Book by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the impor... more The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the important and complex relationship between India and China. Reflecting the consequential and multifaceted nature of the bilateral relationship, it brings together thirty-five original contributions by a wide range of experts in the field. The chapters show that China–India relations are more far-reaching and complicated than ever and marked by both conflict and cooperation. Following a thorough introduction by the Editors, the handbook is divided into seven parts which combine thematic and chronological principles:
Historical overviews
Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other
Core bilateral conflicts
Military relations
Economy and development
Relations with third parties
China, India, and global order
Articles by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
Asia Policy, 2020
Roundtable from Asia Policy 15.2
Ian Hall's Modi and the Reinvention of Indian Foreign Policy
The Journal of International Relations and Development, 2020
Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but ot... more Why do some bilateral relationships have the ability to become strong, stable and amicable but others do not even when they have incentive to develop higher resilience? This article proposes that perceived relational identity differences between two states, or otherness, shapes and limits resilience in their relationship. Drawing on the existing IR identity literature, the article develops a conceptual and operational definition of otherness and proposes a useful and replicable framework that can be used to capture the complexity of bilateral ties. The article illustrates this framework with two types of cases. First, two historical “least-likely” cases (Germany–Israel, 1949–1973; India–USSR, 1947–1970) of higher resilience, in which one would not expect the resilient relationships that developed. Second, a most likely contemporary mini-case (India–Israel 1992–2012), which uncovers lower than expected resilience. The article then concludes with the implications of this framework for further academic research and policy analysis.
Perspectives on Politics, 2019
Foreign Affairs, 2018
Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home ... more Modi risks damaging India's rising power reputations through his divisive policies, both at home and abroad.
India Review, 2018
This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold
War grand strategy by arguin... more This article offers an alternative understanding of India’s postCold
War grand strategy by arguing that policy issues should be treated as a continuum within which there may be strategic policy innovations, leading to both nuanced continuity and change in foreign policy. Our argument stands in contradistinction to the dominant scholarship in the Indian foreign policy literature, the “transformation scholarship” as we term it, which views policy issues as binary, finds a “new” emphasis on material interests since the end of the Cold War and advocates this
as both rational and commendable. Applying four key claims in the dominant transformation scholarship to two important Indian foreign policy issues, nuclear non-proliferation and climate change, we find that, rather than sweeping change in Indian grand strategy, as implied and advocated by transformation scholars, Indian grand strategy is in a state of flux, encapsulating some change but also much continuity.
International Affairs, 2017
In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ ... more In the post-Cold War era, a number of scholars have observed and encouraged greater ‘pragmatism’ in India's foreign policy. A ‘pragmatic’ foreign policy has been understood as one that rejects India's earlier reliance on Nehruvian ‘idealism’ or ‘moral posturing’, and instead pursues power and material interests. In the wake of his election to power, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, too, has been celebrated by scholars and the media as a pragmatic leader who will be able to dispense with earlier ideas and ideologies and bring about radical changes to Indian foreign policy. In this article, we problematize these ‘substantive’ readings of pragmatism. Instead we present an alternative, ‘procedural’ reading of foreign policy pragmatism that emphasises the selection and fusion—rather than the abandonment—of different ideas and ideological commitments in order to effect foreign policy change. By demonstrating procedural pragmatism at work in two case-studies under Modi's leadership—the resolution of India's territorial dispute with Bangladesh, and the establishment and public celebration of a UN-recognized International Day of Yoga—we show how Modi's pragmatic approach to foreign policy-making is responsive to both Hindutva (Hindu nationalist ideology) and entrenched foreign policy ideas in India. Our central argument is that Modi is neither unique nor uniquely pragmatic, and like many Indian leaders before him, his pragmatism cannot simply abandon ideas and ideology, but is compelled to respond to them in response to domestic and international political logics.
International Affairs, 2017
Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and th... more Political mistrust in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is high and this, in turn, has historically led to shortsighted economic policies and disjointed coordination. As India asserts itself as a global economic player, its leadership, specifically in SAARC, may lead to the political successes necessary to ensure broader connectivity and cooperation in the region. In this new issue brief, “Cooperation in South Asia: The Case for Redefining Alliances,” Dr. Manjari Chatterjee Miller and Dr. Bharath Gopalaswamy re-examine SAARC and point to realignments within SAARC that may boost the effectiveness of the often-times ineffective body.
Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2016
The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial ... more The concept of rising powers is central to international relations, and it is considered crucial for answering questions about war and peace. Yet the theoretical literature
on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this article argues that rising powers are distinguished by very specific
kinds of domestic beliefs. It uses two detailed cases, one historical (the United States 1898–1903) and one contemporary (China post-2002), to show that rising powers, despite different time periods, regimes, and cultures, have very particular
kinds of beliefs about how to become a great power. It uses two additional mini-cases, India post-2002 and Weimar Germany 1922–1933 to argue that if beliefs are not taken into account, states may be overestimated or underestimated as rising
powers.
Foreign Affairs, Apr 2014
Foreign Affairs, May 2013
Book Chapters by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
New Directions in India's Foreign Policy: Theory and Praxis, Harsh Pant ed., 2018
Uploads
Book by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
Historical overviews
Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other
Core bilateral conflicts
Military relations
Economy and development
Relations with third parties
China, India, and global order
Articles by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
War grand strategy by arguing that policy issues should be treated as a continuum within which there may be strategic policy innovations, leading to both nuanced continuity and change in foreign policy. Our argument stands in contradistinction to the dominant scholarship in the Indian foreign policy literature, the “transformation scholarship” as we term it, which views policy issues as binary, finds a “new” emphasis on material interests since the end of the Cold War and advocates this
as both rational and commendable. Applying four key claims in the dominant transformation scholarship to two important Indian foreign policy issues, nuclear non-proliferation and climate change, we find that, rather than sweeping change in Indian grand strategy, as implied and advocated by transformation scholars, Indian grand strategy is in a state of flux, encapsulating some change but also much continuity.
on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this article argues that rising powers are distinguished by very specific
kinds of domestic beliefs. It uses two detailed cases, one historical (the United States 1898–1903) and one contemporary (China post-2002), to show that rising powers, despite different time periods, regimes, and cultures, have very particular
kinds of beliefs about how to become a great power. It uses two additional mini-cases, India post-2002 and Weimar Germany 1922–1933 to argue that if beliefs are not taken into account, states may be overestimated or underestimated as rising
powers.
Book Chapters by Manjari Chatterjee Miller
Historical overviews
Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other
Core bilateral conflicts
Military relations
Economy and development
Relations with third parties
China, India, and global order
War grand strategy by arguing that policy issues should be treated as a continuum within which there may be strategic policy innovations, leading to both nuanced continuity and change in foreign policy. Our argument stands in contradistinction to the dominant scholarship in the Indian foreign policy literature, the “transformation scholarship” as we term it, which views policy issues as binary, finds a “new” emphasis on material interests since the end of the Cold War and advocates this
as both rational and commendable. Applying four key claims in the dominant transformation scholarship to two important Indian foreign policy issues, nuclear non-proliferation and climate change, we find that, rather than sweeping change in Indian grand strategy, as implied and advocated by transformation scholars, Indian grand strategy is in a state of flux, encapsulating some change but also much continuity.
on rising powers is surprisingly sparse and highly contentious. One of the biggest shortcomings in this literature is that rising powers are conceptualized only in terms of their material capabilities, that is, their relative economic and military power. As a result, there is little agreement on who is a rising power, when they rose, and when they became or will become a great power. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this article argues that rising powers are distinguished by very specific
kinds of domestic beliefs. It uses two detailed cases, one historical (the United States 1898–1903) and one contemporary (China post-2002), to show that rising powers, despite different time periods, regimes, and cultures, have very particular
kinds of beliefs about how to become a great power. It uses two additional mini-cases, India post-2002 and Weimar Germany 1922–1933 to argue that if beliefs are not taken into account, states may be overestimated or underestimated as rising
powers.