Kernos. Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique, 2023
A decree of the Cretan city of Lisos attests to the month name Φυλαῖος, which corresponds with th... more A decree of the Cretan city of Lisos attests to the month name Φυλαῖος, which corresponds with the Attic-Ionic variant Φυλαιών of the calendar of Iasos in Caria. The festival of the *Φύλαια was likely a celebration where all members of the tribes gathered annually in a collective cult, perhaps to commemorate together the heroes of all phylai. This hypothesis finds a parallel in the collective cult of the Eponyms of the ten Athenian tribes. In a similar way, the analysis of some names of feasts, which became eponyms of some months of the calendar of the various Greek cities, confirms that, apart from the tribes, other civic or religious groups played a fundamental role in some annual festivals.
According to current opinion, the month-names Ἀρησιών (Delos) and Ἠρησιών (Tenos, Andros) are der... more According to current opinion, the month-names Ἀρησιών (Delos) and Ἠρησιών (Tenos, Andros) are derivations of ἀρά (= Ionic ἀρή) «prayer», «curse». While this hypothesis could explain Ἀρησιών satisfactorily, it faces some linguistic obstacles in the case of Ἠρησιών. In this paper, I try to show that the latter is in all probability a derivation of the name of the goddess Ἥρα (= Ionic Ἥρη).
The rare word λάκος occurs in an oracular enquiry from Dodona. Although it is likely to mean 'a (... more The rare word λάκος occurs in an oracular enquiry from Dodona. Although it is likely to mean 'a (bundle) of rags', some scholars believe that the consultation concerns the theft of a garment in good condition. However, the evidence for a semantic change 'tatters' > 'garment' or vice versa in ancient Greek is weak. In this paper, we assess the evidence of some nouns (Aeolic βράκος and poetic λαῖφος, λαίφη, σπεῖρον) that allegedly combine the meanings '(bundle of) tatters, rags' and 'piece of clothing, garment'. Drawing from the evidence provided by papyri and inscriptions, we propose two alternative hypotheses for λάκος in the Dodonaean enquiry: it may refer either to a ragged garment kept as an offering in a temple or to some tattered cloth used for wrapping various valuable items.
The recent publication of a decree of the city of Temnos on the asylia of the Asklepieion of Cos ... more The recent publication of a decree of the city of Temnos on the asylia of the Asklepieion of Cos calls for a reexamination of the decree of the same city in honor of Demetrios of Elaia. In this work, I propose several alternative restitutions and analyze the role of the oikonomoi of the city of various sources.
Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica , 2022
This article addresses some linguistically remarkable forms of two recently published decrees, fr... more This article addresses some linguistically remarkable forms of two recently published decrees, from Aigeae in Macedonia and from Temnos in Aeolis, that accepted the inviolability of the sanctuary of Asclepius at Cos.
Dans la première partie de cet article, j’examine l’épigramme funéraire pour un citoyen de Calymn... more Dans la première partie de cet article, j’examine l’épigramme funéraire pour un citoyen de Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) et je présente aussi de nouvelles restitutions dans plusieurs passages du texte. Dans la deuxième partie, j’essaie de préciser la date de la bataille d’Halicarnasse mentionnée dans l’inscription. Après l’analyse des diverses hypothèses, je propose que le soldat ait pu trouver la mort durant la campagne de Démétrios Poliorcète en Asie (287–285 av. J. C.).
In the first part of this paper, I examine the funerary epigram for a citizen of Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) and I present also new reconstructions in several passages of the text. In the second part, I try to elucidate the date of the battle of Halicarnassus mentioned in the inscription. After assessing the different hypotheses, I propose that the soldier could have died during Demetrios Poliorcetes’ campaign in Asia (287–285 BCE).
This paper examines the meaning and origin of the Ancient Greek noun κήλων 'stud animal', which s... more This paper examines the meaning and origin of the Ancient Greek noun κήλων 'stud animal', which survives in certain dialects of Modern Greek. According to modern scholars, κήλων is a possessive denominative either of κῆλον 'dart', which was allegedly used to refer to the 'penis', or of an unattested *kālo-'testicle'. To the contrary, I argue that κήλων originates with the adjective κηλός 'burnt' or 'burning' (< *k eh2-elo-), which is a deverbative form of καίω (< *k eh2-), documented in two poetic compounds (περίκηλος, εὔκηλος). The semantic evolution of the noun κήλων 'one that is burnt or is burning (by/with sexual desire)' > 'stud', rests on the familiar conceptual metaphor SEXUAL AROUSAL IS FIRE.
The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Ele... more The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes' Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending-ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of a supposed non-thematic inflection of Poseidon's name nor as a hyper-dialectalism. Instead, Ποτειδᾶ and Ποσειδᾶ share a common origin with the so-called "apocopated" accusatives Ποσειδῶ and Ἀπέλλω / Ἀπόλλω. Dismissing the hypothesis that comparatives had shaped the accusative of the two theonyms, this paper suggests that the innovation was triggered by the co-occurrence of ἥρωα and ἥρωνα, which belonged in two secondary inflections of ἥρως, an old stem in-ou̯- .
Kadmos. Zeitschrift für vor- und frühgriechische Epigraphik, 2021
The Mycenaean personal name wa-ra-qi-si-ro has been interpreted as
the older variant of wa-ra-pi-... more The Mycenaean personal name wa-ra-qi-si-ro has been interpreted as the older variant of wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY), but this hypothesis comes up against several phonetic problems. This paper proposes two alternative explanations of wa-ra-qi-si-ro: either /Wrakwsilos/, a clipping of *Wrakwsi-lāhos, compound of the root *u̯ergu̯-/*u̯regu̯- “throw” and *lāho- “stone”, or /Wrankwsilos/, a nickname derived from the adjective attested in later Greek ῥαμψός “crooked”.
Dérivation nominale et innovations dans les langues indo-européennes anciennes Actes du colloque international de l’université de Rouen (ÉRIAC), 11‑12 octobre 2018 sous la direction d'Alain Blanc et Isabelle Boehm https://books.openedition.org/momeditions/11060, 2021
According to the current opinion, some Greek dialects of the Ist millennium allegedly attest to a... more According to the current opinion, some Greek dialects of the Ist millennium allegedly attest to an older linguistic phase in which the suffix *‑ih2 was used to derivate quality nouns based on compound sigmatic adjectives: ὑγιής ‘healthy’ → Att. ὑγίεια ‘good health’, ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής ‘true’ → Att. ἀλήθεια, Dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια ‘truth’, ἀψευδής ‘truthful’ → Att. ἀψεύδεια, Boeot. ἀψεύδῑα ‘truthfulness’, etc. This feature purportedly constitutes an archaism, whereas old and new Ionic derivates in ‑είη (Hom. εὐκλεής ‘of good report’ → ἐϋκλείη ‘good repute’, ἀληθείη, etc.) and Attic isolated forms in ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής ‘shameless’ → ἀναιδείᾱ ‘shamelessness’, εὐκλείᾱ, etc.) are considered innovations. However, this hypothesis comes up against several phonological and morphological insurmountable obstacles. In this paper I will reassess the data and propose that, as other scholars have shown in the past, Doric, Boeotian and Attic exhibit undoubtedly an innovation vis‑à‑vis the ending *‑i(i̯)eh2, which is attested regularly elsewhere in the derivation of Ancient Greek nomina qualitatis.
D’après l’opinion courante, quelques dialectes grecs du Ier millénaire témoigneraient d’une phase linguistique plus ancienne où le suffixe *‑ih2 aurait servi à dériver de noms de qualité à partir d’adjectifs sigmatiques composés : ὑγιής « sain » → att. ὑγίεια « bonne santé », ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής « vrai » → att. ἀλήθεια, dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια « vérité », ἀψευδής « véridique » → att. ἀψεύδεια, béot. ἀψεύδῑα « véracité », etc. Ce trait constituerait un archaïsme, alors que des formes isolées de l’ionien archaïque et récent avec ‑είη (hom. εὐκλεής « illustre » → ἐϋκλείη « gloire », ἀληθείη, etc.) et de l’attique avec ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής « impudent » → ἀναιδεία « impudence », εὐκλείᾱ, etc.), sont considérées comme des innovations. Or cette hypothèse se heurte à des obstacles phonologiques et morphologiques insurmontables. Dans cette contribution, tout en réexaminant les données, je proposerai que, comme l’avaient montré d’autres savants dans le passé, le dorien, le béotien et l’attique montrent de toute évidence une innovation par rapport à la terminaison *‑i(i̯)eh2, qui apparaît ailleurs de manière régulière dans la dérivation de nomina qualitatis du grec ancien.
I. Velázquez Soriano, D. Espinosa Espinsa (eds.), Epigraphy in the Digital Age Opportunities and Challenges in the Recording, Analysis and Dissemination of Inscriptions, 2021
In recent years, several models for the linguistic markup of digital Ancient Greek and Latin corp... more In recent years, several models for the linguistic markup of digital Ancient Greek and Latin corpora have been developed. Thanks to these developments, the once-challenging task of annotating and extracting the linguistic features of digital texts has been considerably simplified. This is, in particular, owing to various lemmatisers and annotators. In this chapter, I will address the challenges faced by the linguistic markup of corpora of texts written in non-standard Ancient Greek, particularly in dialects other than Classical Attic. In the first sections, I review the existing literature on the markup of linguistic variations in documentary papyri from Egypt. Secondly, I address the specific issues encountered in the process of linguistic markup vis-à-vis the dialectal corpus of Ancient Greek inscriptions from Crete, which, owing to their particularities, constitute a useful testing ground for the solutions hitherto envisioned. Finally, I propound an alternative: a 'lightweight linguistic markup' based largely on the guidelines of the Text Encoding Initiative (TEI).
In this article we re-examine an enquiry to the oracle of Dodona on a lead lamella found in 1959.... more In this article we re-examine an enquiry to the oracle of Dodona on a lead lamella found in 1959. The enquiry, which concerns the theft of some wool, has been repeatedly published, but surprisingly without a reliable text, a proper translation and a detailed commentary. These are now provided in this paper.
Two inscriptions found at Kerinthos (territory of Chalcis), dating to the 4th and 3rd century BCE... more Two inscriptions found at Kerinthos (territory of Chalcis), dating to the 4th and 3rd century BCE, document the noun ὀφημίαρχος, which refers to a local official unknown elsewhere. The present paper claims that the first constituent of ὀφημίαρχος is *ὄφημος or *ὀφήμιος, a compound which combines *ὀπί, an old variant of the preposition ἐπί ‘on’, and the neuter ἧμα ‘a throw’ > ‘projectile’, a deverbative noun from ἵημι “to throw”. From both a derivational and a semantic point of view, *ὄφημος / *ὀφήμιος is accounted for as a hypostasis of the phrase *ὀφ’ ἥματι / ἥματος ‘over the projectile’, where the preposition indicates ‘control’ or ‘supervision’. According to this hypothesis, the ὀφημίαρχος was the leader of the *ὄφημοι or *ὀφήμιοι, originally the ‘supervisors of the projectiles’, who probably were members of a group called *ὀφημία (Ionic *ὀφημίη).
A lead tablet from Apollonia in Illyria exhibits the last strophe of a paean to Asclepios, that i... more A lead tablet from Apollonia in Illyria exhibits the last strophe of a paean to Asclepios, that is transmitted in its entirety on inscriptions from four other cities. This article presents some alternative readings of the new fragmentary version and analyses its variants through the prism of the interaction between the local dialect of the Corinthian colony and the literary Doric of traditional choral lyric. Moreover, some linguistic discrepancies between the different versions of the hymn may have been conditioned by specific local characteristics of religious songs.
According to the prevailing hypothesis, the name of the third month of the Macedonian calendar, Α... more According to the prevailing hypothesis, the name of the third month of the Macedonian calendar, Αὐδναῖος, of which ancient sources attest to multiple variants, originated from *Ἀ(ϝ)ιδωναῖος “of Aidoneus”, an adjective derived from Ἀϊδωνεύς, one of the Homeric denominations of Hades. *Ἀ(ϝ)ιδωναῖος purportedly underwent some phonological developments characteristic of the Northern Greek dialects. However, the proposed etymology and evolution face several insurmountable linguistic obstacles and are contradicted by the chronological and geographical distribution of the variants of the menonym. This paper presents an alternative interpretation of the data and postulates that Αὐδναῖος probably originated in *Ἀϝ(ι)δνά “invisible” or “dark”, an epiclesis of Persephone, to whom the Macedonians consecrated a festival, as well as to Demeter, which in all likelihood took place yearly in early winter.
Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoires anciennes , 2018
The Cretan corpus of verse inscriptions consists of some 120 epigrams (mostly funerary and dedica... more The Cretan corpus of verse inscriptions consists of some 120 epigrams (mostly funerary and dedicatory) found on the island and in other regions of the Greek world, as well as of a few non-epigrammatic metrical compositions related to sacred matters. In this paper I study the common points and specific features that characterize the
language of verse compositions of the various Cretan cities from the 5th down to the 1st century BCE. Since the number of funerary
and dedicatory epigrams previous to ca 300 BCE is very small, there is no possibility to determine with certainty whether poets preferred to compose mainly in their local dialect (though dialectalisms are not
avoided). Hellenistic epigrams offer, with only one exception, a highly standardized and poorly innovative language with regard
to the established paradigms of this literary genre; they also exhibit a punctual and asystematic choice of local linguistic forms.
Conversely, Cretan texts belonging to other poetic traditions are more permeable to the influence of local dialectal varieties.
S’étendant du ve siècle av. J.‑C. jusqu’au Ve siècle de notre ère, le corpus crétois d’inscriptions en vers est constitué, d’une part, de quelque 120 épigrammes (pour la plupart funéraires et votives) trouvées dans l’île et
dans d’autres régions du monde hellénique et, d’autre part, de quelques compositions métriques non épigrammatiques, toutes de thématique sacrée. Dans cette contribution, j’analyse les points communs et les traits spécifiques qui caractérisent la langue de compositions
en vers des diverses cités crétoises dès le Ve jusqu’au Ier siècle av. J.‑C. Le nombre d’épigrammes funéraires et votives antérieures
à ca 300 av. J.‑C. étant très réduit, on ne peut déterminer avec certitude si les poètes préféraient composer dans leur dialecte local,
quoique les dialectalismes ne soient pas évités. Les épigrammes de la période hellénistique offrent, à une exception près, une langue
très standardisée et peu innovante par rapport aux modèles bien établis du genre littéraire, le choix des formes linguistiques locales étant
ponctuel et asystématique. En revanche, les textes crétois appartenant à d’autres traditions poétiques sont plus perméables à l’influence
des variétés dialectales locales.
Philologus. Zeitschrift für antike Literatur und ihre Rezeption / A Journal for Ancient Literature and its Reception , 2020
This paper analyses the meaning of μύκλος in two passages of Lycophron’s Alexandra (771 and 816).... more This paper analyses the meaning of μύκλος in two passages of Lycophron’s Alexandra (771 and 816). The thorough study of the contexts shows that the most likely interpretation of the word in both verses is “donkey”: μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “woman-stealing donkeys” (771) and τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “the hard-working donkey” (816). The definition “lewd” of ancient scholia, assumed by modern lexica and scholars, is nothing but an ad hoc explanation of the former passage which does not suit the latter. After refuting previous etymologies, I contend that μύκλος is originally a deverbative adjective in *‑lo‑ built on the onomatopoetic aorist μῠκεῖν “bellow”.
Cet article analyse le sens de μύκλος dans deux passages de l’Alexandra de Lycophron (771 et 816). L’étude détaillée des contextes montre que l’interprétation plus vraisemblable du mot dans les deux vers est “âne” : μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “ânes voleurs de femmes” (771) et τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “l’âne laborieux” (816). L’acception “lascif” des scholies anciennes, admise par les dictionnaires et les commentateurs modernes, n’est qu’une explication ad hoc du premier passage qui ne convient pas au second. Après avoir réfuté les étymologies précédentes, je propose que μύκλος est à l’origine un adjectif déverbatif en * -lo- dérivé de l’aoriste onomatopéique μῠκεῖν “bramer”.
Studies in Greek Lexicography, ed. Georgios K. Giannakis, Christoforos Charalambakis, Franco Montanari and Antonios Rengakos, De Gruyter, Berlin -New York131-158, 2018
According to the scholia, Antimachus’ patronymic Ψακάδος (Aristophanes, Acharnians 1150) denotes ... more According to the scholia, Antimachus’ patronymic Ψακάδος (Aristophanes, Acharnians 1150) denotes an idiosyncratic habit of this otherwise unknown Athenian poet and draftsman: as he talked, Antimachus used to shower with saliva those who were in conversation with him. Although accepted by most modern scholars, this interpretation is nothing but the characteristic guesswork of late commentators and linguistically faces unsurmountable difficulties. In this paper, I propose that Ψακάς is a nickname based on the attested meaning of the noun ψακάς/ψεκάς ‘drop’, which metaphorically can refer to a ‘very small thing’. I will argue that Ψακάς echoes the pun at 1151, where Aristophanes plays on the different meanings of μελέων, ‘lyric songs’ (μέλος) and ‘useless things’ (μέλεος).
Kernos. Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique, 2023
A decree of the Cretan city of Lisos attests to the month name Φυλαῖος, which corresponds with th... more A decree of the Cretan city of Lisos attests to the month name Φυλαῖος, which corresponds with the Attic-Ionic variant Φυλαιών of the calendar of Iasos in Caria. The festival of the *Φύλαια was likely a celebration where all members of the tribes gathered annually in a collective cult, perhaps to commemorate together the heroes of all phylai. This hypothesis finds a parallel in the collective cult of the Eponyms of the ten Athenian tribes. In a similar way, the analysis of some names of feasts, which became eponyms of some months of the calendar of the various Greek cities, confirms that, apart from the tribes, other civic or religious groups played a fundamental role in some annual festivals.
According to current opinion, the month-names Ἀρησιών (Delos) and Ἠρησιών (Tenos, Andros) are der... more According to current opinion, the month-names Ἀρησιών (Delos) and Ἠρησιών (Tenos, Andros) are derivations of ἀρά (= Ionic ἀρή) «prayer», «curse». While this hypothesis could explain Ἀρησιών satisfactorily, it faces some linguistic obstacles in the case of Ἠρησιών. In this paper, I try to show that the latter is in all probability a derivation of the name of the goddess Ἥρα (= Ionic Ἥρη).
The rare word λάκος occurs in an oracular enquiry from Dodona. Although it is likely to mean 'a (... more The rare word λάκος occurs in an oracular enquiry from Dodona. Although it is likely to mean 'a (bundle) of rags', some scholars believe that the consultation concerns the theft of a garment in good condition. However, the evidence for a semantic change 'tatters' > 'garment' or vice versa in ancient Greek is weak. In this paper, we assess the evidence of some nouns (Aeolic βράκος and poetic λαῖφος, λαίφη, σπεῖρον) that allegedly combine the meanings '(bundle of) tatters, rags' and 'piece of clothing, garment'. Drawing from the evidence provided by papyri and inscriptions, we propose two alternative hypotheses for λάκος in the Dodonaean enquiry: it may refer either to a ragged garment kept as an offering in a temple or to some tattered cloth used for wrapping various valuable items.
The recent publication of a decree of the city of Temnos on the asylia of the Asklepieion of Cos ... more The recent publication of a decree of the city of Temnos on the asylia of the Asklepieion of Cos calls for a reexamination of the decree of the same city in honor of Demetrios of Elaia. In this work, I propose several alternative restitutions and analyze the role of the oikonomoi of the city of various sources.
Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica , 2022
This article addresses some linguistically remarkable forms of two recently published decrees, fr... more This article addresses some linguistically remarkable forms of two recently published decrees, from Aigeae in Macedonia and from Temnos in Aeolis, that accepted the inviolability of the sanctuary of Asclepius at Cos.
Dans la première partie de cet article, j’examine l’épigramme funéraire pour un citoyen de Calymn... more Dans la première partie de cet article, j’examine l’épigramme funéraire pour un citoyen de Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) et je présente aussi de nouvelles restitutions dans plusieurs passages du texte. Dans la deuxième partie, j’essaie de préciser la date de la bataille d’Halicarnasse mentionnée dans l’inscription. Après l’analyse des diverses hypothèses, je propose que le soldat ait pu trouver la mort durant la campagne de Démétrios Poliorcète en Asie (287–285 av. J. C.).
In the first part of this paper, I examine the funerary epigram for a citizen of Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) and I present also new reconstructions in several passages of the text. In the second part, I try to elucidate the date of the battle of Halicarnassus mentioned in the inscription. After assessing the different hypotheses, I propose that the soldier could have died during Demetrios Poliorcetes’ campaign in Asia (287–285 BCE).
This paper examines the meaning and origin of the Ancient Greek noun κήλων 'stud animal', which s... more This paper examines the meaning and origin of the Ancient Greek noun κήλων 'stud animal', which survives in certain dialects of Modern Greek. According to modern scholars, κήλων is a possessive denominative either of κῆλον 'dart', which was allegedly used to refer to the 'penis', or of an unattested *kālo-'testicle'. To the contrary, I argue that κήλων originates with the adjective κηλός 'burnt' or 'burning' (< *k eh2-elo-), which is a deverbative form of καίω (< *k eh2-), documented in two poetic compounds (περίκηλος, εὔκηλος). The semantic evolution of the noun κήλων 'one that is burnt or is burning (by/with sexual desire)' > 'stud', rests on the familiar conceptual metaphor SEXUAL AROUSAL IS FIRE.
The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Ele... more The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes' Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending-ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of a supposed non-thematic inflection of Poseidon's name nor as a hyper-dialectalism. Instead, Ποτειδᾶ and Ποσειδᾶ share a common origin with the so-called "apocopated" accusatives Ποσειδῶ and Ἀπέλλω / Ἀπόλλω. Dismissing the hypothesis that comparatives had shaped the accusative of the two theonyms, this paper suggests that the innovation was triggered by the co-occurrence of ἥρωα and ἥρωνα, which belonged in two secondary inflections of ἥρως, an old stem in-ou̯- .
Kadmos. Zeitschrift für vor- und frühgriechische Epigraphik, 2021
The Mycenaean personal name wa-ra-qi-si-ro has been interpreted as
the older variant of wa-ra-pi-... more The Mycenaean personal name wa-ra-qi-si-ro has been interpreted as the older variant of wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY), but this hypothesis comes up against several phonetic problems. This paper proposes two alternative explanations of wa-ra-qi-si-ro: either /Wrakwsilos/, a clipping of *Wrakwsi-lāhos, compound of the root *u̯ergu̯-/*u̯regu̯- “throw” and *lāho- “stone”, or /Wrankwsilos/, a nickname derived from the adjective attested in later Greek ῥαμψός “crooked”.
Dérivation nominale et innovations dans les langues indo-européennes anciennes Actes du colloque international de l’université de Rouen (ÉRIAC), 11‑12 octobre 2018 sous la direction d'Alain Blanc et Isabelle Boehm https://books.openedition.org/momeditions/11060, 2021
According to the current opinion, some Greek dialects of the Ist millennium allegedly attest to a... more According to the current opinion, some Greek dialects of the Ist millennium allegedly attest to an older linguistic phase in which the suffix *‑ih2 was used to derivate quality nouns based on compound sigmatic adjectives: ὑγιής ‘healthy’ → Att. ὑγίεια ‘good health’, ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής ‘true’ → Att. ἀλήθεια, Dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια ‘truth’, ἀψευδής ‘truthful’ → Att. ἀψεύδεια, Boeot. ἀψεύδῑα ‘truthfulness’, etc. This feature purportedly constitutes an archaism, whereas old and new Ionic derivates in ‑είη (Hom. εὐκλεής ‘of good report’ → ἐϋκλείη ‘good repute’, ἀληθείη, etc.) and Attic isolated forms in ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής ‘shameless’ → ἀναιδείᾱ ‘shamelessness’, εὐκλείᾱ, etc.) are considered innovations. However, this hypothesis comes up against several phonological and morphological insurmountable obstacles. In this paper I will reassess the data and propose that, as other scholars have shown in the past, Doric, Boeotian and Attic exhibit undoubtedly an innovation vis‑à‑vis the ending *‑i(i̯)eh2, which is attested regularly elsewhere in the derivation of Ancient Greek nomina qualitatis.
D’après l’opinion courante, quelques dialectes grecs du Ier millénaire témoigneraient d’une phase linguistique plus ancienne où le suffixe *‑ih2 aurait servi à dériver de noms de qualité à partir d’adjectifs sigmatiques composés : ὑγιής « sain » → att. ὑγίεια « bonne santé », ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής « vrai » → att. ἀλήθεια, dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια « vérité », ἀψευδής « véridique » → att. ἀψεύδεια, béot. ἀψεύδῑα « véracité », etc. Ce trait constituerait un archaïsme, alors que des formes isolées de l’ionien archaïque et récent avec ‑είη (hom. εὐκλεής « illustre » → ἐϋκλείη « gloire », ἀληθείη, etc.) et de l’attique avec ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής « impudent » → ἀναιδεία « impudence », εὐκλείᾱ, etc.), sont considérées comme des innovations. Or cette hypothèse se heurte à des obstacles phonologiques et morphologiques insurmontables. Dans cette contribution, tout en réexaminant les données, je proposerai que, comme l’avaient montré d’autres savants dans le passé, le dorien, le béotien et l’attique montrent de toute évidence une innovation par rapport à la terminaison *‑i(i̯)eh2, qui apparaît ailleurs de manière régulière dans la dérivation de nomina qualitatis du grec ancien.
I. Velázquez Soriano, D. Espinosa Espinsa (eds.), Epigraphy in the Digital Age Opportunities and Challenges in the Recording, Analysis and Dissemination of Inscriptions, 2021
In recent years, several models for the linguistic markup of digital Ancient Greek and Latin corp... more In recent years, several models for the linguistic markup of digital Ancient Greek and Latin corpora have been developed. Thanks to these developments, the once-challenging task of annotating and extracting the linguistic features of digital texts has been considerably simplified. This is, in particular, owing to various lemmatisers and annotators. In this chapter, I will address the challenges faced by the linguistic markup of corpora of texts written in non-standard Ancient Greek, particularly in dialects other than Classical Attic. In the first sections, I review the existing literature on the markup of linguistic variations in documentary papyri from Egypt. Secondly, I address the specific issues encountered in the process of linguistic markup vis-à-vis the dialectal corpus of Ancient Greek inscriptions from Crete, which, owing to their particularities, constitute a useful testing ground for the solutions hitherto envisioned. Finally, I propound an alternative: a 'lightweight linguistic markup' based largely on the guidelines of the Text Encoding Initiative (TEI).
In this article we re-examine an enquiry to the oracle of Dodona on a lead lamella found in 1959.... more In this article we re-examine an enquiry to the oracle of Dodona on a lead lamella found in 1959. The enquiry, which concerns the theft of some wool, has been repeatedly published, but surprisingly without a reliable text, a proper translation and a detailed commentary. These are now provided in this paper.
Two inscriptions found at Kerinthos (territory of Chalcis), dating to the 4th and 3rd century BCE... more Two inscriptions found at Kerinthos (territory of Chalcis), dating to the 4th and 3rd century BCE, document the noun ὀφημίαρχος, which refers to a local official unknown elsewhere. The present paper claims that the first constituent of ὀφημίαρχος is *ὄφημος or *ὀφήμιος, a compound which combines *ὀπί, an old variant of the preposition ἐπί ‘on’, and the neuter ἧμα ‘a throw’ > ‘projectile’, a deverbative noun from ἵημι “to throw”. From both a derivational and a semantic point of view, *ὄφημος / *ὀφήμιος is accounted for as a hypostasis of the phrase *ὀφ’ ἥματι / ἥματος ‘over the projectile’, where the preposition indicates ‘control’ or ‘supervision’. According to this hypothesis, the ὀφημίαρχος was the leader of the *ὄφημοι or *ὀφήμιοι, originally the ‘supervisors of the projectiles’, who probably were members of a group called *ὀφημία (Ionic *ὀφημίη).
A lead tablet from Apollonia in Illyria exhibits the last strophe of a paean to Asclepios, that i... more A lead tablet from Apollonia in Illyria exhibits the last strophe of a paean to Asclepios, that is transmitted in its entirety on inscriptions from four other cities. This article presents some alternative readings of the new fragmentary version and analyses its variants through the prism of the interaction between the local dialect of the Corinthian colony and the literary Doric of traditional choral lyric. Moreover, some linguistic discrepancies between the different versions of the hymn may have been conditioned by specific local characteristics of religious songs.
According to the prevailing hypothesis, the name of the third month of the Macedonian calendar, Α... more According to the prevailing hypothesis, the name of the third month of the Macedonian calendar, Αὐδναῖος, of which ancient sources attest to multiple variants, originated from *Ἀ(ϝ)ιδωναῖος “of Aidoneus”, an adjective derived from Ἀϊδωνεύς, one of the Homeric denominations of Hades. *Ἀ(ϝ)ιδωναῖος purportedly underwent some phonological developments characteristic of the Northern Greek dialects. However, the proposed etymology and evolution face several insurmountable linguistic obstacles and are contradicted by the chronological and geographical distribution of the variants of the menonym. This paper presents an alternative interpretation of the data and postulates that Αὐδναῖος probably originated in *Ἀϝ(ι)δνά “invisible” or “dark”, an epiclesis of Persephone, to whom the Macedonians consecrated a festival, as well as to Demeter, which in all likelihood took place yearly in early winter.
Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoires anciennes , 2018
The Cretan corpus of verse inscriptions consists of some 120 epigrams (mostly funerary and dedica... more The Cretan corpus of verse inscriptions consists of some 120 epigrams (mostly funerary and dedicatory) found on the island and in other regions of the Greek world, as well as of a few non-epigrammatic metrical compositions related to sacred matters. In this paper I study the common points and specific features that characterize the
language of verse compositions of the various Cretan cities from the 5th down to the 1st century BCE. Since the number of funerary
and dedicatory epigrams previous to ca 300 BCE is very small, there is no possibility to determine with certainty whether poets preferred to compose mainly in their local dialect (though dialectalisms are not
avoided). Hellenistic epigrams offer, with only one exception, a highly standardized and poorly innovative language with regard
to the established paradigms of this literary genre; they also exhibit a punctual and asystematic choice of local linguistic forms.
Conversely, Cretan texts belonging to other poetic traditions are more permeable to the influence of local dialectal varieties.
S’étendant du ve siècle av. J.‑C. jusqu’au Ve siècle de notre ère, le corpus crétois d’inscriptions en vers est constitué, d’une part, de quelque 120 épigrammes (pour la plupart funéraires et votives) trouvées dans l’île et
dans d’autres régions du monde hellénique et, d’autre part, de quelques compositions métriques non épigrammatiques, toutes de thématique sacrée. Dans cette contribution, j’analyse les points communs et les traits spécifiques qui caractérisent la langue de compositions
en vers des diverses cités crétoises dès le Ve jusqu’au Ier siècle av. J.‑C. Le nombre d’épigrammes funéraires et votives antérieures
à ca 300 av. J.‑C. étant très réduit, on ne peut déterminer avec certitude si les poètes préféraient composer dans leur dialecte local,
quoique les dialectalismes ne soient pas évités. Les épigrammes de la période hellénistique offrent, à une exception près, une langue
très standardisée et peu innovante par rapport aux modèles bien établis du genre littéraire, le choix des formes linguistiques locales étant
ponctuel et asystématique. En revanche, les textes crétois appartenant à d’autres traditions poétiques sont plus perméables à l’influence
des variétés dialectales locales.
Philologus. Zeitschrift für antike Literatur und ihre Rezeption / A Journal for Ancient Literature and its Reception , 2020
This paper analyses the meaning of μύκλος in two passages of Lycophron’s Alexandra (771 and 816).... more This paper analyses the meaning of μύκλος in two passages of Lycophron’s Alexandra (771 and 816). The thorough study of the contexts shows that the most likely interpretation of the word in both verses is “donkey”: μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “woman-stealing donkeys” (771) and τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “the hard-working donkey” (816). The definition “lewd” of ancient scholia, assumed by modern lexica and scholars, is nothing but an ad hoc explanation of the former passage which does not suit the latter. After refuting previous etymologies, I contend that μύκλος is originally a deverbative adjective in *‑lo‑ built on the onomatopoetic aorist μῠκεῖν “bellow”.
Cet article analyse le sens de μύκλος dans deux passages de l’Alexandra de Lycophron (771 et 816). L’étude détaillée des contextes montre que l’interprétation plus vraisemblable du mot dans les deux vers est “âne” : μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “ânes voleurs de femmes” (771) et τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “l’âne laborieux” (816). L’acception “lascif” des scholies anciennes, admise par les dictionnaires et les commentateurs modernes, n’est qu’une explication ad hoc du premier passage qui ne convient pas au second. Après avoir réfuté les étymologies précédentes, je propose que μύκλος est à l’origine un adjectif déverbatif en * -lo- dérivé de l’aoriste onomatopéique μῠκεῖν “bramer”.
Studies in Greek Lexicography, ed. Georgios K. Giannakis, Christoforos Charalambakis, Franco Montanari and Antonios Rengakos, De Gruyter, Berlin -New York131-158, 2018
According to the scholia, Antimachus’ patronymic Ψακάδος (Aristophanes, Acharnians 1150) denotes ... more According to the scholia, Antimachus’ patronymic Ψακάδος (Aristophanes, Acharnians 1150) denotes an idiosyncratic habit of this otherwise unknown Athenian poet and draftsman: as he talked, Antimachus used to shower with saliva those who were in conversation with him. Although accepted by most modern scholars, this interpretation is nothing but the characteristic guesswork of late commentators and linguistically faces unsurmountable difficulties. In this paper, I propose that Ψακάς is a nickname based on the attested meaning of the noun ψακάς/ψεκάς ‘drop’, which metaphorically can refer to a ‘very small thing’. I will argue that Ψακάς echoes the pun at 1151, where Aristophanes plays on the different meanings of μελέων, ‘lyric songs’ (μέλος) and ‘useless things’ (μέλεος).
This paper discusses a group of Greek personal names (Μῦκος, Μῦκκος, Μύκας, Μύκων, Μυκκίς and Boe... more This paper discusses a group of Greek personal names (Μῦκος, Μῦκκος, Μύκας, Μύκων, Μυκκίς and Boeotian Μουκρῖνος) which are in all probability nicknames from μυκός ‘mute’ (Hesychius, μ 1833 Latte) and from its unattested synonym *μυκρός. The names analysed belong in a system of sobriquets referring to speech impairments.
Dans ce travail est analysé un groupe d’anthroponymes grecs (Μῦκος, Μῦκκος, Μύκας, Μύκων, Μυκκίς et béotien Μουκρῖνος) qui sont vraisemblablement des surnoms issus de l’adjectif μυκός « muet » (Hésychius, μ 1833 Latte) et de son synonyme non attesté *μυκρός. Les noms étudiés font partie d’un système de sobriquets qui se rapportent aux handicaps de la parole.
Studies in Ancient Greek Dialects From Central Greece to the Black Sea Ed. by Giannakis, Georgios / Crespo, Emilio / Filos, Panagiotis, 2017
In this paper I examine in detail two features found in Thasian inscriptions: the loss of word-in... more In this paper I examine in detail two features found in Thasian inscriptions: the loss of word-initial aspiration (psilosis) and the analogical interweaving of masculine ā- and s-stems. Since both characteristics are marginally attested in the text of Archilochus, I will argue that Thasos may have played a role in the transmission of his work and that this evidence may correlate to other archaeological, religious and historical data. Although a cult of Archilochus in Thasos is still to be found, his poetry may have been preserved in the context of the rituals performed by the Thasians in honor of his family and other fellow Parian pioneers, as well as in the religious ceremonials brought from Paros by Archilochus and the first colonizers. This hypothesis adds some support to the idea that just like his family (Telesikles and Tellis) and his companion Glaukos, Archilochus and his compositions were still a fundamental part of the local traditions in Thasos.
Review of Maria Kantirea, Daniela Summa. Inscriptiones Graecae XV 2 1, Inscriptiones Cypri alphab... more Review of Maria Kantirea, Daniela Summa. Inscriptiones Graecae XV 2 1, Inscriptiones Cypri alphabeticae. Inscriptiones Cypri Orientalis : Citium, Pyla, Golgi, Tremithus, Idalium, Tamassus, Kafizin, Ledra, Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020,
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In the first part of this paper, I examine the funerary epigram for a citizen of Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) and I present also new reconstructions in several passages of the text. In the second part, I try to elucidate the date of the battle of Halicarnassus mentioned in the inscription. After assessing the different hypotheses, I propose that the soldier could have died during Demetrios Poliorcetes’ campaign in Asia (287–285 BCE).
the older variant of wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY), but this hypothesis comes up against several phonetic problems. This paper proposes two alternative explanations of wa-ra-qi-si-ro: either /Wrakwsilos/, a clipping of *Wrakwsi-lāhos, compound of the root *u̯ergu̯-/*u̯regu̯- “throw” and *lāho- “stone”, or /Wrankwsilos/, a nickname derived from the adjective attested in later Greek ῥαμψός “crooked”.
D’après l’opinion courante, quelques dialectes grecs du Ier millénaire témoigneraient d’une phase linguistique plus ancienne où le suffixe *‑ih2 aurait servi à dériver de noms de qualité à partir d’adjectifs sigmatiques composés : ὑγιής « sain » → att. ὑγίεια « bonne santé », ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής « vrai » → att. ἀλήθεια, dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια « vérité », ἀψευδής « véridique » → att. ἀψεύδεια, béot. ἀψεύδῑα « véracité », etc. Ce trait constituerait un archaïsme, alors que des formes isolées de l’ionien archaïque et récent avec ‑είη (hom. εὐκλεής « illustre » → ἐϋκλείη « gloire », ἀληθείη, etc.) et de l’attique avec ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής « impudent » → ἀναιδεία « impudence », εὐκλείᾱ, etc.), sont considérées comme des innovations. Or cette hypothèse se heurte à des obstacles phonologiques et morphologiques insurmontables. Dans cette contribution, tout en réexaminant les données, je proposerai que, comme l’avaient montré d’autres savants dans le passé, le dorien, le béotien et l’attique montrent de toute évidence une innovation par rapport à la terminaison *‑i(i̯)eh2, qui apparaît ailleurs de manière régulière dans la dérivation de nomina qualitatis du grec ancien.
language of verse compositions of the various Cretan cities from the 5th down to the 1st century BCE. Since the number of funerary
and dedicatory epigrams previous to ca 300 BCE is very small, there is no possibility to determine with certainty whether poets preferred to compose mainly in their local dialect (though dialectalisms are not
avoided). Hellenistic epigrams offer, with only one exception, a highly standardized and poorly innovative language with regard
to the established paradigms of this literary genre; they also exhibit a punctual and asystematic choice of local linguistic forms.
Conversely, Cretan texts belonging to other poetic traditions are more permeable to the influence of local dialectal varieties.
S’étendant du ve siècle av. J.‑C. jusqu’au Ve siècle de notre ère, le corpus crétois d’inscriptions en vers est constitué, d’une part, de quelque 120 épigrammes (pour la plupart funéraires et votives) trouvées dans l’île et
dans d’autres régions du monde hellénique et, d’autre part, de quelques compositions métriques non épigrammatiques, toutes de thématique sacrée. Dans cette contribution, j’analyse les points communs et les traits spécifiques qui caractérisent la langue de compositions
en vers des diverses cités crétoises dès le Ve jusqu’au Ier siècle av. J.‑C. Le nombre d’épigrammes funéraires et votives antérieures
à ca 300 av. J.‑C. étant très réduit, on ne peut déterminer avec certitude si les poètes préféraient composer dans leur dialecte local,
quoique les dialectalismes ne soient pas évités. Les épigrammes de la période hellénistique offrent, à une exception près, une langue
très standardisée et peu innovante par rapport aux modèles bien établis du genre littéraire, le choix des formes linguistiques locales étant
ponctuel et asystématique. En revanche, les textes crétois appartenant à d’autres traditions poétiques sont plus perméables à l’influence
des variétés dialectales locales.
Cet article analyse le sens de μύκλος dans deux passages de l’Alexandra de Lycophron (771 et 816). L’étude détaillée des contextes montre que l’interprétation plus vraisemblable du mot dans les deux vers est “âne” : μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “ânes voleurs de femmes” (771) et τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “l’âne laborieux” (816). L’acception “lascif” des scholies anciennes, admise par les dictionnaires et les commentateurs modernes, n’est qu’une explication ad hoc du premier passage qui ne convient pas au second. Après avoir réfuté les étymologies précédentes, je propose que μύκλος est à l’origine un adjectif déverbatif en * -lo- dérivé de l’aoriste onomatopéique μῠκεῖν “bramer”.
In the first part of this paper, I examine the funerary epigram for a citizen of Calymna (IG XII 4 5, 4201) and I present also new reconstructions in several passages of the text. In the second part, I try to elucidate the date of the battle of Halicarnassus mentioned in the inscription. After assessing the different hypotheses, I propose that the soldier could have died during Demetrios Poliorcetes’ campaign in Asia (287–285 BCE).
the older variant of wa-ra-pi-si-ro (PY, MY), but this hypothesis comes up against several phonetic problems. This paper proposes two alternative explanations of wa-ra-qi-si-ro: either /Wrakwsilos/, a clipping of *Wrakwsi-lāhos, compound of the root *u̯ergu̯-/*u̯regu̯- “throw” and *lāho- “stone”, or /Wrankwsilos/, a nickname derived from the adjective attested in later Greek ῥαμψός “crooked”.
D’après l’opinion courante, quelques dialectes grecs du Ier millénaire témoigneraient d’une phase linguistique plus ancienne où le suffixe *‑ih2 aurait servi à dériver de noms de qualité à partir d’adjectifs sigmatiques composés : ὑγιής « sain » → att. ὑγίεια « bonne santé », ἀλᾱθής/ἀληθής « vrai » → att. ἀλήθεια, dor. ἀλᾱ́θεια « vérité », ἀψευδής « véridique » → att. ἀψεύδεια, béot. ἀψεύδῑα « véracité », etc. Ce trait constituerait un archaïsme, alors que des formes isolées de l’ionien archaïque et récent avec ‑είη (hom. εὐκλεής « illustre » → ἐϋκλείη « gloire », ἀληθείη, etc.) et de l’attique avec ‑είᾱ (ἀναιδής « impudent » → ἀναιδεία « impudence », εὐκλείᾱ, etc.), sont considérées comme des innovations. Or cette hypothèse se heurte à des obstacles phonologiques et morphologiques insurmontables. Dans cette contribution, tout en réexaminant les données, je proposerai que, comme l’avaient montré d’autres savants dans le passé, le dorien, le béotien et l’attique montrent de toute évidence une innovation par rapport à la terminaison *‑i(i̯)eh2, qui apparaît ailleurs de manière régulière dans la dérivation de nomina qualitatis du grec ancien.
language of verse compositions of the various Cretan cities from the 5th down to the 1st century BCE. Since the number of funerary
and dedicatory epigrams previous to ca 300 BCE is very small, there is no possibility to determine with certainty whether poets preferred to compose mainly in their local dialect (though dialectalisms are not
avoided). Hellenistic epigrams offer, with only one exception, a highly standardized and poorly innovative language with regard
to the established paradigms of this literary genre; they also exhibit a punctual and asystematic choice of local linguistic forms.
Conversely, Cretan texts belonging to other poetic traditions are more permeable to the influence of local dialectal varieties.
S’étendant du ve siècle av. J.‑C. jusqu’au Ve siècle de notre ère, le corpus crétois d’inscriptions en vers est constitué, d’une part, de quelque 120 épigrammes (pour la plupart funéraires et votives) trouvées dans l’île et
dans d’autres régions du monde hellénique et, d’autre part, de quelques compositions métriques non épigrammatiques, toutes de thématique sacrée. Dans cette contribution, j’analyse les points communs et les traits spécifiques qui caractérisent la langue de compositions
en vers des diverses cités crétoises dès le Ve jusqu’au Ier siècle av. J.‑C. Le nombre d’épigrammes funéraires et votives antérieures
à ca 300 av. J.‑C. étant très réduit, on ne peut déterminer avec certitude si les poètes préféraient composer dans leur dialecte local,
quoique les dialectalismes ne soient pas évités. Les épigrammes de la période hellénistique offrent, à une exception près, une langue
très standardisée et peu innovante par rapport aux modèles bien établis du genre littéraire, le choix des formes linguistiques locales étant
ponctuel et asystématique. En revanche, les textes crétois appartenant à d’autres traditions poétiques sont plus perméables à l’influence
des variétés dialectales locales.
Cet article analyse le sens de μύκλος dans deux passages de l’Alexandra de Lycophron (771 et 816). L’étude détaillée des contextes montre que l’interprétation plus vraisemblable du mot dans les deux vers est “âne” : μύκλοις γυναικοκλῶψιν “ânes voleurs de femmes” (771) et τὸν ἐργάτην μύκλον “l’âne laborieux” (816). L’acception “lascif” des scholies anciennes, admise par les dictionnaires et les commentateurs modernes, n’est qu’une explication ad hoc du premier passage qui ne convient pas au second. Après avoir réfuté les étymologies précédentes, je propose que μύκλος est à l’origine un adjectif déverbatif en * -lo- dérivé de l’aoriste onomatopéique μῠκεῖν “bramer”.
Dans ce travail est analysé un groupe d’anthroponymes grecs (Μῦκος, Μῦκκος, Μύκας, Μύκων, Μυκκίς et béotien Μουκρῖνος) qui sont vraisemblablement des surnoms issus de l’adjectif μυκός « muet » (Hésychius, μ 1833 Latte) et de son synonyme non attesté *μυκρός. Les noms étudiés font partie d’un système de sobriquets qui se rapportent aux handicaps de la parole.