Dr. Elai Rettig is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University, and the head of the energy division at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. He specializes in energy geopolitics, Israeli foreign policy, and environmental politics. He previously served as an Israel Institute post-doctoral fellow at Washington University in St Louis, and as a senior fellow in the Maritime Policy & Strategy Research Center at the University of Haifa.
Within the rich literature on politically divided cities, infrastructure has rarely featured as a... more Within the rich literature on politically divided cities, infrastructure has rarely featured as a medium of urban contestation. Only transportation infrastructure has merited attention of late. This paper presents an in-depth investigation of energy infrastructures as instruments of separation, control and collaboration in three iconic divided cities: Berlin, Jerusalem and Nicosia. The purpose of the paper is threefold: 1) to identify the multiple ways in which geopolitical division and unification have manifested themselves in the cities’ electricity (and gas) supply systems; 2) to analyse the strategic responses of service providers, politicians and users to their divided and united energy systems over time and 3) to use the cases to generate insight into energy infrastructures as conduits of separation, control and collaboration in politically contested cities. The research approach is distinctive for being socio-material (exploring the politics and agency of infrastructures), relational (appreciating the co-shaping of cities and infrastructures) and historical (covering 75 years of shifting responses to division and unification). The findings from this long-term analysis challenge simplistic distinctions between separation, control and collaboration. They point, rather, to the co-existence and even hybridisation of these three strategies at any one time and place, as well as to the limitations facing ideal types, as expressed in our terminology ‘seductive separation’, ‘constrained control’ and ‘conditional collaboration’. The paper emphasises the need to see beyond and within a city to comprehend the contested geographies around energy in divided cities. It also highlights the politicised indeterminacy of infrastructures in volatile urban environments, countering popular images of them as bulwarks of stability.
This article examines why foreign actors promote rooftop photovoltaic (PV) projects in cities cha... more This article examines why foreign actors promote rooftop photovoltaic (PV) projects in cities characterized by ongoing ethno-national conflicts, and why the host government accepts these projects despite viewing them as undermining its sovereignty. It finds that foreign aid providers increasingly view off-grid PV technology as a low-cost solution for helping the embattled minorities of the city strengthen their autonomy and self-sufficiency by disconnecting them from the state-controlled national electricity grid. Local authorities accept these projects because they view them as benign initiatives that can help them address ‘infrastructure vacuums’ in neglected spaces of the city. This allows foreign actors to shape the status quo of the disputed city while avoiding political pushback by the host government. This dynamic is examined in the case of East Jerusalem, where EU and UN bodies invested in rooftop PV projects over the past decade with the stated goal of strengthening the energy autonomy of the city's Palestinian neighborhoods and preserving the option of dividing the city's infrastructure in a future peace agreement. Through government protocols and interviews with foreign aid representatives who promoted the projects, Jerusalem municipal officials who approved them, and Palestinian users who installed them, this article finds that Israeli authorities viewed these projects as a necessary buffer to address ungoverned areas of the city where Palestinians viewed municipal integration projects as an act of occupation. Foreign actors introduced PV solutions to these areas but struggled to overcome technical, bureaucratic, and social hurdles that limited their progress.
The question of why some regions reject energy cooperation initiatives that aim to improve their ... more The question of why some regions reject energy cooperation initiatives that aim to improve their overall security of supply puzzles scholars and policymakers advocating for deeper regional integration through energy trade. This was the case in Northeast Asia, where efforts to create a joint oil import mechanism to improve China, South Korea and Japan's collective bargaining power against Middle East suppliers repeatedly failed and turned instead into competing bilateral contracts at higher prices for all three countries. This article offers two explanations for this puzzle. First, the unique technical challenges and costly logistics of establishing reliable oil and gas supply routes make bilateral agreements more credible than multilateral guarantees in regions characterised by geographical remoteness and high differential vulnerability to disruptions among its members. Second, the tendency of policymakers to securitise their country's energy supply pushes them to overemphasise their relative vulnerabilities and fear any loss of autonomy over their supplies.
The war in Gaza has revealed serious weaknesses in the Israeli electricity sector that do not hav... more The war in Gaza has revealed serious weaknesses in the Israeli electricity sector that do not have an immediate solution, and there is no unanimity on the extent of the damage that will be caused if the war in the north expands. Extreme scenarios range from several hours to several days without electricity in the major cities and the center of the country and several weeks of such conditions in the border areas. These scenarios would require the Israeli citizen, who is not used to power outages, to be calm and patient. In the long term, the security of the Israeli electricity sector will require the installation of expensive infrastructures and a significant easing of regulations that will take years to implement and require direct government support. These moves include the search for additional gas fields and the construction of backup gas pipelines, greater decentralization of the electricity sector through solar technologies, upgrading of power transmission lines, promotion of hydrogen technologies for electricity storage, and greater storage of emergency fuels. One bright spot concerns Israel's regional status with regard to connectivity and energy exports. The dependence of Egypt and Jordan on Israeli gas proved to be a moderating factor in the war, and plans to connect pipelines and power lines from the Gulf countries to Europe through Israel received an additional incentive following the Houthi attacks on Bab al-Mandab .
The events of October 7 and Hezbollah's subsequent attacks on Israel's northern border have renew... more The events of October 7 and Hezbollah's subsequent attacks on Israel's northern border have renewed the question of whether energy considerations can serve as a lever on Hezbollah's policy towards Israel, as was claimed following the signing of a maritime border agreement by Israel and Lebanon in October 2022. During the months of fighting, reports have emerged of internal pressure being exerted by Beirut on Hezbollah not to enter the conflict against Israel as doing so would likely exacerbate Lebanon's state of deep crisis. This crisis includes frequent power outages in Beirut, unprecedented fuel shortages nationwide, and delays in gas exploration in Lebanon's waters. If Lebanon's energy crisis does lead to the "concentration" of Hezbollah within Lebanon's economic and political arena, it is possible that Israel, through US mediation, could exploit this to undermine Hezbollah and restore stability on the northern border.
The global maritime arena is undergoing a period of change and upheaval. This includes Iranian ag... more The global maritime arena is undergoing a period of change and upheaval. This includes Iranian aggression and Houthi piracy, conflict in the Black Sea, maritime border disputes over energy deposits in the Mediterranean Sea, tensions in the South China Sea, Russian and Iranian shadow ships, drought in the Panama Canal, and new emissions standards for vessels, all of which are hindering global trade while adding to the cost of energy transit and insurance. This article provides a brief overview of these emerging challenges, examines the connections between them, and points to steps the global community must take to address them.
In June 2023, Israel approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near the... more In June 2023, Israel approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near the Gaza Strip that has remained dormant since its discovery in 2000. The field can potentially benefit the Palestinian Authority (PA) in terms of export revenue and energy independence. However, the legal status of the field remains unclear, and the 2023 Israel–Hamas war further complicated this matter. On the one hand, although Israel has not made any legal claim to Gaza Marine, its approval to develop the field is still considered necessary by all parties involved. On the other hand, while the PA views itself as the rightful owner of the field, it has had no effective control over Gaza’s coastline or waters since 2007, weakening its claim. This article reviews the complex history and evolving legal status of the Gaza Marine gas field up until the 2023 war. It argues that there is still room for optimism regarding the future development of the field, especially when considering its similarities to the successful 2022 maritime agreement between Israel and Lebanon.
This article provides an overview of the current fuel supply situation in the Gaza Strip. It exam... more This article provides an overview of the current fuel supply situation in the Gaza Strip. It examines how much fuel is needed for Gaza's basic humanitarian needs, how much fuel is held by Hamas, and who is responsible for providing more fuel once it runs out. It concludes that Israel's denial of fuel supply into Gaza offers relatively marginal tactical advantages since Hamas has enough diesel stored away to last for several months. Diesel denial mainly affects the operation of hospitals and water supply to Gaza's population, adding to international pressure against Israel to end its military campaign.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has riled the energy markets of Europe and created opportunities ... more The Russian invasion of Ukraine has riled the energy markets of Europe and created opportunities for Israel’s energy sector that contain both risks and rewards. These opportunities include: 1) the prospect of more natural gas exploration and new LNG export projects in the Eastern Mediterranean to meet Europe’s growing demand for non-Russian gas; 2) the revival of the EAPC-UAE deal to move cheaper oil from the Gulf States to Europe through Israel; and 3) more Israeli solar and clean tech export deals to the Gulf States to help release oil and gas for export.
In June 2023, Israel quietly approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field ... more In June 2023, Israel quietly approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near Gaza that will benefit both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas in terms of revenue and energy independence. Why was the deal approved by the most right-wing Israeli government to date, and how does this relate to the Lebanon maritime border deal from October 2022?
This policy brief provides a short background on Gaza's electricity and water sectors and examine... more This policy brief provides a short background on Gaza's electricity and water sectors and examines the immediate consequences of cutting off supply to the Gaza Strip. Overall, it argues that the tactical benefits from such a move are somewhat limited since Hamas has adapted to frequent supply cuts with a wide array of small-scale generators and rooftop PV panels, leaving the population to absorb the brunt of the shortage. The broader impact of the power outage will be on the ability to supply water to the Gaza Strip, which can create a humanitarian crisis if not addressed.
This article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil s... more This article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.
The term ‘energy island’ encompasses contradicting interpretations to electricity connectivity an... more The term ‘energy island’ encompasses contradicting interpretations to electricity connectivity and isolation. Scholars and practitioners use the same term to describe contrasting scenarios that address different problems and widely divergent policy goals. These may include physically secluded islands trying to connect to the mainland to increase their energy security, or countries wishing to actively isolate their electricity systems from a hostile surrounding region, or artificial islands that enable more integration of renewable energy systems, or microgrids that enable communities and regions to voluntarily disconnect from their country's national grid for political purposes. The understanding of energy islands as either an opportunity to pursue or a vulnerability to overcome can thus differ based on factors such as economic constraints, technical capabilities, security of supply, or political aspirations for sovereignty and independence. This study provides a comprehensive framework for unpacking the term 'energy island' and analyzing the various factors that influence its development. It does so by conceptualizing energy islands as a spatial interaction between three boundaries: a physical boundary, a political boundary, and an electricity service boundary. By examining the interplay between these boundaries, this study identifies six different types of energy islands that represent six distinct configurations of electricity isolation, as well as seven policy trajectories that allow them to transition from one type to another. This novel theoretical framework facilitates a better understanding of why and when policymakers choose to either abandon or strengthen their country's electricity isolation and identifies the physical and institutional solutions they employ to achieve their goals.
Does energy securitization promote or hinder regional cooperation over energy resources? This pap... more Does energy securitization promote or hinder regional cooperation over energy resources? This paper argues that policymakers frame energy issues as existential threats to facilitate both outcomes, depending on how they perceive the reliability of their country's energy supply. When countries are confident in their supply, they begin to seek regional cooperation opportunities that they had previously rejected. Rather than abandon existential rhetoric that served to prevent cooperation when supply was vulnerable, policymakers adopt opposing constructs of security and direct them toward different audiences to gain their support. When addressing the international community, policymakers employ neoliberal concepts of security as a mutually beneficial result of trade and cooperation. When addressing domestic audiences, policymakers employ realist paradigms of security as competition toward self-preservation and dominance. Israel serves as a case study to test this argument. This paper examines how major natural gas discoveries in 2009 shifted longstanding Israeli isolationism and encouraged it to seek deeper economic ties with its neighbors. To promote its new policy, the Israeli government argued before its domestic audience that gas exports are essential for creating leverage against the EU and preventing terrorism on its borders, while simultaneously arguing toward foreign audiences that the exports serve to promote regional unity.
Does trading oil promote peace between rival countries? Despite the optimism of liberal theories ... more Does trading oil promote peace between rival countries? Despite the optimism of liberal theories on the value of economic interdependence, countries worry more about the possibility of being cut off from vital oil supplies than about forgoing the potential economic gains of trade. The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian peace is an exception to this rule, as the inclusion of oil trade agreements during negotiations succeeded and eventually became a positive aspect of the relations between the two states. However, this resulted not from the promotion of economic interdependence during negotiations, but from its avoidance. The United States guaranteed to compensate Israel for any breach in the oil agreement. This permitted Israel and Egypt to trade freely without imminent concern of becoming too dependent on one another. In consequence, they slowly built mutual trust over the years. Israeli and US declassified documents shed light on the creation of this unique oil trade agreement during the final phase of peace negotiations.We argue that a third-party guarantee to compensate for a breach in energy trade is often a necessary condition for such deals to succeed, provided that the guarantor meets certain preconditions unique to energy trade.
MARITIME STRATEGIC EVALUATION FOR ISRAEL 2016 - Haifa Research Center for Maritime Policy & Strategy, 2017
This chapter explores the three key interconnecting levels that were impacted by the discovery of... more This chapter explores the three key interconnecting levels that were impacted by the discovery of two large maritime gas fields in Israel's EEZ: Energy security, economic development, and the reinforced geopolitical status of Israel as a gas exporter.
Global Energy Debates and the Eastern Mediterranean / PRIO Cyprus Centre Report, 2016
This chapter will give a brief overview of the three main points of contention that have so far d... more This chapter will give a brief overview of the three main points of contention that have so far delayed Israel’s gas export potential: (1) disagreements over the amount of revenues to be taken from the fields, (2) the question of whether Israel should export its gas, and (3) the lack of competition in the Israeli gas market. The paper will then provide some insight into the public discourse in Israel to better explain how the third issue, the lack of competition, has so far proven to be the biggest hurdle to the development of Leviathan. Finally, the paper will discuss the impact of the Zohr field in Egypt and the role of additional players – Russia, Iran and Turkey – in the future outlook for Israel’s gas developments.
The discovery of two major offshore natural gas deposits in Israel‘s Exclusive Economic Zone has ... more The discovery of two major offshore natural gas deposits in Israel‘s Exclusive Economic Zone has important economic and geopolitical benefits for the State of Israel and for the East Mediterranean region as a whole. However, the heated domestic struggle that these discoveries evoked went far deeper than regional politics, tapping into preexisting and deep-rooted social and economic divides within Israeli society. The high and at times unrealistic economic expectations that the gas finds created among parts of the Israeli public generated a socioeconomic discourse that grew emotional and uncompromising over time, making the goal of developing the gas fields and transforming the region an increasingly difficult one to reach. The gas discoveries thus created two parallel yet very different stories of Israel as a gas-rich nation - domestic and regional - revealing the contrasting ways energy resources can transform a country, its surroundings and its people.
Global experience with oil and natural gas production indicates that international energy compani... more Global experience with oil and natural gas production indicates that international energy companies do not refrain from operating in areas of conflict and are not easily deterred by periodic terrorist attacks on their facilities. However, the case of the Nigerian Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) shows that even large corporations are liable to close their facilities when there is a direct attack on their foreign (non-local) employees. Israel can learn from the Nigerian experience how to cope with the vulnerability created by its dependence on foreign employees and consequential threats directed against its natural gas resources. A short term lesson is that Israel must ensure the safety of employees in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), even when they are employed by a foreign company that is obligated to protect them. A long term lesson is that Israel must reduce its dependence on foreign experts by training a local workforce that may be less affected during times of national crisis. These aspects are as important for Israel's energy security as the facilities' physical protection.
Within the rich literature on politically divided cities, infrastructure has rarely featured as a... more Within the rich literature on politically divided cities, infrastructure has rarely featured as a medium of urban contestation. Only transportation infrastructure has merited attention of late. This paper presents an in-depth investigation of energy infrastructures as instruments of separation, control and collaboration in three iconic divided cities: Berlin, Jerusalem and Nicosia. The purpose of the paper is threefold: 1) to identify the multiple ways in which geopolitical division and unification have manifested themselves in the cities’ electricity (and gas) supply systems; 2) to analyse the strategic responses of service providers, politicians and users to their divided and united energy systems over time and 3) to use the cases to generate insight into energy infrastructures as conduits of separation, control and collaboration in politically contested cities. The research approach is distinctive for being socio-material (exploring the politics and agency of infrastructures), relational (appreciating the co-shaping of cities and infrastructures) and historical (covering 75 years of shifting responses to division and unification). The findings from this long-term analysis challenge simplistic distinctions between separation, control and collaboration. They point, rather, to the co-existence and even hybridisation of these three strategies at any one time and place, as well as to the limitations facing ideal types, as expressed in our terminology ‘seductive separation’, ‘constrained control’ and ‘conditional collaboration’. The paper emphasises the need to see beyond and within a city to comprehend the contested geographies around energy in divided cities. It also highlights the politicised indeterminacy of infrastructures in volatile urban environments, countering popular images of them as bulwarks of stability.
This article examines why foreign actors promote rooftop photovoltaic (PV) projects in cities cha... more This article examines why foreign actors promote rooftop photovoltaic (PV) projects in cities characterized by ongoing ethno-national conflicts, and why the host government accepts these projects despite viewing them as undermining its sovereignty. It finds that foreign aid providers increasingly view off-grid PV technology as a low-cost solution for helping the embattled minorities of the city strengthen their autonomy and self-sufficiency by disconnecting them from the state-controlled national electricity grid. Local authorities accept these projects because they view them as benign initiatives that can help them address ‘infrastructure vacuums’ in neglected spaces of the city. This allows foreign actors to shape the status quo of the disputed city while avoiding political pushback by the host government. This dynamic is examined in the case of East Jerusalem, where EU and UN bodies invested in rooftop PV projects over the past decade with the stated goal of strengthening the energy autonomy of the city's Palestinian neighborhoods and preserving the option of dividing the city's infrastructure in a future peace agreement. Through government protocols and interviews with foreign aid representatives who promoted the projects, Jerusalem municipal officials who approved them, and Palestinian users who installed them, this article finds that Israeli authorities viewed these projects as a necessary buffer to address ungoverned areas of the city where Palestinians viewed municipal integration projects as an act of occupation. Foreign actors introduced PV solutions to these areas but struggled to overcome technical, bureaucratic, and social hurdles that limited their progress.
The question of why some regions reject energy cooperation initiatives that aim to improve their ... more The question of why some regions reject energy cooperation initiatives that aim to improve their overall security of supply puzzles scholars and policymakers advocating for deeper regional integration through energy trade. This was the case in Northeast Asia, where efforts to create a joint oil import mechanism to improve China, South Korea and Japan's collective bargaining power against Middle East suppliers repeatedly failed and turned instead into competing bilateral contracts at higher prices for all three countries. This article offers two explanations for this puzzle. First, the unique technical challenges and costly logistics of establishing reliable oil and gas supply routes make bilateral agreements more credible than multilateral guarantees in regions characterised by geographical remoteness and high differential vulnerability to disruptions among its members. Second, the tendency of policymakers to securitise their country's energy supply pushes them to overemphasise their relative vulnerabilities and fear any loss of autonomy over their supplies.
The war in Gaza has revealed serious weaknesses in the Israeli electricity sector that do not hav... more The war in Gaza has revealed serious weaknesses in the Israeli electricity sector that do not have an immediate solution, and there is no unanimity on the extent of the damage that will be caused if the war in the north expands. Extreme scenarios range from several hours to several days without electricity in the major cities and the center of the country and several weeks of such conditions in the border areas. These scenarios would require the Israeli citizen, who is not used to power outages, to be calm and patient. In the long term, the security of the Israeli electricity sector will require the installation of expensive infrastructures and a significant easing of regulations that will take years to implement and require direct government support. These moves include the search for additional gas fields and the construction of backup gas pipelines, greater decentralization of the electricity sector through solar technologies, upgrading of power transmission lines, promotion of hydrogen technologies for electricity storage, and greater storage of emergency fuels. One bright spot concerns Israel's regional status with regard to connectivity and energy exports. The dependence of Egypt and Jordan on Israeli gas proved to be a moderating factor in the war, and plans to connect pipelines and power lines from the Gulf countries to Europe through Israel received an additional incentive following the Houthi attacks on Bab al-Mandab .
The events of October 7 and Hezbollah's subsequent attacks on Israel's northern border have renew... more The events of October 7 and Hezbollah's subsequent attacks on Israel's northern border have renewed the question of whether energy considerations can serve as a lever on Hezbollah's policy towards Israel, as was claimed following the signing of a maritime border agreement by Israel and Lebanon in October 2022. During the months of fighting, reports have emerged of internal pressure being exerted by Beirut on Hezbollah not to enter the conflict against Israel as doing so would likely exacerbate Lebanon's state of deep crisis. This crisis includes frequent power outages in Beirut, unprecedented fuel shortages nationwide, and delays in gas exploration in Lebanon's waters. If Lebanon's energy crisis does lead to the "concentration" of Hezbollah within Lebanon's economic and political arena, it is possible that Israel, through US mediation, could exploit this to undermine Hezbollah and restore stability on the northern border.
The global maritime arena is undergoing a period of change and upheaval. This includes Iranian ag... more The global maritime arena is undergoing a period of change and upheaval. This includes Iranian aggression and Houthi piracy, conflict in the Black Sea, maritime border disputes over energy deposits in the Mediterranean Sea, tensions in the South China Sea, Russian and Iranian shadow ships, drought in the Panama Canal, and new emissions standards for vessels, all of which are hindering global trade while adding to the cost of energy transit and insurance. This article provides a brief overview of these emerging challenges, examines the connections between them, and points to steps the global community must take to address them.
In June 2023, Israel approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near the... more In June 2023, Israel approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near the Gaza Strip that has remained dormant since its discovery in 2000. The field can potentially benefit the Palestinian Authority (PA) in terms of export revenue and energy independence. However, the legal status of the field remains unclear, and the 2023 Israel–Hamas war further complicated this matter. On the one hand, although Israel has not made any legal claim to Gaza Marine, its approval to develop the field is still considered necessary by all parties involved. On the other hand, while the PA views itself as the rightful owner of the field, it has had no effective control over Gaza’s coastline or waters since 2007, weakening its claim. This article reviews the complex history and evolving legal status of the Gaza Marine gas field up until the 2023 war. It argues that there is still room for optimism regarding the future development of the field, especially when considering its similarities to the successful 2022 maritime agreement between Israel and Lebanon.
This article provides an overview of the current fuel supply situation in the Gaza Strip. It exam... more This article provides an overview of the current fuel supply situation in the Gaza Strip. It examines how much fuel is needed for Gaza's basic humanitarian needs, how much fuel is held by Hamas, and who is responsible for providing more fuel once it runs out. It concludes that Israel's denial of fuel supply into Gaza offers relatively marginal tactical advantages since Hamas has enough diesel stored away to last for several months. Diesel denial mainly affects the operation of hospitals and water supply to Gaza's population, adding to international pressure against Israel to end its military campaign.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has riled the energy markets of Europe and created opportunities ... more The Russian invasion of Ukraine has riled the energy markets of Europe and created opportunities for Israel’s energy sector that contain both risks and rewards. These opportunities include: 1) the prospect of more natural gas exploration and new LNG export projects in the Eastern Mediterranean to meet Europe’s growing demand for non-Russian gas; 2) the revival of the EAPC-UAE deal to move cheaper oil from the Gulf States to Europe through Israel; and 3) more Israeli solar and clean tech export deals to the Gulf States to help release oil and gas for export.
In June 2023, Israel quietly approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field ... more In June 2023, Israel quietly approved the development of Gaza Marine, a small offshore gas field near Gaza that will benefit both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas in terms of revenue and energy independence. Why was the deal approved by the most right-wing Israeli government to date, and how does this relate to the Lebanon maritime border deal from October 2022?
This policy brief provides a short background on Gaza's electricity and water sectors and examine... more This policy brief provides a short background on Gaza's electricity and water sectors and examines the immediate consequences of cutting off supply to the Gaza Strip. Overall, it argues that the tactical benefits from such a move are somewhat limited since Hamas has adapted to frequent supply cuts with a wide array of small-scale generators and rooftop PV panels, leaving the population to absorb the brunt of the shortage. The broader impact of the power outage will be on the ability to supply water to the Gaza Strip, which can create a humanitarian crisis if not addressed.
This article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil s... more This article argues that small oil-importing states are particularly adept at circumventing oil sanctions and leveraging them to further expand their own markets. It points to the unique advantages and necessary preconditions that make small states successful in their search for ‘sanctions busters’ in the global oil market, especially when approaching countries that recently became oil exporters. Using declassified Israeli, British and US archival material, this article sheds light on how Israel capitalized on the 1973 Arab oil embargo to gain access to Ecuador’s market through its oil sector, but failed to repeat this success in Norway and the United Kingdom.
The term ‘energy island’ encompasses contradicting interpretations to electricity connectivity an... more The term ‘energy island’ encompasses contradicting interpretations to electricity connectivity and isolation. Scholars and practitioners use the same term to describe contrasting scenarios that address different problems and widely divergent policy goals. These may include physically secluded islands trying to connect to the mainland to increase their energy security, or countries wishing to actively isolate their electricity systems from a hostile surrounding region, or artificial islands that enable more integration of renewable energy systems, or microgrids that enable communities and regions to voluntarily disconnect from their country's national grid for political purposes. The understanding of energy islands as either an opportunity to pursue or a vulnerability to overcome can thus differ based on factors such as economic constraints, technical capabilities, security of supply, or political aspirations for sovereignty and independence. This study provides a comprehensive framework for unpacking the term 'energy island' and analyzing the various factors that influence its development. It does so by conceptualizing energy islands as a spatial interaction between three boundaries: a physical boundary, a political boundary, and an electricity service boundary. By examining the interplay between these boundaries, this study identifies six different types of energy islands that represent six distinct configurations of electricity isolation, as well as seven policy trajectories that allow them to transition from one type to another. This novel theoretical framework facilitates a better understanding of why and when policymakers choose to either abandon or strengthen their country's electricity isolation and identifies the physical and institutional solutions they employ to achieve their goals.
Does energy securitization promote or hinder regional cooperation over energy resources? This pap... more Does energy securitization promote or hinder regional cooperation over energy resources? This paper argues that policymakers frame energy issues as existential threats to facilitate both outcomes, depending on how they perceive the reliability of their country's energy supply. When countries are confident in their supply, they begin to seek regional cooperation opportunities that they had previously rejected. Rather than abandon existential rhetoric that served to prevent cooperation when supply was vulnerable, policymakers adopt opposing constructs of security and direct them toward different audiences to gain their support. When addressing the international community, policymakers employ neoliberal concepts of security as a mutually beneficial result of trade and cooperation. When addressing domestic audiences, policymakers employ realist paradigms of security as competition toward self-preservation and dominance. Israel serves as a case study to test this argument. This paper examines how major natural gas discoveries in 2009 shifted longstanding Israeli isolationism and encouraged it to seek deeper economic ties with its neighbors. To promote its new policy, the Israeli government argued before its domestic audience that gas exports are essential for creating leverage against the EU and preventing terrorism on its borders, while simultaneously arguing toward foreign audiences that the exports serve to promote regional unity.
Does trading oil promote peace between rival countries? Despite the optimism of liberal theories ... more Does trading oil promote peace between rival countries? Despite the optimism of liberal theories on the value of economic interdependence, countries worry more about the possibility of being cut off from vital oil supplies than about forgoing the potential economic gains of trade. The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian peace is an exception to this rule, as the inclusion of oil trade agreements during negotiations succeeded and eventually became a positive aspect of the relations between the two states. However, this resulted not from the promotion of economic interdependence during negotiations, but from its avoidance. The United States guaranteed to compensate Israel for any breach in the oil agreement. This permitted Israel and Egypt to trade freely without imminent concern of becoming too dependent on one another. In consequence, they slowly built mutual trust over the years. Israeli and US declassified documents shed light on the creation of this unique oil trade agreement during the final phase of peace negotiations.We argue that a third-party guarantee to compensate for a breach in energy trade is often a necessary condition for such deals to succeed, provided that the guarantor meets certain preconditions unique to energy trade.
MARITIME STRATEGIC EVALUATION FOR ISRAEL 2016 - Haifa Research Center for Maritime Policy & Strategy, 2017
This chapter explores the three key interconnecting levels that were impacted by the discovery of... more This chapter explores the three key interconnecting levels that were impacted by the discovery of two large maritime gas fields in Israel's EEZ: Energy security, economic development, and the reinforced geopolitical status of Israel as a gas exporter.
Global Energy Debates and the Eastern Mediterranean / PRIO Cyprus Centre Report, 2016
This chapter will give a brief overview of the three main points of contention that have so far d... more This chapter will give a brief overview of the three main points of contention that have so far delayed Israel’s gas export potential: (1) disagreements over the amount of revenues to be taken from the fields, (2) the question of whether Israel should export its gas, and (3) the lack of competition in the Israeli gas market. The paper will then provide some insight into the public discourse in Israel to better explain how the third issue, the lack of competition, has so far proven to be the biggest hurdle to the development of Leviathan. Finally, the paper will discuss the impact of the Zohr field in Egypt and the role of additional players – Russia, Iran and Turkey – in the future outlook for Israel’s gas developments.
The discovery of two major offshore natural gas deposits in Israel‘s Exclusive Economic Zone has ... more The discovery of two major offshore natural gas deposits in Israel‘s Exclusive Economic Zone has important economic and geopolitical benefits for the State of Israel and for the East Mediterranean region as a whole. However, the heated domestic struggle that these discoveries evoked went far deeper than regional politics, tapping into preexisting and deep-rooted social and economic divides within Israeli society. The high and at times unrealistic economic expectations that the gas finds created among parts of the Israeli public generated a socioeconomic discourse that grew emotional and uncompromising over time, making the goal of developing the gas fields and transforming the region an increasingly difficult one to reach. The gas discoveries thus created two parallel yet very different stories of Israel as a gas-rich nation - domestic and regional - revealing the contrasting ways energy resources can transform a country, its surroundings and its people.
Global experience with oil and natural gas production indicates that international energy compani... more Global experience with oil and natural gas production indicates that international energy companies do not refrain from operating in areas of conflict and are not easily deterred by periodic terrorist attacks on their facilities. However, the case of the Nigerian Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) shows that even large corporations are liable to close their facilities when there is a direct attack on their foreign (non-local) employees. Israel can learn from the Nigerian experience how to cope with the vulnerability created by its dependence on foreign employees and consequential threats directed against its natural gas resources. A short term lesson is that Israel must ensure the safety of employees in its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), even when they are employed by a foreign company that is obligated to protect them. A long term lesson is that Israel must reduce its dependence on foreign experts by training a local workforce that may be less affected during times of national crisis. These aspects are as important for Israel's energy security as the facilities' physical protection.
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Papers by Elai Rettig
interdependence, countries worry more about the possibility of being cut off from vital oil supplies than about forgoing the
potential economic gains of trade. The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian peace is an exception to this rule, as the inclusion of oil trade
agreements during negotiations succeeded and eventually became a positive aspect of the relations between the two states.
However, this resulted not from the promotion of economic interdependence during negotiations, but from its avoidance.
The United States guaranteed to compensate Israel for any breach in the oil agreement. This permitted Israel and Egypt to
trade freely without imminent concern of becoming too dependent on one another. In consequence, they slowly built mutual
trust over the years. Israeli and US declassified documents shed light on the creation of this unique oil trade agreement during
the final phase of peace negotiations.We argue that a third-party guarantee to compensate for a breach in energy trade is often
a necessary condition for such deals to succeed, provided that the guarantor meets certain preconditions unique to energy
trade.
interdependence, countries worry more about the possibility of being cut off from vital oil supplies than about forgoing the
potential economic gains of trade. The 1979 Israeli-Egyptian peace is an exception to this rule, as the inclusion of oil trade
agreements during negotiations succeeded and eventually became a positive aspect of the relations between the two states.
However, this resulted not from the promotion of economic interdependence during negotiations, but from its avoidance.
The United States guaranteed to compensate Israel for any breach in the oil agreement. This permitted Israel and Egypt to
trade freely without imminent concern of becoming too dependent on one another. In consequence, they slowly built mutual
trust over the years. Israeli and US declassified documents shed light on the creation of this unique oil trade agreement during
the final phase of peace negotiations.We argue that a third-party guarantee to compensate for a breach in energy trade is often
a necessary condition for such deals to succeed, provided that the guarantor meets certain preconditions unique to energy
trade.