This paper explores the relationship between crowding and streets as public open spaces in high-d... more This paper explores the relationship between crowding and streets as public open spaces in high-density urban environments from the perspectives of perceived density and human needs, two antecedents to crowdedness. City streets are the places through which various forms of crowding are perceived and experienced. Hence, they can play a role in easing this sense of crowding if corresponding strategies are put in place. The paper argues that practices, such as traffic calming and self-building, can transform the streets to serve as public open space, which increases spaciousness and eases crowding. It also puts forward tactical urbanism as a strategy for city governance to create the right conditions encouraging flourishing civil society initiatives in a dense primary environment that is invigorating and at the same time has a level of crowding perceived as both comfortable and liveable.
Lima has become the first Peruvian megacity with more than 10 million people, resulting from the ... more Lima has become the first Peruvian megacity with more than 10 million people, resulting from the migration waves from the countryside throughout the 20th century, which have also contributed to the diverse ethnic background of today's city. The paper analyzes two neighborhoods located in the inter-district area of Northern Lima: Pampa de Cueva and El Ermitaño as paradigmatic cases of the city's expansion through non-formal settlements during the 1960s. They represent a relevant case study because of their complex urbanization process, the presence of pre-Hispanic heritage, their location in vulnerable hillside areas in the fringe with a protected natural landscape, and their potential for sustainable local economic development. The article traces back the consolidation process of these self-built neighborhoods or barriadas within the context of Northern Lima as a new centrality for the metropolitan area. The analysis of urban form and mobility, heritage and environmental challenges, governance, and social integration leads to a proposal for neighborhood upgrading, capacity building with participatory processes, and a vision for future local development to decentralize the traditional metropolitan centers, which can be scaled to other peripheral neighborhoods.
Lima, as the capital of Peru, has become its first megacity with more than 10 million people in a... more Lima, as the capital of Peru, has become its first megacity with more than 10 million people in an area that extends over 80 km in a North-South direction. As a city of this size, it faces complex mobility issues with a strong reliance on informal transport modes (buses, minibuses, and paratransit vehicles) due to the deterioration of its transit system quality during the 20th century. This paper examines the current urban situation in Lima through an analysis of the city's structure, with an emphasis on its transport history and the resulting types of walking, transit, and car-oriented fabrics that can be identified. The mobility analysis was made through data collection, including daily trips by public and private modes, annual passenger kilometers and vehicle kilometers of travel, length of exclusive lanes for public transport and freeways, car and paratransit modes ownership, transport emissions, and safety. These data are used to position Lima in a comparative global context showing its relative strengths and weaknesses in urban form and mobility and providing suggestions for a more sustainable transport and land use system. It is asserted that Lima is an informal transit-oriented city, as distinct from recognized transit metropolises (e.g., Tokyo or German cities such as Berlin or Munich), which often involve private companies, operating under an umbrella of strong government regulation, fare setting, and high service standards. Lima is shown to have some important qualities such as a high density, comparatively low car ownership and freeway provision and still healthy levels of transit and non-motorized mode use despite non-ideal conditions for either. These qualities, if combined with effective governance structures, government commitment to higher quality formal transit systems, which better integrate the important informal transit sector, cessation of high capacity road building, greater protection and encouragement for non-motorized modes and some effective controls over growing car and motorcycle ownership, would see Lima develop a more sustainable transport system.
Abstract: Traffic congestion is one of the most vexing city problems and involves numerous factor... more Abstract: Traffic congestion is one of the most vexing city problems and involves numerous factors which cannot be addressed without a holistic approach. Congestion cannot be narrowly tackled at the cost of a city’s quality of life. Focusing on transport and land use planning, this paper examines transport policies and practices on both the supply and demand sides and finds that indirect travel demand management might be the most desirable solution to this chronic traffic ailment. The concept of absorption of traffic demand through the renaissance of streets as a way for traffic relief is introduced from two perspectives, with some examples from dense Asian urban contexts to demonstrate this. Firstly, jobs–housing balance suggests the return of production activities to residential areas and sufficient provision of diverse space/housing options to deal with work-related traffic. The second approach is to promote the street as a multi-activity destination rather than a thoroughfare to access dispersed daily needs, and to advocate more street life to diminish non-commuting traffic. Based on this, suggestions for better transport planning policies are put forward.
This paper analyses seven metropolitan regions that are all experiencing rapid motorisation and a... more This paper analyses seven metropolitan regions that are all experiencing rapid motorisation and are perhaps appearing to capitulate to the automobile. Through 20 years of changes, evidenced in systematic data from the mid-1990s, a different perspective is found. None of the urban regions appear near to or even capable of becoming automobile cities. Physical limits are already being reached that make higher levels of private motorised mobility very problematic if transport systems are to remain functional and the cities livable. These limits appear already to be reversing the decline in non-motorised modes and creating an upturn in transit systems, especially urban rail. That these cities have been able to either hold their own, or somewhat increase their share of total motorised mobility by transit over a 20-year period, is some indication that they are 'hitting mobility walls' much sooner in the motorisation path than cities in North America and Australia, which grew up with and were designed around the spatial needs of cars. Like many cities in the developed world that have shown a decoupling of car use and total passenger mobility from GDP growth from 1995 to 2005, there is now evidence that this is happening in less wealthy cities. This is important because it assists global and local goals for reduced CO 2 from passenger transport, while allowing for economic progress. Such evidence suggests that automobile dependence is not an irresistible force in emerging economies.
Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver are Canada’s most signifi cant locations of global city formation... more Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver are Canada’s most signifi cant locations of global city formation today. Their distinctive spatial development and mobility mix were greatly influenced by decisions regarding inner-city expressway building. Th is article explores the hypothesis that choices made regarding how to move motor vehicles through Canada’s three major metropolitan areas between 1960 and 1980 can be better understood by examining the dynamics of global city formation in these jurisdictions. Montreal implemented a comprehensive expressway network to align with its status as Canada’s leading global city during the 1960s. Toronto’s attempt to complete an expressway network was partial, refl ecting fragmentary global city aspirations during the 1970s. Vancouver, where global city ambitions only began to form during the 1980s, cancelled urban expressway plans and became Canada’s ‘freeway-free’ major city. New insight into the structure of these cities can be gained when a global city analytical framework is applied to their urban expressway development experience.
Total daily travel (cars, motorcycles, public transport, walking and cycling) in forty-‐ three w... more Total daily travel (cars, motorcycles, public transport, walking and cycling) in forty-‐ three world cities are examined separately for their contribution to total daily travel needs (person-‐kilometres) in 1995 and 2005. The data reveal that while the car as a whole is declining minimally in its contribution to daily travel, in line with the idea of “peak car use”, walking and cycling are very mixed in growing their contributions. Public transport on the other hand is doing much better. This is true of the forty-‐one developed cities examined in the paper, but also in Taipei and Sao Paulo where a different picture may have been expected based upon rapid motorisation in these less developed cities. These data are discussed for their implications throughout the paper and a summary of the key policy dimensions needed to start moving these cities towards more balanced and sustainable mobility patterns is provided at the end.
This paper proposes a conceptual framework of the interactions present in the settlement-transpor... more This paper proposes a conceptual framework of the interactions present in the settlement-transport system. This framework has been inspired by the database on 46 world cities which has been compiled at Murdoch University in Western Australia. It is postulated that there are three key factors that undergird the settlement-transport system and explain many of the observed differences in the working of cities around the world: constant travel time budgets, transport infrastructure and urban form. Analyses, mostly based on the cities data, reveal strong and systematic relationships between the various dimensions that can be used to describe these three factors. The strength of many of these relationships, with correlation coefficients in excess of 0.85 are perhaps surprising, especially given the scope in data collection methods between cities. They do however suggest that much of the observed difference between cities in car use, public transport use and other key performance indicators are physically driven and amenable to direct physical planning policy intervention on a metropolitan scale. This conclusion is in contrast to those who contend, that wealth is the primary determinant of automobile dependence. It is suggested that this framework could form a basis for developing a scientific understanding about the processes that occur in the settlement-transport system.
The 21 st century promises some dramatic changes—some expected, others surprising. One of the mor... more The 21 st century promises some dramatic changes—some expected, others surprising. One of the more surprising changes is the dramatic peaking in car use and an associated increase in the world's urban rail systems. This paper sets out what is happening with the growth of rail, especially in the traditional car dependent cities of the US and Australia, and why this is happening, particularly its relationship to car use declines. It provides new data on the plateau in the speed of urban car transportation that supports rail's increasing role compared to cars in cities everywhere, as well as other structural, economic and cultural changes that indicate a move away from car dependent urbanism. The paper suggests that the rise of urban rail is a contributing factor in peak car use through the relative reduction in speed of traffic compared to transit, especially rail, as well as the growing value of dense, knowledge-based centers that depend on rail access for their viability and cultural attraction. Finally, the paper suggests what can be done to make rail work better based on some best practice trends in large cities and small car dependent cities.
Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2007. “A Comparative Perspective on Urban Transport and Emerg... more Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2007. “A Comparative Perspective on Urban Transport and Emerging Environmental Problems in Middle-income Cities”, in McGranahan, Gordon and Peter J. Marcotullio. 2007. Scaling Urban Environmental Challenges: From Local to Global and Back, Earthscan: London. pp. 206-234.
Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2009. “Montreal’s Dualistic Transport Character: Why Montreal... more Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2009. “Montreal’s Dualistic Transport Character: Why Montreal Needs Upgraded Transit and Not More High Capacity Roads”, in Gauthier, Pierre, Jaeger, Jochen, and Jason Prince. 2009. Montréal at the Crossroads: Superhighways, the Turcot and the Environment. pp. 29-35.
This article was originally written for and published, September 2016, in Review 12, a publicatio... more This article was originally written for and published, September 2016, in Review 12, a publication of the International Society of City and Regional Planners (ISOCARP).
This paper first summarises ten critical responses which would change the nature of urban development to a more ecological, sustainable model. These dimensions revolve around urban transport systems and their links to urban form and are therefore mostly, though not exclusively, focussed on the problems of reducing automobile dependence in cities, building more sustainable urban form and creating more livable places.
These ten dimensions are not exclusive of other critical factors in the quest for urban sustainability and some caveats, limitations and omissions, as well as a detailed description of each dimension, have been provided in Kenworthy (2006). However, these ten dimensions are central to any attempts at greater sustainability in both prosperous and less prosperous cities, especially because of the powerful city-shaping ability of transport systems.
This paper explores the relationship between crowding and streets as public open spaces in high-d... more This paper explores the relationship between crowding and streets as public open spaces in high-density urban environments from the perspectives of perceived density and human needs, two antecedents to crowdedness. City streets are the places through which various forms of crowding are perceived and experienced. Hence, they can play a role in easing this sense of crowding if corresponding strategies are put in place. The paper argues that practices, such as traffic calming and self-building, can transform the streets to serve as public open space, which increases spaciousness and eases crowding. It also puts forward tactical urbanism as a strategy for city governance to create the right conditions encouraging flourishing civil society initiatives in a dense primary environment that is invigorating and at the same time has a level of crowding perceived as both comfortable and liveable.
Lima has become the first Peruvian megacity with more than 10 million people, resulting from the ... more Lima has become the first Peruvian megacity with more than 10 million people, resulting from the migration waves from the countryside throughout the 20th century, which have also contributed to the diverse ethnic background of today's city. The paper analyzes two neighborhoods located in the inter-district area of Northern Lima: Pampa de Cueva and El Ermitaño as paradigmatic cases of the city's expansion through non-formal settlements during the 1960s. They represent a relevant case study because of their complex urbanization process, the presence of pre-Hispanic heritage, their location in vulnerable hillside areas in the fringe with a protected natural landscape, and their potential for sustainable local economic development. The article traces back the consolidation process of these self-built neighborhoods or barriadas within the context of Northern Lima as a new centrality for the metropolitan area. The analysis of urban form and mobility, heritage and environmental challenges, governance, and social integration leads to a proposal for neighborhood upgrading, capacity building with participatory processes, and a vision for future local development to decentralize the traditional metropolitan centers, which can be scaled to other peripheral neighborhoods.
Lima, as the capital of Peru, has become its first megacity with more than 10 million people in a... more Lima, as the capital of Peru, has become its first megacity with more than 10 million people in an area that extends over 80 km in a North-South direction. As a city of this size, it faces complex mobility issues with a strong reliance on informal transport modes (buses, minibuses, and paratransit vehicles) due to the deterioration of its transit system quality during the 20th century. This paper examines the current urban situation in Lima through an analysis of the city's structure, with an emphasis on its transport history and the resulting types of walking, transit, and car-oriented fabrics that can be identified. The mobility analysis was made through data collection, including daily trips by public and private modes, annual passenger kilometers and vehicle kilometers of travel, length of exclusive lanes for public transport and freeways, car and paratransit modes ownership, transport emissions, and safety. These data are used to position Lima in a comparative global context showing its relative strengths and weaknesses in urban form and mobility and providing suggestions for a more sustainable transport and land use system. It is asserted that Lima is an informal transit-oriented city, as distinct from recognized transit metropolises (e.g., Tokyo or German cities such as Berlin or Munich), which often involve private companies, operating under an umbrella of strong government regulation, fare setting, and high service standards. Lima is shown to have some important qualities such as a high density, comparatively low car ownership and freeway provision and still healthy levels of transit and non-motorized mode use despite non-ideal conditions for either. These qualities, if combined with effective governance structures, government commitment to higher quality formal transit systems, which better integrate the important informal transit sector, cessation of high capacity road building, greater protection and encouragement for non-motorized modes and some effective controls over growing car and motorcycle ownership, would see Lima develop a more sustainable transport system.
Abstract: Traffic congestion is one of the most vexing city problems and involves numerous factor... more Abstract: Traffic congestion is one of the most vexing city problems and involves numerous factors which cannot be addressed without a holistic approach. Congestion cannot be narrowly tackled at the cost of a city’s quality of life. Focusing on transport and land use planning, this paper examines transport policies and practices on both the supply and demand sides and finds that indirect travel demand management might be the most desirable solution to this chronic traffic ailment. The concept of absorption of traffic demand through the renaissance of streets as a way for traffic relief is introduced from two perspectives, with some examples from dense Asian urban contexts to demonstrate this. Firstly, jobs–housing balance suggests the return of production activities to residential areas and sufficient provision of diverse space/housing options to deal with work-related traffic. The second approach is to promote the street as a multi-activity destination rather than a thoroughfare to access dispersed daily needs, and to advocate more street life to diminish non-commuting traffic. Based on this, suggestions for better transport planning policies are put forward.
This paper analyses seven metropolitan regions that are all experiencing rapid motorisation and a... more This paper analyses seven metropolitan regions that are all experiencing rapid motorisation and are perhaps appearing to capitulate to the automobile. Through 20 years of changes, evidenced in systematic data from the mid-1990s, a different perspective is found. None of the urban regions appear near to or even capable of becoming automobile cities. Physical limits are already being reached that make higher levels of private motorised mobility very problematic if transport systems are to remain functional and the cities livable. These limits appear already to be reversing the decline in non-motorised modes and creating an upturn in transit systems, especially urban rail. That these cities have been able to either hold their own, or somewhat increase their share of total motorised mobility by transit over a 20-year period, is some indication that they are 'hitting mobility walls' much sooner in the motorisation path than cities in North America and Australia, which grew up with and were designed around the spatial needs of cars. Like many cities in the developed world that have shown a decoupling of car use and total passenger mobility from GDP growth from 1995 to 2005, there is now evidence that this is happening in less wealthy cities. This is important because it assists global and local goals for reduced CO 2 from passenger transport, while allowing for economic progress. Such evidence suggests that automobile dependence is not an irresistible force in emerging economies.
Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver are Canada’s most signifi cant locations of global city formation... more Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver are Canada’s most signifi cant locations of global city formation today. Their distinctive spatial development and mobility mix were greatly influenced by decisions regarding inner-city expressway building. Th is article explores the hypothesis that choices made regarding how to move motor vehicles through Canada’s three major metropolitan areas between 1960 and 1980 can be better understood by examining the dynamics of global city formation in these jurisdictions. Montreal implemented a comprehensive expressway network to align with its status as Canada’s leading global city during the 1960s. Toronto’s attempt to complete an expressway network was partial, refl ecting fragmentary global city aspirations during the 1970s. Vancouver, where global city ambitions only began to form during the 1980s, cancelled urban expressway plans and became Canada’s ‘freeway-free’ major city. New insight into the structure of these cities can be gained when a global city analytical framework is applied to their urban expressway development experience.
Total daily travel (cars, motorcycles, public transport, walking and cycling) in forty-‐ three w... more Total daily travel (cars, motorcycles, public transport, walking and cycling) in forty-‐ three world cities are examined separately for their contribution to total daily travel needs (person-‐kilometres) in 1995 and 2005. The data reveal that while the car as a whole is declining minimally in its contribution to daily travel, in line with the idea of “peak car use”, walking and cycling are very mixed in growing their contributions. Public transport on the other hand is doing much better. This is true of the forty-‐one developed cities examined in the paper, but also in Taipei and Sao Paulo where a different picture may have been expected based upon rapid motorisation in these less developed cities. These data are discussed for their implications throughout the paper and a summary of the key policy dimensions needed to start moving these cities towards more balanced and sustainable mobility patterns is provided at the end.
This paper proposes a conceptual framework of the interactions present in the settlement-transpor... more This paper proposes a conceptual framework of the interactions present in the settlement-transport system. This framework has been inspired by the database on 46 world cities which has been compiled at Murdoch University in Western Australia. It is postulated that there are three key factors that undergird the settlement-transport system and explain many of the observed differences in the working of cities around the world: constant travel time budgets, transport infrastructure and urban form. Analyses, mostly based on the cities data, reveal strong and systematic relationships between the various dimensions that can be used to describe these three factors. The strength of many of these relationships, with correlation coefficients in excess of 0.85 are perhaps surprising, especially given the scope in data collection methods between cities. They do however suggest that much of the observed difference between cities in car use, public transport use and other key performance indicators are physically driven and amenable to direct physical planning policy intervention on a metropolitan scale. This conclusion is in contrast to those who contend, that wealth is the primary determinant of automobile dependence. It is suggested that this framework could form a basis for developing a scientific understanding about the processes that occur in the settlement-transport system.
The 21 st century promises some dramatic changes—some expected, others surprising. One of the mor... more The 21 st century promises some dramatic changes—some expected, others surprising. One of the more surprising changes is the dramatic peaking in car use and an associated increase in the world's urban rail systems. This paper sets out what is happening with the growth of rail, especially in the traditional car dependent cities of the US and Australia, and why this is happening, particularly its relationship to car use declines. It provides new data on the plateau in the speed of urban car transportation that supports rail's increasing role compared to cars in cities everywhere, as well as other structural, economic and cultural changes that indicate a move away from car dependent urbanism. The paper suggests that the rise of urban rail is a contributing factor in peak car use through the relative reduction in speed of traffic compared to transit, especially rail, as well as the growing value of dense, knowledge-based centers that depend on rail access for their viability and cultural attraction. Finally, the paper suggests what can be done to make rail work better based on some best practice trends in large cities and small car dependent cities.
Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2007. “A Comparative Perspective on Urban Transport and Emerg... more Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2007. “A Comparative Perspective on Urban Transport and Emerging Environmental Problems in Middle-income Cities”, in McGranahan, Gordon and Peter J. Marcotullio. 2007. Scaling Urban Environmental Challenges: From Local to Global and Back, Earthscan: London. pp. 206-234.
Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2009. “Montreal’s Dualistic Transport Character: Why Montreal... more Kenworthy, Jeff and Craig Townsend. 2009. “Montreal’s Dualistic Transport Character: Why Montreal Needs Upgraded Transit and Not More High Capacity Roads”, in Gauthier, Pierre, Jaeger, Jochen, and Jason Prince. 2009. Montréal at the Crossroads: Superhighways, the Turcot and the Environment. pp. 29-35.
This article was originally written for and published, September 2016, in Review 12, a publicatio... more This article was originally written for and published, September 2016, in Review 12, a publication of the International Society of City and Regional Planners (ISOCARP).
This paper first summarises ten critical responses which would change the nature of urban development to a more ecological, sustainable model. These dimensions revolve around urban transport systems and their links to urban form and are therefore mostly, though not exclusively, focussed on the problems of reducing automobile dependence in cities, building more sustainable urban form and creating more livable places.
These ten dimensions are not exclusive of other critical factors in the quest for urban sustainability and some caveats, limitations and omissions, as well as a detailed description of each dimension, have been provided in Kenworthy (2006). However, these ten dimensions are central to any attempts at greater sustainability in both prosperous and less prosperous cities, especially because of the powerful city-shaping ability of transport systems.
Big Moves Global Agendas, Local Aspirations, and Urban Mobility in Canada, 2020
"Big Moves is an original and long-overdue examination of mass motorization and rapid transit dev... more "Big Moves is an original and long-overdue examination of mass motorization and rapid transit development in Canadian cities. The book's focus on the intersection of global forces and local visions and politics is critical to understanding how cities develop and shape transportation infrastructure and density." Byron Miller, University of Calgary All countries have distinctive urban regions, but Canadian cities especially differ from one another in culture, structure, and history. Anthony Perl, Matt Hern, and Jeffrey Kenworthy reveal that despite the peculiarities and singular traits that each city embodies, a common logic has guided the development of transportation infrastructure across the country. Big Moves analyzes how Canada's three largest urban regions-Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver-have been shaped by the interplay of globalized imperatives, aspirations, activism, investment, and local development initiatives, both historically and in a contemporary context. Canadian urban development follows a distinct pattern that involves compromise between local viewpoints and values and the pursuit of global capital at particular historical junctures. As the authors show, the success or failure of each city to construct major mobility infrastructure has always depended on the timing of investments and the specific ways that cities have gained access to necessary capital. Drawing on urban mobility history and global city theory, this book delves into the details of the big moves that have affected transport infrastructure in major Canadian cities. Knowing where urban development will head in the twenty-first century requires understanding how cities' major mobility infrastructures were built. Big Moves explains the shape of Canada's three biggest cities and how their mix of expressways and rapid transit emerged.
Uploads
Papers by Jeffrey Kenworthy
greatly influenced by decisions regarding inner-city expressway building. Th is article explores the hypothesis that choices made regarding how to move motor vehicles through Canada’s three major metropolitan areas between 1960 and 1980 can be better understood by examining the dynamics of global city formation in these jurisdictions. Montreal implemented a comprehensive expressway network to align with its status as Canada’s leading global city during the 1960s. Toronto’s attempt to complete an expressway network was partial, refl ecting fragmentary global city aspirations during the 1970s. Vancouver, where global city ambitions only began to form during
the 1980s, cancelled urban expressway plans and became Canada’s ‘freeway-free’ major city. New insight into the structure of these cities can be gained when a global city analytical framework is applied to their urban expressway development experience.
summary of the key policy dimensions needed to start moving these cities towards more balanced and sustainable mobility patterns is provided at the end.
This paper first summarises ten critical responses which would change the nature of urban development to a more ecological, sustainable model. These dimensions revolve around urban transport systems and their links to urban form and are therefore mostly, though not exclusively, focussed on the problems of reducing automobile dependence in cities, building more sustainable urban form and creating more livable places.
These ten dimensions are not exclusive of other critical factors in the quest for urban sustainability and some caveats, limitations and omissions, as well as a detailed description of each dimension, have been provided in Kenworthy (2006). However, these ten dimensions are central to any attempts at greater sustainability in both prosperous and less prosperous cities, especially because of the powerful city-shaping ability of transport systems.
greatly influenced by decisions regarding inner-city expressway building. Th is article explores the hypothesis that choices made regarding how to move motor vehicles through Canada’s three major metropolitan areas between 1960 and 1980 can be better understood by examining the dynamics of global city formation in these jurisdictions. Montreal implemented a comprehensive expressway network to align with its status as Canada’s leading global city during the 1960s. Toronto’s attempt to complete an expressway network was partial, refl ecting fragmentary global city aspirations during the 1970s. Vancouver, where global city ambitions only began to form during
the 1980s, cancelled urban expressway plans and became Canada’s ‘freeway-free’ major city. New insight into the structure of these cities can be gained when a global city analytical framework is applied to their urban expressway development experience.
summary of the key policy dimensions needed to start moving these cities towards more balanced and sustainable mobility patterns is provided at the end.
This paper first summarises ten critical responses which would change the nature of urban development to a more ecological, sustainable model. These dimensions revolve around urban transport systems and their links to urban form and are therefore mostly, though not exclusively, focussed on the problems of reducing automobile dependence in cities, building more sustainable urban form and creating more livable places.
These ten dimensions are not exclusive of other critical factors in the quest for urban sustainability and some caveats, limitations and omissions, as well as a detailed description of each dimension, have been provided in Kenworthy (2006). However, these ten dimensions are central to any attempts at greater sustainability in both prosperous and less prosperous cities, especially because of the powerful city-shaping ability of transport systems.