Papers by Andrea Chiriu
Starting during the early 1960s, the socialist Romanian government, both under Gheorghiu Dej and ... more Starting during the early 1960s, the socialist Romanian government, both under Gheorghiu Dej and Ceausescu’s rule, pursued an autonomous foreign policy that allowed the country to become a maverick within the Soviet bloc. In East Asia, Bucharest focused its attention to the People’s Republic of China, trying to play a mediator role in the middle of the Sino-Soviet conflict. Of course, Romania established good relations with the other communist countries in the region, but Bucharest was also able to establish satisfying ties with non-communist countries such as Japan, Singapore, Malaysia, Burma, Thailand and Indonesia. Relations with these countries mainly focused on the economic and trade field. Bucharest, however, differentiated its approach to non-communist countries on a case by case basis. Romania enhanced development aid programs toward many of these countries, Burma in particular, and was mostly interested in supplies of raw materials, while the relationship with Japan was highly unbalanced and unfavorable for the Balkan country. Nevertheless, cultural ties were also established. Due to the scarcity of sources and its relatively less important weight in comparison with the economic field, the cultural facet of these relations did not particularly attract scholar’s attention so far. Being a starting point for future research, this paper, therefore, aims to fulfill, at least partially, this vacuum.
On Their Own Paths Japan and China Responses to the Global and Regional Challenges
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, May 22, 2015
The relationship between Romania and China is an ancient one, despite the geographic dis... more The relationship between Romania and China is an ancient one, despite the geographic distance and the difference in size of the two countries. During the cold war, the relationship reached its apex because China’s conflict with the Soviet Union coincided with Romanian diffidence towards Moscow. After the events of 1989, however, the two countries undertook different paths. China’s rise allowed Beijing to become a global player in the international arena, while Romania limited its foreign policy to the Euro-Atlantic domain. Nevertheless, the economic crisis that is currently affecting Europe pushes the Balkan country to look for new partners. In such a scenario, China may represent a strong option, especially in the economic field. Until now,
however, Bucharest policies towards Beijing are characterized by twists and turns. Uncertainty prevails among the
Romanian foreign policy decision-makers on the matter. This paper, therefore, aims to understand the possible
choices of Romania with regard to China after the election of Klaus Iohannis to the presidency and the Chinese attitude in
front of the new Romanian leader.
China and Europe Fostering the Mutual Understanding Between China and Europe by Multi-level Comparisons of their Cultures, Societies, and Economies. EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SINOLOGY. SPECIAL ISSUE, Oct 2014
Sino-European relationship unfolds especially on the economic and trade fields, yet, due to the e... more Sino-European relationship unfolds especially on the economic and trade fields, yet, due to the economic crisis currently affecting Europe, EU has seen her negotiation power decreasing. Beijing is trying to get advantage from European current weakness trough an economic offensive mostly directed to the new EU members. The Chinese strategy seems to be focused on a “Divide et Impera” model and exploits the contrasts between EU members. As a reaction, European Commission is calling members to be more unite and to unanimously stand in front of China, with the purpose to defend European common interests. Brussels’ reaction, however, seems to be myopic and ineffective, causing vociferous reactions from new members, as showed by the China-CEE summit recently hold in Bucharest.
Journal of European Studies and International Relations, Volume V –Issue 2/2014
The history of Sino-Moldavian relations started in 1992. Since the establishment of diplomatic ti... more The history of Sino-Moldavian relations started in 1992. Since the establishment of diplomatic ties, the relationship between the two countries have been politically cordial but it never have risen to a strategic level. In recent years, the relations are increasing in the economic field but are stagnating at the political level.
The People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Moldova are characterized by huge differences on size, politics and economics, but despite the dissimilarities, both the two countries are affected by issues questioning their territorial integrity. China must face separatism issues in Xinjiang and Tibet, with Taiwan that represents an old thorn in the flesh. Moldova is long time affected by secessionist issues in Gagauzia and Transnistria, with the latter representing a de facto separate State.
Since the enunciation of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954, the respect of territorial integrity is a cornerstone of the Chinese foreign policy. In recent years, however, China has almost become the first economy in the world and Beijing consequently appears to slightly modify its attitude within the international arena. Therefore, the respect of the Five Principles is now under question. As a consequence, the Chinese approach to the territorial integrity of other countries may be subject of reconsideration as well. Ukraine offers a huge test to the Chinese diplomacy and it seems that Beijing has legitimated Crimea’s secession from Ukraine. Eventually, this paper aims to investigate the Chinese attachment to the principle of respect of territorial integrity in the remote case of Russian annexation of Transnistria.
“Chinese Studies”, Vol. 3, A. Krymskyi Institute for the Oriental Studies, the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
The access of many former members of the Warsaw Pact into the European Union represents the top o... more The access of many former members of the Warsaw Pact into the European Union represents the top of the “westernization” process begun during 1990s. The access into the EU represented also a big flood of funds to Central-Eastern Europe (CEE), but the new members haven’t always been able to make a correct use of the European grants. During the last years the economic crisis heavily affected Central European Countries. Only Poland seems to resist the crisis’ hits. Considering the current difficulties of the European Union and its main members, CEE countries started to look to East, especially to the second economy of the world and potentially the first in a perspective of few years to come: China. Chinese funds and investments are interpreted as a possible way out from the economic difficulties. On the Asian side, Chinese enterprises are more and more interested to invest their money and resources in Central East European countries because they can represent the starting point to enter into EU market bypassing the strict European anti-dumping set of rules.
Iulian Boldea, ed. by, Studies on Literature, Discourse and Multicultural Dialogue, History Section, Arhipelag XXI, Târgu Mureş, 2013
Ties between China and European Union developed and consolidated since ‘70s, when the two entitie... more Ties between China and European Union developed and consolidated since ‘70s, when the two entities enlaced official diplomatic relations.On the eve of 2000s, these ties strengthened and the relationship knew a boost on several fields, above all Culture, Education and Economics.
Therefore, this paper aims to briefly illustrate how the relations developed in the cited sectors and how they can further develop.
The Proceedings of the EUROPEAN INTEGRATION- BETWEEN TRADITION AND MODERNITY Congress, Editura Universităţii "Petru Maior", Volume Number 5, , 2013
Ties between Asia and Europe developed and consolidated since ‘90s, above all thanks to the Japan... more Ties between Asia and Europe developed and consolidated since ‘90s, above all thanks to the Japanese and Chinese giants. Of course, these ties are political and economic ones, but they involve social and cultural spheres, too. Among these ties, this work aims to analyze cultural, economic, educational aspects of the migration flowns. These flowns are in both directions: from Asia to Europe, but also from Europe to Asia.
"Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, Historia", n. 12 (2012), ISSN 1582-8433, Dec 2012
Ex soldato delle armate austroungariche, a cui si ribellò, Iuliu Maniu fu il massimo dirigente de... more Ex soldato delle armate austroungariche, a cui si ribellò, Iuliu Maniu fu il massimo dirigente del Partito Nazional-Contadino, Primo Ministro della Romania dal 1928 al 1930 e dal 1932 al 1933. Contrario alla dittatura del Re Carol II, favorì l’ascesa, ma anche la caduta, del regime del Generale Antonescu. Ion Mihalache fu il fondatore del Partito Contadino, che nel 1926 confluì nel Partito Nazional-Contadino, di cui Mihalache divenne il Vice-Presidente. Il partito Nazional-Contadino non entrò a far parte del Governo Groza e nel 1947 fu dichiarato illegale. Maniu e Mihalache furono dunque arrestati, processati e condannati nell’autunno del 1947. Morirono entrambi in prigione.
Il presente paper intende illustrare come la missione diplomatica italiana a Bucarest, all’epoca a livello di Legazione, seguì con attenzione e in maniera critica gli sviluppi del processo di consolidamento del regime comunista, all’interno del quale il procedimento giudiziario nei confronti di Iuliu Maniu e Ion Mihalache ebbe un ruolo importante, puntualmente aggiornando i propri superiori a Roma. Dai documenti emerge dunque un interessante quadro sia del processo visto da una prospettiva esterna, sia delle attitudini dell’Italia, entrata nel blocco occidentale, verso il nuovo regime comunista romeno.
“Revista Romana de Studii Eurasiatice”, Anul VIII, Nr. 1-2/2012, ISSN 1841-477X, Dec 2012
On summer 1953, Bucharest hosted the Third World Youth Congress and the Fourth World Youth Festiv... more On summer 1953, Bucharest hosted the Third World Youth Congress and the Fourth World Youth Festival. The World Youth Congress and the World Youth Festival were periodically settled up by the World Federation of Democratic Youth, an international organization close to the Soviet Union. These periodic events got thousands and thousands of young people together from around the world. Most of participants were communists, but the Festival in particular attracted youth with different political ideas. Obviously, during these occasions, communist authorities tried to spread their propaganda, creating great concern among Western countries and especially Italy. Because its timing, the events held in Bucharest on summer 1953 became a major issue among Western diplomacies.
“Geopolitica”, Vol. I, n. 2/2012: Le rivolte arabe un anno dopo, Aug 2012
I legami fra Cina e paesi arabi è di lunga data. Negli anni Cinquanta, Pechino strinse rapporti c... more I legami fra Cina e paesi arabi è di lunga data. Negli anni Cinquanta, Pechino strinse rapporti con l’Egitto e il Fronte di Liberazione Nazionale algerino, supportandone la lotta contro i francesi. Successivamente, fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta, la Cina allacciò rapporti, non sempre facili, con Marocco, Tunisia e Turchia. Soprattutto a partire dagli anni Novanta, Pechino ha iniziato a investire in maniera significativa nei paesi della sponda settentrionale del Mediterraneo. Per quanto concerne il contesto libico, la Cina si è impegnata prevalentemente nel settore delle infrastrutture e in quello energetico. In tale scenario, la presenza cinese in Libia è andata crescendo insieme alla generale attività cinese nell'intero continente africano. Questo dinamismo ha comportato, oltre all’inserimento delle imprese cinesi, anche l'arrivo di manodopera dalla madrepatria. Al riguardo, la risposta della società libica a tale fenomeno è stata piuttosto controversa. Infatti, una parte della popolazione locale ha salutato con entusiasmo l'arrivo delle imprese di Pechino, in altri casi, invece, ha letto tale fenomeno in chiave imperialistica, oppure, ne ha percepito un attacco all'economia locale. Lo scoppio violento della guerra civile in Libia ha colto di sorpresa la Cina, tanto che quest’ultima ha parzialmente derogato ai propri principi di politica estera nell’affrontare la situazione. Nel Consiglio di Sicurezza, Pechino, attraverso la propria astensione, si è dimostrata restia a sostenere un possibile intervento concreto in Libia. Pertanto, la stessa Cina ha incontrato non poche difficoltà nella gestione della propria presenza economica in Libia durante il conflitto civile.
Iulian Boldea (coordonator), Comunicare, Context, Interdisciplinaritate, Studii si articole, Volumul II, Editura Universitatii „Petru Maior”, Târgu-Mures 2012, ISSN 2069 – 3389, Dec 2012
This paper aims to show in few words the main guidelines of my Ph. D. research. The research is a... more This paper aims to show in few words the main guidelines of my Ph. D. research. The research is about the relationship between Romania and East Asian countries; this relationship has already been subject of a relative good number of studies until now, but in a disorganic way. Some black hole is still present. The argument embraces more themes, like history, economics, law, sociology. Because of this reason, an interdisciplinary approach is needed to analyze in a uniform way the numerous facets of the East-Asian-Romanian ties.
Revista Română de Studii Eurasiatice, Anul VII, Nr. 1-2/2011, ISSN 1841-477X, Jan 2011
This work on Sino-Romanian relations from 1949 to 1989 seen by Italian press born as sp... more This work on Sino-Romanian relations from 1949 to 1989 seen by Italian press born as spin-off of my Ph. D. research about the evolution of lies between Romania and East Asian countries. First aim of this article is to understand if Italian press was aware of the ties between Bucharest and Beijing and how much strict were that ties. Actually, Italian press monitored the evolution of Sino-Romanian relations mainly on the circumstances of State visits accomplished by the leaders of the two countries. Examples of these State visits are that of Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai in Bucharest on June 1966 and that accomplished by Nicolae Ceauşescu in China on June 1971. Articles written by Italian journalists are based on news from Romanian and Chinese newspapers, on news from international press agencies and on official statements and communiqués. We can find also some report and analysis, signed by special correspondents as Massimo Conti and Sergio Mugnai.
For this work, I’ve utilized the following newspapers:
Corriere della Sera, the main newspaper of Italy.
La Stampa, printed in Turin, owned by Agnelli’s industrial family.
L’Unità, mouthpiece of the Italian Communist Party.
La Repubblica, newspaper founded on 1976.
Avanti!, mouthpiece of the Italian Socialist Party
Diritto & Diritti rivista online ISSN 1127-8579
Conference Presentations by Andrea Chiriu
Intervento alla Giornata dell'Africa, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 6 giugno 2016
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Papers by Andrea Chiriu
however, Bucharest policies towards Beijing are characterized by twists and turns. Uncertainty prevails among the
Romanian foreign policy decision-makers on the matter. This paper, therefore, aims to understand the possible
choices of Romania with regard to China after the election of Klaus Iohannis to the presidency and the Chinese attitude in
front of the new Romanian leader.
The People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Moldova are characterized by huge differences on size, politics and economics, but despite the dissimilarities, both the two countries are affected by issues questioning their territorial integrity. China must face separatism issues in Xinjiang and Tibet, with Taiwan that represents an old thorn in the flesh. Moldova is long time affected by secessionist issues in Gagauzia and Transnistria, with the latter representing a de facto separate State.
Since the enunciation of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954, the respect of territorial integrity is a cornerstone of the Chinese foreign policy. In recent years, however, China has almost become the first economy in the world and Beijing consequently appears to slightly modify its attitude within the international arena. Therefore, the respect of the Five Principles is now under question. As a consequence, the Chinese approach to the territorial integrity of other countries may be subject of reconsideration as well. Ukraine offers a huge test to the Chinese diplomacy and it seems that Beijing has legitimated Crimea’s secession from Ukraine. Eventually, this paper aims to investigate the Chinese attachment to the principle of respect of territorial integrity in the remote case of Russian annexation of Transnistria.
Therefore, this paper aims to briefly illustrate how the relations developed in the cited sectors and how they can further develop.
Il presente paper intende illustrare come la missione diplomatica italiana a Bucarest, all’epoca a livello di Legazione, seguì con attenzione e in maniera critica gli sviluppi del processo di consolidamento del regime comunista, all’interno del quale il procedimento giudiziario nei confronti di Iuliu Maniu e Ion Mihalache ebbe un ruolo importante, puntualmente aggiornando i propri superiori a Roma. Dai documenti emerge dunque un interessante quadro sia del processo visto da una prospettiva esterna, sia delle attitudini dell’Italia, entrata nel blocco occidentale, verso il nuovo regime comunista romeno.
For this work, I’ve utilized the following newspapers:
Corriere della Sera, the main newspaper of Italy.
La Stampa, printed in Turin, owned by Agnelli’s industrial family.
L’Unità, mouthpiece of the Italian Communist Party.
La Repubblica, newspaper founded on 1976.
Avanti!, mouthpiece of the Italian Socialist Party
Conference Presentations by Andrea Chiriu
however, Bucharest policies towards Beijing are characterized by twists and turns. Uncertainty prevails among the
Romanian foreign policy decision-makers on the matter. This paper, therefore, aims to understand the possible
choices of Romania with regard to China after the election of Klaus Iohannis to the presidency and the Chinese attitude in
front of the new Romanian leader.
The People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Moldova are characterized by huge differences on size, politics and economics, but despite the dissimilarities, both the two countries are affected by issues questioning their territorial integrity. China must face separatism issues in Xinjiang and Tibet, with Taiwan that represents an old thorn in the flesh. Moldova is long time affected by secessionist issues in Gagauzia and Transnistria, with the latter representing a de facto separate State.
Since the enunciation of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954, the respect of territorial integrity is a cornerstone of the Chinese foreign policy. In recent years, however, China has almost become the first economy in the world and Beijing consequently appears to slightly modify its attitude within the international arena. Therefore, the respect of the Five Principles is now under question. As a consequence, the Chinese approach to the territorial integrity of other countries may be subject of reconsideration as well. Ukraine offers a huge test to the Chinese diplomacy and it seems that Beijing has legitimated Crimea’s secession from Ukraine. Eventually, this paper aims to investigate the Chinese attachment to the principle of respect of territorial integrity in the remote case of Russian annexation of Transnistria.
Therefore, this paper aims to briefly illustrate how the relations developed in the cited sectors and how they can further develop.
Il presente paper intende illustrare come la missione diplomatica italiana a Bucarest, all’epoca a livello di Legazione, seguì con attenzione e in maniera critica gli sviluppi del processo di consolidamento del regime comunista, all’interno del quale il procedimento giudiziario nei confronti di Iuliu Maniu e Ion Mihalache ebbe un ruolo importante, puntualmente aggiornando i propri superiori a Roma. Dai documenti emerge dunque un interessante quadro sia del processo visto da una prospettiva esterna, sia delle attitudini dell’Italia, entrata nel blocco occidentale, verso il nuovo regime comunista romeno.
For this work, I’ve utilized the following newspapers:
Corriere della Sera, the main newspaper of Italy.
La Stampa, printed in Turin, owned by Agnelli’s industrial family.
L’Unità, mouthpiece of the Italian Communist Party.
La Repubblica, newspaper founded on 1976.
Avanti!, mouthpiece of the Italian Socialist Party