified. The film Easy Rider can be used as a
theoretical tool in order to analyze the individualistic and social aspects
of counterculture, with a focus on repressive, de-sublimated practices
that invert the meaning of freedom, justice and equality. The paper
questions whether the counterculture, in spite of the initial celebration
of apostasy and social experiments, eventually ended up being
integrated within the system by becoming a mask of social domination
itself. Ideological contradictions of Easy Rider show the aesthetic and
asocial nature of the countercultural identity, which has culminated
in the pathological production of authenticity in capitalism. Instead
of alternative, solidaristic community, there is yet again atomistic
conception of society. The second part of the paper considers the
possibility of abandoning capitalist society. The search for ancorpy was
violently suppressed in the film, but in reality the counterculture’s most
radical elements were discarded or watered down, in order to sell it as
a market product. The paper concludes that the postmodernist cultural
Left has neglected the class conflict and focused on the extension of
minority rights while the neoliberal deterioration of social rights was
in progress. The film anticipates a contemporary social condition,
a different kind of ideological hegemony, where the conflict occurs
within the subordinated class, among different factions, leaving the
power center untouched. Popular culture has lost its utopian dimension,
while deviation has acquired a specific capitalist function.
Analiza holivudske reprodukcije „kulturalnog rata”, i tipa ličnosti koji je suprotstavljen otuđenom „jednodimenzionalnom” čovjeku, donosi uvid da je pokušaj stvaranja kontrakulturne utopije bio neuspješan, a da su konzervativci kao agenti sistema suzbijali alternative, nudili predstave o društvu kao predatorskoj džungli kojima treba suprotstaviti antibirokratski individualizam, i povući se u porodičnu sferu ili etničke zajednice. Sukob generacija je familijarizovan, prikazan kao porodični spor, i time depolitizovan. Izjednačavanjem popularne kulture sa dečijom kulturom izbrisana je granica izmedu adolescencije i punoletnosti. Mladost više nije razvojna već identitetska kategorija, a bez jasne predstave zrelosti kontrakultura ostaje politicki autistična.
This monograph offers a critical analysis of a New Hollywood cinema. The starting theoretical construct is an althusserian comprehension of media culture, education system and other social institutions as ideological state apparatuses, who took over the role of a family, raising the next generation in line with the needs of the system. This belief is shared by critical theory and poststructuralism in their attempts of synthesis of Marxism and psychoanalysis. Accordingly, in the case of the working class they claim that the generational alienation was encouraged by the ideological apparatus to prevent the formation of class consciousness. On the other hand, for the bourgeoisie, the development of family intimacy guaranteed an uninterrupted movement of intergenerational capital. New Left viewed the conflict between middle–class generations as an important lever of radical social change.
Analysis of Hollywood cultural war, and the specific type of personality that is opposed to the alienated “one–dimensional” man, brings the insight that the attempt to achieve countercultural utopia has failed, because the conservatives as agents of the system have suppressed alternatives. They offered the vision of a society as a predatory jungle, which was confronted by anti–bureaucratic individualism, withdrawal to family sphere or ethnic community. Conflict of generations is familiarized, shown as a family quarrel, and thus depoliticized. By equating popular culture with the children’s culture, the boundary between adolescence and maturity is erased. Youth development is no longer a category within identity development, but the identity as such. Without a clear idea of the maturity, the political counterculture remains autistic.