Summary Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider t... more Summary Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international co-operation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve — in a manner unprecedented in European integration history — the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This argumentative essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainabl...
Ten years after Lisbon: Member States in EU foreign and security policy This policy brief reviews... more Ten years after Lisbon: Member States in EU foreign and security policy This policy brief reviews the effects of the institutional adjustments in EU foreign policy as instigated by the Lisbon Treaty. It scrutinises the implications of these reforms for the distribution of power between member states and EU actors involved. Our analysis identifies two conflicting trends: on the one hand, an increased influence for EU institutions, with the notable exception of the Political and Security Committee whose position as strategic foreign policy linchpin is no longer certain. On the other, a partial weakening of the commitment of at least some member states to EU foreign policy cooperation. Key points • With increased politicisation, European foreign and security policy is taking a much more prominent place on the agenda of the European Council.
The Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is a transnational policy framework to deliver collec... more The Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is a transnational policy framework to deliver collective foreign policy and also to manage differences among member states. As such, it has always been dependent on their support. Since 2019, however, disagreement within this system is said to have reached a new level. Taking this political trend as our starting point, this article proposes a new, conceptual approach to understanding how contestation challenges the EU’s foreign policy cooperation system. While the majority of research focuses on disagreements in decision-making, we argue for a broader conceptualisation – systemic contestation. Drawing on norm contestation scholarship, we argue that systemic contestation manifests itself in two ways: as passive contestation, when member states disengage from and fail to take ownership of CFSP initiatives and their implementation; and as tacit contestation, when they fail to act when faced with the need to safeguard the system. This approach accounts for the transgovernmental character of the CFSP; and the central role of member states within it. Finally, we contend that our conceptualisation of systemic contestation offers promising new avenues for empirical research to understand the “black box” of EU foreign policy cooperation.
The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decad... more The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decade since, most scholarship has focused on the High Representative and EEAS. Far less consideration has been given to its consequences for member states' ownership of foreign policy. This article therefore examines how these institutional reforms have affected the Political and Security Committee (PSC), established to enable member states to better manage EU foreign policy cooperation. Drawing on new empirical data, it shows that the PSC has found its capacity to act as strategic agenda-setter increasingly constrained because of greater opportunities for activism by the HRVP and EEAS; and by the emergence of the European Council as the key arbiter in foreign policy decision-making. While this indicates the PSC today finds it harder to perform the role originally assigned to it, it is gaining alternative relevance through an emerging oversight role, which has implications for member states' EU foreign policy engagement.
This special section seeks to extent our knowledge on teaching innovative methods in European Uni... more This special section seeks to extent our knowledge on teaching innovative methods in European Union (EU) Foreign Affairs in time of challenges, politicisation, and digitalisation. It shares the experience of established and early career colleagues on how they designed, implemented, and applied specific innovations in their teaching. The section focuses on these experiences and aims to provide guidance on how specific ideas were put into practice in a hands-on and reflective manner. It seeks to tip into what works and why and how we as educators deal with challenges. Contributions engage with teaching EU foreign policy via Problem-based learning (Tonra 2020), research-led teaching by linking policy briefs and employability (Lightfoot 2020), responsive teaching in times of radical change (O ́Mahony 2020), and synchronous teaching among 13 universities (Plank and Niemann 2020). They offer insights into increasing the ownership of students, raise awareness of their subjectivity, stimulate critical thinking, or enhance student ́s media skills as well as to foster their employability. All contributions showcase the added value of the applied innovations, but also discuss obstacles that need to be considered in the conceptualisation and implementation of the proposed active approaches
The European External Action Service (EEAS) and its EU delegations have developed the notion of “... more The European External Action Service (EEAS) and its EU delegations have developed the notion of “being of service to EU member states” in EU foreign policy making as their unique selling point for the past eight years. In this paper, we discuss how the EEAS and its delegation network sought to establish throughput legitimacy and why being considered legitimate is a particular concern for them. We trace the conflicting expectations of “roles” expressed during the Convention on the Future of Europe and the Lisbon Treaty and show how the EEAS and EU delegations responded to treaty implementation. Because the EEAS and EU delegations were treated as separate parts during the discussions of the time, we are able to compare how different levels of role contestation lead to different strategies for legitimacy construction in practice.
This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic st... more This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, DC. It analyses the functions of European Union (EU) delegations as part of the hybrid EU foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The EU delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The EU delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably EU ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in EU foreign policy-making.
Does Europe behave as one outside EU borders? This special issue argues that the Lisbon Treaty (2... more Does Europe behave as one outside EU borders? This special issue argues that the Lisbon Treaty (2009), the creation of the EEAS and the establishment of EU delegations have contributed to boost European diplomacy, despite several remaining limitations. In engaging with diplomatic and European studies, the special issue conceptually and empirically investigates the meaning of European diplomacy and the extent of European cooperation abroad. It shows the following: • EU delegations fulfill most diplomatic functions generally associated with embassies. In fact, European cooperation abroad goes beyond traditional diplomacy, as EU delegations play a key role in coordinating EU actors and member states’ diplomats on the ground. • At the same time, EU delegations are not replacing diplomatic activities of EU member states. They are constrained by the division of competences in EU law. There are also no additional human or financial resources to do so. Rather, EU delegations reinforce a form of network diplomacy by establishing a new diplomatic site. They promote the multilateralization of EU member states´ bilateral relations with non-member countries. • EU external action remains a hybrid construct. The manner and degree of this new site of diplomatic practices depends on national diplomats’ practices on the ground as well as on the host country’s reaction.
Verhandlungen sind selbstverständlich auch ein wichtiger Teil des politischen Prozesses. Politik ... more Verhandlungen sind selbstverständlich auch ein wichtiger Teil des politischen Prozesses. Politik ist ohne Verhandlungen schwer vorstellbar. Letzten Endes kon- stituiert sich Politik aus Interessenvertretung, und Verhandlungsprozesse sind omnipräsent in der Politik. Wenn man politische Entscheidungen nachvollziehen will, ist es unumgänglich, die Strukturen und Prozesse zu berücksichtigen, die Verhandlungen gestalten. In diesem Beitrag teilen wir unsere Erfahrungen mit dem Kurs Negotiation Skills (Verhandlungskompetenzen) an der Universität Maastricht, in welchem StudentInnen genau die oben beschriebenen Verteilungs- und Verhandlungs- prozesse bewusst erleben und Ihr Verhalten darin wiederholt zu verbessern ver- suchen. In drei Seminaren und drei Simulationen zu EU Verhandlungen können die StudentInnen ihre Verhandlungskompetenzen graduell aufbauen sowie ver- schiedene Verhandlungsszenarien erleben. Unser Beitrag diskutiert die Logik des Kursaufbaus und erklärt anhand von anschaulichen Beispielen die Entscheidun- gen im Hinblick auf ein kohärentes Zusammenspiel zwischen Kurszielen, Simu- lationsdesign, Aufgaben und Bewertung. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, das Kursdesign kritisch zu diskutieren, sowie auf mögliche Herausforderungen für die erfolgrei- che Umsetzung eines solches Kursen als aktives Lernwerkzeug in European Stu- dies hinzuweisen.
In this ANTERO teaching fiche we are explaining the set-up of our Bachelor course "External Relat... more In this ANTERO teaching fiche we are explaining the set-up of our Bachelor course "External Relations of the European Union" that we teach together at Maastricht University.
Twenty years after Austria joining the EU, this contribution investigates how Austrian diplomacy ... more Twenty years after Austria joining the EU, this contribution investigates how Austrian diplomacy has been adjusting to the changing European demands and opportunities next to global and domestic pressures for adaptation. Austrian diplomatic adaptation has predominantly been reactive. EU membership and EU sanctions pushed Austrian diplomats to readjust their role conceptions. On a more structural level, Austrian diplomacy followed global trends, while domestic budget cuts and lack of strategic reorientation acted as constrains. Also the introduction of the European External Action Service triggered a rather reactive response to top down Europeanization: the increased European diplomatic coordination attempts since 2009 are considered additional tools rather than a substitute for Austrian diplomacy.
When Austria joined the EU in 1995 it had to find its place in a substantially altered world orde... more When Austria joined the EU in 1995 it had to find its place in a substantially altered world order. Yet, rather than conceiving its membership in the EU as an opportunity to reenergize its foreign policy through Europeanization, Austria has displayed little interest in developing an active foreign policy profile within, or through, the EU. While membership in the EU meant a broadening of Austria's foreign policy agenda – as Austria became involved in a broad range of international issues and started to participate in the multi-level negotiation process of the EU-its main contributions to European foreign policy occurred in areas close to its national interest, as exemplified by its active role in the Western Balkans. Simultaneously, EU membership placed considerable constraints on Austria's formerly independent national foreign policy, especially on Austria's neutrality. This special issue brings together different international scholars with a longstanding expertise on different aspects of Austrian foreign policy that they will cover to take stock of the Europeanization of Austrian foreign policy two decades after it joined the EU.
Zum Zeitpunkt seines EU Beitritts 1995 musste Österreich seine außenpolitische Rolle in einer neuen Weltordnung neu de-finieren. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde dabei allerdings nicht systematisch genutzt, um durch eine Europäisierung nationaler Außenpolitik an globalem Einfluss und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten zu gewinnen. Österreich hat insgesamt eher wenig Interesse gezeigt, eine aktive Rolle innerhalb der europäischen Außenpolitik zu entwickeln. Während die EU Mit-gliedschaft eine signifikante Ausweitung der außenpolitischen Agenda bedeutet und Österreich sich in die Prozesse euro-päischer Politikgestaltung integriert hat, blieb der Schwerpunkt der österreichischen Diplomatie weitgehend auf nationale außenpolitische Interessen fokussiert. Dies zeigt sich etwa an der aktiven Rolle Österreichs im Rahmen der europäischen Politik gegenüber dem Westbalkan. Gleichzeitig kam es im Zuge der EU Mitgliedschaft zu Beschränkungen der einst unab-hängigen österreichischen Außenpolitik, gerade etwa in Bezug auf Österreichs Neutralität. Dieses Schwerpunkheft vereinigt internationale Experten, um 20 Jahre nach dem EU Beitritt bilanzieren über den Stand der Europäisierung verschiedener Aspekte österreichischer Außenpolitik. Insbesondere thematisieren die einzelnen Beiträge die Bereiche Kooperation in der Außen-und Sicherheitspolitik, Entwicklungspolitik, sowie die Veränderungen diplomatischer Praktiken und Institutionen.
in David Spence & Jozef Bátora (eds) (2015): The European External Action Service. European Diplo... more in David Spence & Jozef Bátora (eds) (2015): The European External Action Service. European Diplomacy Post-Westphalia. Palsgrave.
in framework of TEMPUS project "Innovating Teaching and Learning in European Studies" (INOTLES)
... more in framework of TEMPUS project "Innovating Teaching and Learning in European Studies" (INOTLES)
see: www.inotles.eu
Summary Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider t... more Summary Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international co-operation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve — in a manner unprecedented in European integration history — the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This argumentative essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainabl...
Ten years after Lisbon: Member States in EU foreign and security policy This policy brief reviews... more Ten years after Lisbon: Member States in EU foreign and security policy This policy brief reviews the effects of the institutional adjustments in EU foreign policy as instigated by the Lisbon Treaty. It scrutinises the implications of these reforms for the distribution of power between member states and EU actors involved. Our analysis identifies two conflicting trends: on the one hand, an increased influence for EU institutions, with the notable exception of the Political and Security Committee whose position as strategic foreign policy linchpin is no longer certain. On the other, a partial weakening of the commitment of at least some member states to EU foreign policy cooperation. Key points • With increased politicisation, European foreign and security policy is taking a much more prominent place on the agenda of the European Council.
The Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is a transnational policy framework to deliver collec... more The Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is a transnational policy framework to deliver collective foreign policy and also to manage differences among member states. As such, it has always been dependent on their support. Since 2019, however, disagreement within this system is said to have reached a new level. Taking this political trend as our starting point, this article proposes a new, conceptual approach to understanding how contestation challenges the EU’s foreign policy cooperation system. While the majority of research focuses on disagreements in decision-making, we argue for a broader conceptualisation – systemic contestation. Drawing on norm contestation scholarship, we argue that systemic contestation manifests itself in two ways: as passive contestation, when member states disengage from and fail to take ownership of CFSP initiatives and their implementation; and as tacit contestation, when they fail to act when faced with the need to safeguard the system. This approach accounts for the transgovernmental character of the CFSP; and the central role of member states within it. Finally, we contend that our conceptualisation of systemic contestation offers promising new avenues for empirical research to understand the “black box” of EU foreign policy cooperation.
The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decad... more The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decade since, most scholarship has focused on the High Representative and EEAS. Far less consideration has been given to its consequences for member states' ownership of foreign policy. This article therefore examines how these institutional reforms have affected the Political and Security Committee (PSC), established to enable member states to better manage EU foreign policy cooperation. Drawing on new empirical data, it shows that the PSC has found its capacity to act as strategic agenda-setter increasingly constrained because of greater opportunities for activism by the HRVP and EEAS; and by the emergence of the European Council as the key arbiter in foreign policy decision-making. While this indicates the PSC today finds it harder to perform the role originally assigned to it, it is gaining alternative relevance through an emerging oversight role, which has implications for member states' EU foreign policy engagement.
This special section seeks to extent our knowledge on teaching innovative methods in European Uni... more This special section seeks to extent our knowledge on teaching innovative methods in European Union (EU) Foreign Affairs in time of challenges, politicisation, and digitalisation. It shares the experience of established and early career colleagues on how they designed, implemented, and applied specific innovations in their teaching. The section focuses on these experiences and aims to provide guidance on how specific ideas were put into practice in a hands-on and reflective manner. It seeks to tip into what works and why and how we as educators deal with challenges. Contributions engage with teaching EU foreign policy via Problem-based learning (Tonra 2020), research-led teaching by linking policy briefs and employability (Lightfoot 2020), responsive teaching in times of radical change (O ́Mahony 2020), and synchronous teaching among 13 universities (Plank and Niemann 2020). They offer insights into increasing the ownership of students, raise awareness of their subjectivity, stimulate critical thinking, or enhance student ́s media skills as well as to foster their employability. All contributions showcase the added value of the applied innovations, but also discuss obstacles that need to be considered in the conceptualisation and implementation of the proposed active approaches
The European External Action Service (EEAS) and its EU delegations have developed the notion of “... more The European External Action Service (EEAS) and its EU delegations have developed the notion of “being of service to EU member states” in EU foreign policy making as their unique selling point for the past eight years. In this paper, we discuss how the EEAS and its delegation network sought to establish throughput legitimacy and why being considered legitimate is a particular concern for them. We trace the conflicting expectations of “roles” expressed during the Convention on the Future of Europe and the Lisbon Treaty and show how the EEAS and EU delegations responded to treaty implementation. Because the EEAS and EU delegations were treated as separate parts during the discussions of the time, we are able to compare how different levels of role contestation lead to different strategies for legitimacy construction in practice.
This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic st... more This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, DC. It analyses the functions of European Union (EU) delegations as part of the hybrid EU foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The EU delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The EU delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably EU ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in EU foreign policy-making.
Does Europe behave as one outside EU borders? This special issue argues that the Lisbon Treaty (2... more Does Europe behave as one outside EU borders? This special issue argues that the Lisbon Treaty (2009), the creation of the EEAS and the establishment of EU delegations have contributed to boost European diplomacy, despite several remaining limitations. In engaging with diplomatic and European studies, the special issue conceptually and empirically investigates the meaning of European diplomacy and the extent of European cooperation abroad. It shows the following: • EU delegations fulfill most diplomatic functions generally associated with embassies. In fact, European cooperation abroad goes beyond traditional diplomacy, as EU delegations play a key role in coordinating EU actors and member states’ diplomats on the ground. • At the same time, EU delegations are not replacing diplomatic activities of EU member states. They are constrained by the division of competences in EU law. There are also no additional human or financial resources to do so. Rather, EU delegations reinforce a form of network diplomacy by establishing a new diplomatic site. They promote the multilateralization of EU member states´ bilateral relations with non-member countries. • EU external action remains a hybrid construct. The manner and degree of this new site of diplomatic practices depends on national diplomats’ practices on the ground as well as on the host country’s reaction.
Verhandlungen sind selbstverständlich auch ein wichtiger Teil des politischen Prozesses. Politik ... more Verhandlungen sind selbstverständlich auch ein wichtiger Teil des politischen Prozesses. Politik ist ohne Verhandlungen schwer vorstellbar. Letzten Endes kon- stituiert sich Politik aus Interessenvertretung, und Verhandlungsprozesse sind omnipräsent in der Politik. Wenn man politische Entscheidungen nachvollziehen will, ist es unumgänglich, die Strukturen und Prozesse zu berücksichtigen, die Verhandlungen gestalten. In diesem Beitrag teilen wir unsere Erfahrungen mit dem Kurs Negotiation Skills (Verhandlungskompetenzen) an der Universität Maastricht, in welchem StudentInnen genau die oben beschriebenen Verteilungs- und Verhandlungs- prozesse bewusst erleben und Ihr Verhalten darin wiederholt zu verbessern ver- suchen. In drei Seminaren und drei Simulationen zu EU Verhandlungen können die StudentInnen ihre Verhandlungskompetenzen graduell aufbauen sowie ver- schiedene Verhandlungsszenarien erleben. Unser Beitrag diskutiert die Logik des Kursaufbaus und erklärt anhand von anschaulichen Beispielen die Entscheidun- gen im Hinblick auf ein kohärentes Zusammenspiel zwischen Kurszielen, Simu- lationsdesign, Aufgaben und Bewertung. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, das Kursdesign kritisch zu diskutieren, sowie auf mögliche Herausforderungen für die erfolgrei- che Umsetzung eines solches Kursen als aktives Lernwerkzeug in European Stu- dies hinzuweisen.
In this ANTERO teaching fiche we are explaining the set-up of our Bachelor course "External Relat... more In this ANTERO teaching fiche we are explaining the set-up of our Bachelor course "External Relations of the European Union" that we teach together at Maastricht University.
Twenty years after Austria joining the EU, this contribution investigates how Austrian diplomacy ... more Twenty years after Austria joining the EU, this contribution investigates how Austrian diplomacy has been adjusting to the changing European demands and opportunities next to global and domestic pressures for adaptation. Austrian diplomatic adaptation has predominantly been reactive. EU membership and EU sanctions pushed Austrian diplomats to readjust their role conceptions. On a more structural level, Austrian diplomacy followed global trends, while domestic budget cuts and lack of strategic reorientation acted as constrains. Also the introduction of the European External Action Service triggered a rather reactive response to top down Europeanization: the increased European diplomatic coordination attempts since 2009 are considered additional tools rather than a substitute for Austrian diplomacy.
When Austria joined the EU in 1995 it had to find its place in a substantially altered world orde... more When Austria joined the EU in 1995 it had to find its place in a substantially altered world order. Yet, rather than conceiving its membership in the EU as an opportunity to reenergize its foreign policy through Europeanization, Austria has displayed little interest in developing an active foreign policy profile within, or through, the EU. While membership in the EU meant a broadening of Austria's foreign policy agenda – as Austria became involved in a broad range of international issues and started to participate in the multi-level negotiation process of the EU-its main contributions to European foreign policy occurred in areas close to its national interest, as exemplified by its active role in the Western Balkans. Simultaneously, EU membership placed considerable constraints on Austria's formerly independent national foreign policy, especially on Austria's neutrality. This special issue brings together different international scholars with a longstanding expertise on different aspects of Austrian foreign policy that they will cover to take stock of the Europeanization of Austrian foreign policy two decades after it joined the EU.
Zum Zeitpunkt seines EU Beitritts 1995 musste Österreich seine außenpolitische Rolle in einer neuen Weltordnung neu de-finieren. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde dabei allerdings nicht systematisch genutzt, um durch eine Europäisierung nationaler Außenpolitik an globalem Einfluss und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten zu gewinnen. Österreich hat insgesamt eher wenig Interesse gezeigt, eine aktive Rolle innerhalb der europäischen Außenpolitik zu entwickeln. Während die EU Mit-gliedschaft eine signifikante Ausweitung der außenpolitischen Agenda bedeutet und Österreich sich in die Prozesse euro-päischer Politikgestaltung integriert hat, blieb der Schwerpunkt der österreichischen Diplomatie weitgehend auf nationale außenpolitische Interessen fokussiert. Dies zeigt sich etwa an der aktiven Rolle Österreichs im Rahmen der europäischen Politik gegenüber dem Westbalkan. Gleichzeitig kam es im Zuge der EU Mitgliedschaft zu Beschränkungen der einst unab-hängigen österreichischen Außenpolitik, gerade etwa in Bezug auf Österreichs Neutralität. Dieses Schwerpunkheft vereinigt internationale Experten, um 20 Jahre nach dem EU Beitritt bilanzieren über den Stand der Europäisierung verschiedener Aspekte österreichischer Außenpolitik. Insbesondere thematisieren die einzelnen Beiträge die Bereiche Kooperation in der Außen-und Sicherheitspolitik, Entwicklungspolitik, sowie die Veränderungen diplomatischer Praktiken und Institutionen.
in David Spence & Jozef Bátora (eds) (2015): The European External Action Service. European Diplo... more in David Spence & Jozef Bátora (eds) (2015): The European External Action Service. European Diplomacy Post-Westphalia. Palsgrave.
in framework of TEMPUS project "Innovating Teaching and Learning in European Studies" (INOTLES)
... more in framework of TEMPUS project "Innovating Teaching and Learning in European Studies" (INOTLES)
see: www.inotles.eu
This article examines the interplay of the maturation of the EU’s identity as an international fo... more This article examines the interplay of the maturation of the EU’s identity as an international foreign and security actor with the institutionalisation of its foreign and security architecture. While the formal policy- and decision-making modes within the CFSP/CSDP have changed little during the past 25 years, the EU’s international identity did still change over time, potentially indicating a “coming of age”. How can we explain this maturation of the EU’s foreign and security identity despite the critique of the EU’s inefficiency and lack of adequateness in security policy? By means of re-interpreting existing scholarship, we argue that the relative maturation of the EU’s foreign and security identity since the Lisbon Treaty is not so much linked to formal institutional change (“maturation by design”), but rather to changing informal institutional practice and the selection and use of respective instruments (“maturation by practice”). This dynamic, we argue, is due to an interplay of internal and external factors, accompanied by ongoing socialisation of member states in how they perceive the nature of the CFSP/CSDP and the EU as an international foreign and security actor.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought war back to the European continent and led to conside... more The Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought war back to the European continent and led to considerable change in EU member states’ foreign policies. The consequential degree of EU foreign policy unity, as well as shifts in long-lasting national and collective security and defence taboos, has represented a significant departure from past practices. We use these processes of change as a starting point to set the scene for this special issue and to inform its main research question: in what manner, if at all, has the EU come of age as a foreign and security actor during Russia’s war on Ukraine? This introduction situates the main question of the special issue into the wider scholarly debates on actorness and the EU’s geopolitical ambitions. It conceptually develops the analogy of “coming of age” to examine a prospective maturation process of the EU as a foreign and security actor. In doing so, it not only interrogates what the EU as a mature foreign and security actor would look like, but it also develops the framework, identifies four maturation processes and reflects on necessary caveats for drawing inferences about the state of maturation of the EU as foreign and security actor.
EU foreign policy is highly dependent on EU member states, but we still lack a coherent conceptua... more EU foreign policy is highly dependent on EU member states, but we still lack a coherent conceptual framework that does justice to the interdependences and co-constitutive relations between EU countries. Building on relational theory and social psychology, we develop a social relational model about group emotions in the Council that conceptualises under what conditions emotions play a role in EU foreign policy decision-making. We formulate scope conditions detailing when the performance of emotions might allow member states to accumulate relational power (e.g. process power), which can in turn allow for the emergence of group emotions and even drive policy changes. Most notably, we shed light on group dynamics within the Council, determining if and how group emotions inform the EU´s policy response to norm contestation. Our framework helps understand why processes of emotional appraisal, contagion, and emergence might sometimes help propel the EU into action, whereas other times they seem to have little or no effect.
The adoption of active learning pedagogy and, later, the institution of the employability agenda ... more The adoption of active learning pedagogy and, later, the institution of the employability agenda in Higher Education have resulted in a severe loss of agency for academics and students in the Social Sciences. In this article, we reflect on our experiences of applying active learning methods. We argue that we have been part of a change that has occasioned a loss of key skills development, especially those associated with traditional learning and academic thinking. An overly headlong rush to implement the "new" over the "old" saw the discarding of certain skills central to the active learning agenda. Further, the emphasis on student satisfaction, professionalisation and quality assurance pushed the academic to the sidelines, to the detriment of Higher Education. We, therefore, first critique the skills debate and identify shortcomings in the active learning application that emerged from that debate. We focus on the skills emphasised in practice, how they are portrayed in opposition (instead of complementarity) to academic skills, and how they undermine the agency academics and students really require. Next, we propose a reconsideration of necessary but undervalued skills like reading, listening and note-taking.
The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decad... more The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy cooperation. In the decade since, most scholarship has focused on the High Representative and EEAS. Far less consideration has been given to its consequences for member states' ownership of foreign policy. This article therefore examines how these institutional reforms have affected the Political and Security Committee (PSC), established to enable member states to better manage EU foreign policy cooperation. Drawing on new empirical data, it shows that the PSC has found its capacity to act as strategic agenda-setter increasingly constrained because of greater opportunities for activism by the HRVP and EEAS; and by the emergence of the European Council as the key arbiter in foreign policy decision-making. While this indicates the PSC today finds it harder to perform the role originally assigned to it, it is gaining alternative relevance through an emerging oversight role, which has implications for member states' EU foreign policy engagement.
Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the Europ... more Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international cooperation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve-in a manner unprecedented in European integration history-the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This argumentative essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainable means of international engagement.
Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the Europ... more Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international cooperation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve-in a manner unprecedented in European integration history-the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainable means of international engagement.
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on how specific ideas were put into practice in a hands-on and reflective manner. It seeks to tip into what works and why and how we as educators deal with challenges. Contributions engage with teaching EU foreign policy via Problem-based learning (Tonra 2020), research-led teaching by linking policy briefs and employability (Lightfoot 2020), responsive teaching in times of radical change (O ́Mahony 2020), and synchronous teaching among 13 universities (Plank and Niemann 2020). They offer insights into increasing the ownership of students, raise awareness of their subjectivity, stimulate critical thinking, or enhance student ́s media skills as well as to foster their employability. All contributions showcase the added value of the applied innovations, but also discuss obstacles that
need to be considered in the conceptualisation and implementation of the proposed active approaches
In engaging with diplomatic and European studies, the special issue conceptually and empirically investigates the meaning of European diplomacy and the extent of European cooperation abroad. It shows the following:
• EU delegations fulfill most diplomatic functions generally associated with embassies. In fact, European cooperation abroad goes beyond traditional diplomacy, as EU delegations play a key role in coordinating EU actors and member states’ diplomats on the ground.
• At the same time, EU delegations are not replacing diplomatic activities of EU member states. They are constrained by the division of competences in EU law. There are also no additional human or financial resources to do so. Rather, EU delegations reinforce a form of network diplomacy by establishing a new diplomatic site. They promote the multilateralization of EU member states´ bilateral relations with non-member countries.
• EU external action remains a hybrid construct. The manner and degree of this new site of diplomatic practices depends on national diplomats’ practices on the ground as well as on the host country’s reaction.
In diesem Beitrag teilen wir unsere Erfahrungen mit dem Kurs Negotiation Skills (Verhandlungskompetenzen) an der Universität Maastricht, in welchem StudentInnen genau die oben beschriebenen Verteilungs- und Verhandlungs- prozesse bewusst erleben und Ihr Verhalten darin wiederholt zu verbessern ver- suchen. In drei Seminaren und drei Simulationen zu EU Verhandlungen können die StudentInnen ihre Verhandlungskompetenzen graduell aufbauen sowie ver- schiedene Verhandlungsszenarien erleben. Unser Beitrag diskutiert die Logik des Kursaufbaus und erklärt anhand von anschaulichen Beispielen die Entscheidun- gen im Hinblick auf ein kohärentes Zusammenspiel zwischen Kurszielen, Simu- lationsdesign, Aufgaben und Bewertung. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, das Kursdesign kritisch zu diskutieren, sowie auf mögliche Herausforderungen für die erfolgrei- che Umsetzung eines solches Kursen als aktives Lernwerkzeug in European Stu- dies hinzuweisen.
For more info see: http://www.eufp.eu/teaching
Zum Zeitpunkt seines EU Beitritts 1995 musste Österreich seine außenpolitische Rolle in einer neuen Weltordnung neu de-finieren. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde dabei allerdings nicht systematisch genutzt, um durch eine Europäisierung nationaler Außenpolitik an globalem Einfluss und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten zu gewinnen. Österreich hat insgesamt eher wenig Interesse gezeigt, eine aktive Rolle innerhalb der europäischen Außenpolitik zu entwickeln. Während die EU Mit-gliedschaft eine signifikante Ausweitung der außenpolitischen Agenda bedeutet und Österreich sich in die Prozesse euro-päischer Politikgestaltung integriert hat, blieb der Schwerpunkt der österreichischen Diplomatie weitgehend auf nationale außenpolitische Interessen fokussiert. Dies zeigt sich etwa an der aktiven Rolle Österreichs im Rahmen der europäischen Politik gegenüber dem Westbalkan. Gleichzeitig kam es im Zuge der EU Mitgliedschaft zu Beschränkungen der einst unab-hängigen österreichischen Außenpolitik, gerade etwa in Bezug auf Österreichs Neutralität. Dieses Schwerpunkheft vereinigt internationale Experten, um 20 Jahre nach dem EU Beitritt bilanzieren über den Stand der Europäisierung verschiedener Aspekte österreichischer Außenpolitik. Insbesondere thematisieren die einzelnen Beiträge die Bereiche Kooperation in der Außen-und Sicherheitspolitik, Entwicklungspolitik, sowie die Veränderungen diplomatischer Praktiken und Institutionen.
see: www.inotles.eu
on how specific ideas were put into practice in a hands-on and reflective manner. It seeks to tip into what works and why and how we as educators deal with challenges. Contributions engage with teaching EU foreign policy via Problem-based learning (Tonra 2020), research-led teaching by linking policy briefs and employability (Lightfoot 2020), responsive teaching in times of radical change (O ́Mahony 2020), and synchronous teaching among 13 universities (Plank and Niemann 2020). They offer insights into increasing the ownership of students, raise awareness of their subjectivity, stimulate critical thinking, or enhance student ́s media skills as well as to foster their employability. All contributions showcase the added value of the applied innovations, but also discuss obstacles that
need to be considered in the conceptualisation and implementation of the proposed active approaches
In engaging with diplomatic and European studies, the special issue conceptually and empirically investigates the meaning of European diplomacy and the extent of European cooperation abroad. It shows the following:
• EU delegations fulfill most diplomatic functions generally associated with embassies. In fact, European cooperation abroad goes beyond traditional diplomacy, as EU delegations play a key role in coordinating EU actors and member states’ diplomats on the ground.
• At the same time, EU delegations are not replacing diplomatic activities of EU member states. They are constrained by the division of competences in EU law. There are also no additional human or financial resources to do so. Rather, EU delegations reinforce a form of network diplomacy by establishing a new diplomatic site. They promote the multilateralization of EU member states´ bilateral relations with non-member countries.
• EU external action remains a hybrid construct. The manner and degree of this new site of diplomatic practices depends on national diplomats’ practices on the ground as well as on the host country’s reaction.
In diesem Beitrag teilen wir unsere Erfahrungen mit dem Kurs Negotiation Skills (Verhandlungskompetenzen) an der Universität Maastricht, in welchem StudentInnen genau die oben beschriebenen Verteilungs- und Verhandlungs- prozesse bewusst erleben und Ihr Verhalten darin wiederholt zu verbessern ver- suchen. In drei Seminaren und drei Simulationen zu EU Verhandlungen können die StudentInnen ihre Verhandlungskompetenzen graduell aufbauen sowie ver- schiedene Verhandlungsszenarien erleben. Unser Beitrag diskutiert die Logik des Kursaufbaus und erklärt anhand von anschaulichen Beispielen die Entscheidun- gen im Hinblick auf ein kohärentes Zusammenspiel zwischen Kurszielen, Simu- lationsdesign, Aufgaben und Bewertung. Ziel des Beitrags ist es, das Kursdesign kritisch zu diskutieren, sowie auf mögliche Herausforderungen für die erfolgrei- che Umsetzung eines solches Kursen als aktives Lernwerkzeug in European Stu- dies hinzuweisen.
For more info see: http://www.eufp.eu/teaching
Zum Zeitpunkt seines EU Beitritts 1995 musste Österreich seine außenpolitische Rolle in einer neuen Weltordnung neu de-finieren. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde dabei allerdings nicht systematisch genutzt, um durch eine Europäisierung nationaler Außenpolitik an globalem Einfluss und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten zu gewinnen. Österreich hat insgesamt eher wenig Interesse gezeigt, eine aktive Rolle innerhalb der europäischen Außenpolitik zu entwickeln. Während die EU Mit-gliedschaft eine signifikante Ausweitung der außenpolitischen Agenda bedeutet und Österreich sich in die Prozesse euro-päischer Politikgestaltung integriert hat, blieb der Schwerpunkt der österreichischen Diplomatie weitgehend auf nationale außenpolitische Interessen fokussiert. Dies zeigt sich etwa an der aktiven Rolle Österreichs im Rahmen der europäischen Politik gegenüber dem Westbalkan. Gleichzeitig kam es im Zuge der EU Mitgliedschaft zu Beschränkungen der einst unab-hängigen österreichischen Außenpolitik, gerade etwa in Bezug auf Österreichs Neutralität. Dieses Schwerpunkheft vereinigt internationale Experten, um 20 Jahre nach dem EU Beitritt bilanzieren über den Stand der Europäisierung verschiedener Aspekte österreichischer Außenpolitik. Insbesondere thematisieren die einzelnen Beiträge die Bereiche Kooperation in der Außen-und Sicherheitspolitik, Entwicklungspolitik, sowie die Veränderungen diplomatischer Praktiken und Institutionen.
see: www.inotles.eu