A precursor to AI–based inference of workers used to be rudimentary monitoring. Foucault’s pivotal critique of the prison system has inspired critiques on the regulation of life using different social, cultural, political, or — as in our case — technological devices [
44]. This
Foucauldian lens has been used to argue that monitoring workers fundamentally extends social control and reinforces the existing power hierarchy [
19,
76]. However, this perspective is not necessarily a dead–end to innovation of technologies, policies, or reform. In her reflection on Foucault, Lacombe argues that devices for social control can be conceived to “maximize life” in a way that can both constrain and enable [
73]. We believe these dichotomous attributes of the
Foucauldian lens are represented by Passive Sensing enabled AI. Hence, we study PSAI for information work and aim to reform design, inform implementation, and guide regulation.
2.1 Tracking Workers
Tracking has been historically entrenched in work. Henry Ford used a stopwatch to track the efficiency of workers in his factory [
127]. Similarly, at most jobs, a worker is supervised by a manager to ensure workers execute their assigned tasks. The etymology of the words “supervise” and “surveillance” both loosely translate to “oversee”. Unsurprisingly, the public conversations and scientific literature on worker supervision, monitoring, or tracking have gone hand in hand with discussions on surveillance. Also note that different scientific communities use the words supervision, monitoring, and tracking instead of “surveillance” as it is the only word that bears “dystopian baggage” [
12]. In reality, all these words have both coercive and caring implications, despite their connotations [
125]. Therefore, we cannot investigate one facet of literature without the other. To find a way forward, our study follows Sewell and Barker’s stance where
“Acknowledging ambiguity and paradox allows a dialogue to develop between the two research communities.” [
125]
Over time, Ford’s stopwatch evolved to eliminate the human overseer from the visibility of the workers. We can trace this evolution from thumb scans, through closed-circuit television (CCTV), to different localization technologies [
6]. Organizational scholars have critiqued that this expansion and intensification of tracking technologies is akin to Bentham’s “panopticon” [
14], where the many are monitored by the few [
88]. Since human oversight is itself a form of labor, augmenting such a panopticon can be favorable for capital resources in an organization [
93]. However, it comes at the cost of taking social control away from the worker. For example, UPS saw a net rise in efficiency when they used GPS technology to track drivers, but at the cost of drivers struggling mentally and physically [
65]. Today, the monitoring of workers is not only limited to recording performance but also related to wellbeing (e.g., incentive programs based on health trackers) [
87]. Again, this form of tracking can still be routed back to the organizations’ needs to maintain their resources [
52]. Although such tracking can be politically maleficent (for
surveillance), [
5] described a contrasting stance driven by a philosophical motivation to model reality and create new ontologies to explain workers (for
capture) [
5]. For instance, ubiquitous computing was founded on research in workplace tracking technologies such as Active Badge location systems designed to improve the service flow in a workspace (e.g., routing a phone call to where a worker is) [
137,
138]. Since then, Ubiquitous Computing, Human–Computer interaction, and Computer–Supported Cooperative Work have investigated a variety of applications for tracking workers to provide better services [
11,
67,
92,
105,
122,
126]. These innovations have coincided with
quantified self movement that has enabled individuals to digitally measure many aspects of daily living [
69]. Generally, this movement describes consented self-tracking that can be both empowering but also detrimental [
88]. Outside of work, such technologies are a source of personal informatics and are becoming commonplace in everyday life [
81].
At work, these tracking technologies are situated within the relationship shared between the worker and their organization. This relationship is underscored by a
power asymmetry. Here
power refers to the “ability of a person to withhold rewards from and apply sanctions to others” [
16]. This has also been described as the “bargaining power” to dictate the terms and conditions of an employment contract [
104]. The
asymmetry refers to one party having a greater ability on the other to determine the employment contract than the other [
28]. Simply put, the organization can evaluate a worker and determine how they work in the future, but a worker cannot demand the same from their employer. Power asymmetry inherently exacerbates itself as those with less power are likely to relinquish the power they have. It also is salient to many job sectors, including information work, and has a cyclical influence on tracking because of
information asymmetry [
58]. When one party has more information than the other, it can lead to exploitative practices that further the power asymmetry [
124]. In theory, advancements in tracking can improve the insights available to both workers and organizations. Naturally, we ponder if adopting work tracking in practice can actually resist, or even reduce, the asymmetries at work and the anxieties of a panopticon. Recent work has proposed that the quantified self might serve as a “heautopticon” or a form of empowering self-surveillance [
39]. However, it is unclear how these possibilities apply to information work. To bridge this gap, in our study, we bring to light the perspectives of workers on adopting these technologies as reflective tools for themselves.
Existing models of understanding, such as Agre’s surveillance–capture models, were intended to rationalize motivations of the social actors in a particular system, such as workers, employers, and the developers of such systems. To clarify what is reasonable for information workers in hybrid work, these models need to be reassessed based on the larger social context [
5]. The norms associated with tracking workers in manufacturing roles or logistics cannot be transposed to this working population without a context-specific investigation. Our paper aims to clarify those norms for development of these PSAI in information work.
2.2 Algorithmic Phenotyping of Information Work with Passive Sensing
In the past decade, research in Ubiquitous Computing and HCI broadly, and digital health, in particular, has coined, used, and critiqued the term “digital phenotyping” [
85,
106,
129]. It is the idea of moment-by-moment quantification of the individual-level human phenotype in situ, using data from personal digital devices [
59]. We build upon this research to estimate worker
effectiveness, which describes a broad set of important outcomes for worker prosperity [
131]. Traditionally, for many kinds of work, Human Resource Management (HRM) was merely concerned with productivity which is indicated by the efficiency of output. However, this notion is limited in the context of information work where “doing the right things” is as important as “doing the things right [
41]. Therefore, a more general aspect of this effectiveness is
job performance, which Rotundo and Sackett describe as controllable behaviors that contribute to the organization [
116]. The other aspect of effectiveness that is gaining popularity in phenotyping is
wellbeing to inform sustainable and satisfying work experience [
25]. We have witnessed an emergence in technologies that use
passive sensing for phenotyping human behavior. This approach has several advantages over traditional methods of clarifying human behavior because it can now be studied in naturalistic settings [
26].
Arguably, HRM has always involved some kind of passive measurement. In the early 20
th Century, Taylor coined the idea of
Scientific Management to improve worker efficiency based on the idea that
“the prosperity for the employer cannot exist through a long term of years unless it is accompanied by prosperity for the employee and vice versa” [
132]. Taylor’s
Scientific Management went on to inspire several psychological assessments to phenotype worker effectiveness to improve HRM [
121]. In turn, these assessments triggered the development of several digital monitoring systems today. Note that many digital monitoring systems have been set up for protection or security of organizational assets [
123]. Certain digital monitoring is also normalized within work, such as monitoring emails [
77]. While these approaches need constant critique and redesign to be acceptable, our paper is focused on the use of PSAI for HRM. In practice, this kind of application of AI in HRM is typically justified by the economic theory of mutual obligation [
61]. According to this theory, workers need to meet certain goals based on their employment contracts, and employers need to ensure they satisfy those goals. As a result, today we see organizations for information work using PSAI to learn about the worker. Some literature even refers to this style of HRM as
Nudge Management [
42], but in popular media, these technologies are often referred to as people analytics [
84]. Regardless of terminology, this kind of algorithmic inference for HRM cannot be treated as a single monolith that would draw the same kind of reception irrespective of how it is implemented. We aim to describe the socio–technical aspects of information work that support and resist the adoption of PSAI.
The shift to hybrid work has made many organizations adopt different forms of passive monitoring [
7]. However, not all of these approaches are for algorithmic inference. For instance,
Time Doctor provides accurate measures of billable time by constantly streaming a video of an IW’s screen and webcam [
40]. PSAI systems leverage similar streams of data, but they not only record events but model IW behaviors to infer their effectiveness using AI and machine learning. Commercial technologies like
Viva Insights [
56] and
Humanize are examples of PSAI that provide insights on worker wellbeing and performance by modeling abstracted data from work applications. Academic research in this space has many more examples of PSAI technologies for work. Before we elaborate on these, it is important to acknowledge that many of these studies did not leverage PSAI for prediction or inference but for explanation of underlying social phenomena [
34,
90]. Other studies have used passively sensed data to support work in-the-moment, such as by informing an IW when they should take a break [
67]. Having said that, these studies can still inspire predictive systems for personal tracking or HRM to, arguably, improve worker effectiveness [
89]. Therefore, we reflect on all kinds of scholarly literature on algorithmic inference for daily activities of IWs, and we refer to these approaches as “algorithmic phenotyping” due to their emphasis on inference beyond simply gathering digital data.
One way to scope PSAI would be to limit it to the work context. For example, modeling email activity to estimate an IW’s effectiveness [
92]. Similarly, AI could model conversation metrics in virtual meetings to provide insight into the quality of meetings [
142]. Even devices embedded in a work environment could be harnessed by PSAI to infer worker experiences, such as using acoustic sensing [
60] and proximity sensing [
32]. Prior work shows opportunities for PSAI to harness devices like WiFi routers ([
31,
37,
50]) and smartcard readers([
46]) to understand behaviors related to wellbeing. Similarly, a digital infrastructure that has been leveraged is workplace social media [
126]. In contrast to the work–specific scoping, the Social-Ecological Model [
20] motivates research on PSAI that expands beyond the workplace as the outcomes of work can be a result of many different factors. For instance, wearables have been used to model the physical fitness and sleep hygiene of workers for inferences [
43,
112]. PSAI has leveraged personal devices, such as wearables, to infer an IW’s cognitive load [
122]. Research has also shown the value of modeling behaviors such as commuting which are related to but physically distinct from the work context [
98]. Furthermore, we have evidence that broader multimodal sensor deployments have also shown promise in classifying worker performance [
96,
117]. Also, PSAI could use social media as a potential source to understand an IW’s wellbeing [
35,
86,
118]. Looking back at these technologies amid the pandemic, Das Swain et al. envisioned possible future implementations of PSAI with cautionary implications, even if these are designed for the worker [
33]. What this body of work does not clarify is what IWs themselves envision. Through our findings, we amplify their perspective. In turn, we provide further direction to the development of PSAI as personal informatics solutions and re–contextualize them as both enablers and impediments of today’s IW.