Giacomo Orsini is a postdoctoral researcher of the Université Catholique de Louvain, where he collaborates to the LIMA project exploring how national and European law influence migrants’ trajectories in Belgium. He also teaches international migration at the Université Libre de Bruxelles, and he is an associate member of the Institute for European Studies of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Since 2008 he has conducted several fieldwork studies along the European external border, both on land as well as at sea – in Melilla and Morocco, Malta, Lampedusa, Fuerteventura and the Strait of Gibraltar. Developing as multi-sited ethnographies, he has conducted field research also in Brussels and other regional as well as national policymaking centres. Dr Orsini’s main areas of interests are the European and global governance of migration, border management, the multiplication of physical and non-physical boundaries, the securitization of migration, governmentality, and the sociology of maritime communities. He has a record of publications in peer-reviewed international journals, and he has presented his findings at a number of conferences in Europe, India, China and the US. He is also a documentarist and has often engaged with non-academic audiences as he consulted policymakers, or presented his researches at workshops, festivals and other events open to the public.
The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat... more The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat and an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the small enclave. Yet, an in-depth socio-historical analysis of local cross-border relations over the 20th century, shows how the Gibraltarian national identity and local government originate from the border rather than in opposition to it. The fencing of the frontier imposed by the Franco’s regime between 1969-1985 allows the discursive (re)production of a Gibraltarian identity distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours - and, in part, from that of the English colonisers.
Institutional Racism (IR) in Europe is rarely mentioned in studies of race-based discrimination. ... more Institutional Racism (IR) in Europe is rarely mentioned in studies of race-based discrimination. Yet, structural racism occurs within most European societies. Due to the increasing securitization of immigration, countries have introduced several (in)formal strategies to exclude foreign populations. Given that, we propose an updated way of conceptualizing IR to uncover contemporary manifestations and practices of structural racist discrimination in a European country. By concentrating on the case of Belgium and, in particular, on family reunification, we first operationalize Agamben’s “state of exception” to show how exceptional measures applying to non-nationals conflict with other constitutional and international legal frameworks. As we discuss, such incompatible legal tools generate space for racist considerations to drive judicial decisions involving non-nationals. Second, in relying on Foucault’s governmentality, we explore migrants’ everyday experience of administrative discrimination – as the same procedures are implemented differently on foreigners of diverse nationalities.
Bordering on Britishness National Identity in Gibraltar from the Spanish Civil War to Brexit (ed. by Andrew Canessa), Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019
In 1940, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco launched a propaganda campaign, usually known as ‘... more In 1940, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco launched a propaganda campaign, usually known as ‘Gibraltar, español’ [Gibraltar for Spain], aimed at the re-establishment of Spanish sovereignty over this tiny British colony on the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula. Gibraltarians opposed Franco, who soon became their common enemy, performing their loyalty to the UK. Our chapter explores the extent to which Franco’s campaign, which culminated in the closure of the border in 1969, has shaped Gibraltarians’ national identity and has promoted a concomitant growing antipathy to Spanishness in Gibraltar. We demonstrate that Franco’s foreign policy not only helped the construction of Gibraltar’s national identity but that the remembrance of the Spanish dictatorship still shapes the way Gibraltarians see both Spain and themselves. This history largely accounts for Gibraltarians’ antipathy to joint sovereignty proposed by the Blair government and once again proposed by Madrid in the wake of Brexit.
In: Canessa A. (eds) Bordering on Britishness. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2019
In recent decades, scholars of nationalism have paid increasing attention to the role of ethnicit... more In recent decades, scholars of nationalism have paid increasing attention to the role of ethnicity in the formation of nations. In fact, nationalist narratives often structure the nation around a core ethnic group and a hegemonic language. Nevertheless, there are communities (such as many former colonies) which cannot easily define their nationhood in terms of a shared ethnic background, and Gibraltar is one such example. It offers an exceptional opportunity to shed light on the political strategies for the creation of a discursive common ethnicity from a community with a very culturally diverse background.
With two powerful countries determining their identity, Gibraltarians found it difficult to develop their own national narrative, much less a claim for independence. In the 1940s, however, the Spanish dictator, General Franco, began a campaign to recover Gibraltar, and it was during this campaign that Gibraltarians developed the clearest articulation of their unique collective identity through a nationalist discourse that would make them new British subjects, albeit with their own ethnic peculiarities.
This chapter analyses how a nationalist narrative helped Gibraltarians form their own ethnic identity, incorporating, at least discursively, a diverse ethnic background that would make the Gibraltarian a ‘melting pot’. It explores how political actors gave birth to a new British subject, the Gibraltarian, during the postwar period, and charts the reception of this ideological discourse on the Rock.
In: Canessa A. (eds) Bordering on Britishness. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2019
This chapter offers a critical analysis of the functioning of the border dividing Gibraltar from ... more This chapter offers a critical analysis of the functioning of the border dividing Gibraltar from Spain. Whereas the management of this frontier is frequently contested by the inhabitants and the government of the Rock, and often causes tense disputes between the UK and Spain, this chapter challenges views of the border as a threat or an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the tiny enclave. Here, Gibraltar is analysed instead as a microstate whose inhabitants’ identity and practices of self-government generate from the border—rather than in opposition to it. By concentrating on the period when the frontier between Gibraltar and the neighbouring Spanish town of La Línea de la Concepción was closed by Franco’s regime, we show how the tightening of the frontier allowed the discursive production of a Gibraltarian national identity as distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours–as well as, partly, from that of the British colonial masters—that played a central role for the partial decolonisation of Gibraltar. Here, we discuss the border between Gibraltar and the Spanish town of La Línea as a security apparatus that stays at the foundations of Gibraltarians’ ambiguous articulation of independent self-government and British control.
Barrier and Bridge: Spanish and Gibraltarian Perspectives on Their Border (edited by Andrew Canessa), Brighton: Sussex Academic Press / Canada Blanch Centre, LSE,, 2018
In Gibraltar one often hears that it is “an example to the world” because good harmony prevails a... more In Gibraltar one often hears that it is “an example to the world” because good harmony prevails among the great variety of ethnic and religious groups coexisting in this tiny British Overseas Territory on the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula. Over the last century, religious tolerance and ethnic diversity became two important identity markers of Gibraltar’s nationhood. This paper analyses the political origins and instrumentalisation of this multicultural discourse, which emerged in the shadows of the diplomatic dispute between the UK and Spain over Gibraltar’s sovereignty. We argue that, from the 1940s onwards, Gibraltar’s political authorities have emphasised the multi-ethnic composition of the population to demonstrate a unique identity, while simultaneously downplaying Spanish cultural influence over the territory. This paper also explores how many Gibraltarians have embraced this multicultural discourse as it has come to define their identity.
To deter, detect, detain and deport: European policies to manage and control third-country- natio... more To deter, detect, detain and deport: European policies to manage and control third-country- nationals’ cross-border mobility and residence have become increasingly restrictive and securitized. But does this strategy really work?
Brexit was presented as the solution for Britain to take back control of its national borders. Ho... more Brexit was presented as the solution for Britain to take back control of its national borders. However, a closer look at a Mediterranean British border shows that Brexit could weaken the ability of UK authorities to manage and reduce unauthorised migration to the country.
In order to show how the permanent migrant crisis in Italy and Europe works to enable mafia group... more In order to show how the permanent migrant crisis in Italy and Europe works to enable mafia groups to illicitly access substantial public funding, we concentrate here on a primary case study and two corollary, but connected to one another, ones. First, and most importantly, we look at the iconic borderland of Lampedusa. The case of this tiny Sicilian island is extremely emblematic to show how emergency became the new normal of migration management in Italy – and in Europe. An analysis of the events involving the local migrants and asylum seekers’ reception centre demonstrates how emergencies attracted increasing EU funds to this otherwise isolated community. It also demonstrates how the emergency allowed for the expansion of a grey area which favoured corruption and, with it, the infiltration of mafias’ interests in the local governance of migration. Thus, we move northwards, in Calabria, to concentrate further on the involvement of Calabrian mafia in the management of the biggest reception centre of Europe, in Crotone. This case confirms how the inflow of substantial public funding in a territory with dense mafia presence favours concurrent predatory governance practices. Finally, we briefly look at the Mafia Capitale case in Rome, which involved a local criminal group that, according to prosecutors, organized itself as a mafia group. This latest case shows how the availability of EU and national funds distributed within a declared emergency, provide a set of opportunities for criminal groups with the right institutional connections - up to the office of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Forthcoming: Orsini G. and A. Sergi (2018) The emergency business. Migrants reception, mafia interests and glocal governance: from Lampedusa to Rome, in P.C. Van Duyne et al. ‘Cross Border Crime Colloquium 2017’ Wolf Legal Publishers, Oisterwijk
Beyond their most physical manifestations as fences, gates and border guards, international borde... more Beyond their most physical manifestations as fences, gates and border guards, international borders are social constructs experienced by individuals as they traverse them. Anchored on the ground as relatively fixed lines, international borders transform through time as the crossing is alternatively allowed or hindered depending on changing relations between countries. This is especially true given the social, cultural, and economic structures generated on either side of the border. In this article, we draw on three studies conducted since 2008: Melilla and Morocco, Lampedusa and Tunisia, Gibraltar and Spain. Looking at the recent history of local cross-border relations, this work analyzes how the tightening of previously porous borders altered existing sociocultural, economic and political relations on both sides of the frontier. As Lampedusa and Melilla became points on Europe’s external border, the almost osmotic cross-border relations previously experienced by locals diminished significantly: profound changes challenged their perception of identity and otherness. Similarly, throughout the 20th century, the Gibraltar/Spain border operated both as a bridge across related communities, and as an almost insurmountable barrier when it was closed (1969–1982). This work explores the many ways in which borders transform local linguistic, cultural and economic constellations of neighboring “Others.”
Immigration to Europe increasingly emerges as a core security concern. In response to these growi... more Immigration to Europe increasingly emerges as a core security concern. In response to these growing anxieties the external border of Schengen space of free movement of people was established to limit uncontrolled immigration to the European Union. Yet, looking closely at how this border works in Lampedusa and its surrounding seawaters, one realizes the functioning of the European external border works to undermine the legitimacy of institutions on the island, de facto challenging law enforcement both on the island as well as at sea. Based on the data collected during the six-months-long fieldwork that I conducted on the island, this paper disentangles the complex machinery of the border as it structures in Lampedusa, and presents how such complex governing technology works through authorities’ strategic use of local land and seawaters and their simultaneous neglect for the concerns of the population inhabiting them – representing a major source of insecurity for islanders.
At the very core of the development and harmonization of EU migration and asylum policies resides... more At the very core of the development and harmonization of EU migration and asylum policies resides the construction of the Schengen space of free movement of people. To the dismantling of EU internal borders corresponds the construction of a European external boundary progressively broadening with the enlarging of the EU. In this frame Malta, as a recently accessed EU member state, turned out to be part of this widening European external boundary. As one of the most visible and locally sensitive consequences, since 2004 the island-state became the destiny of thousands of boat-migrants coming from the coasts of north-Africa. Following EU directives and policies the national response to such unexpected phenomena has been articulated mainly through the opening of numerous detention centres and the creation of diverse legal statuses for migrants. As a direct effect of such implementation and interpretation of EU migration and asylum policies quot; in particular the DublinRegulation - a q...
Starting from a definition of the meanings of postcolonialism and postcoloniality taken into cons... more Starting from a definition of the meanings of postcolonialism and postcoloniality taken into consideration, the aim of the thesis is to investigate the image of Europe perceived in a certain non-European academic context. Specifically, the work follows by analysing how postcoloniality and postcolonialism influence the teachings at the Sociology and English departments of the University of Pune, in India, trying to describe the main features of the relations within Indian and European academic knowledges. As a result of three months field study in the Indian city and university, the research finally discuss the European experiences and impressions of three local students who went to Europe for a student exchange programme. In this way, once defined the educational background of the three interviewees, it has been possible to understand how their direct interaction with Europe shaped their perception of it. In this way, it has been also possible to conceptualize and describe some of t...
Expanding the view beyond institutional racism, the article explores how the socio-cultural shift... more Expanding the view beyond institutional racism, the article explores how the socio-cultural shift that Europeanization generated in the tiny island of Lampedusa influences islanders' attitudes towards boat migrants.
Starting from a historical reconstruction and a socio-political analysis of a reality as particul... more Starting from a historical reconstruction and a socio-political analysis of a reality as particular as that of the Spanish enclave of Melilla - situtated in the eastern part of the Mediterranean coast of Morocco, only 100 km away from the Algerian border - the authors reflect on the dynamics of the European space along its external boundaries with particular reference to the Hispanic-Moroccan case and the phenomenon of migration which distinguishes it. The study is the result of fieldwork conducted by the authors, part of which is presented here.
The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat... more The border separating/unifying Gibraltar with Spain is reproduced in public discourse as a threat and an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the small enclave. Yet, an in-depth socio-historical analysis of local cross-border relations over the 20th century, shows how the Gibraltarian national identity and local government originate from the border rather than in opposition to it. The fencing of the frontier imposed by the Franco’s regime between 1969-1985 allows the discursive (re)production of a Gibraltarian identity distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours - and, in part, from that of the English colonisers.
Institutional Racism (IR) in Europe is rarely mentioned in studies of race-based discrimination. ... more Institutional Racism (IR) in Europe is rarely mentioned in studies of race-based discrimination. Yet, structural racism occurs within most European societies. Due to the increasing securitization of immigration, countries have introduced several (in)formal strategies to exclude foreign populations. Given that, we propose an updated way of conceptualizing IR to uncover contemporary manifestations and practices of structural racist discrimination in a European country. By concentrating on the case of Belgium and, in particular, on family reunification, we first operationalize Agamben’s “state of exception” to show how exceptional measures applying to non-nationals conflict with other constitutional and international legal frameworks. As we discuss, such incompatible legal tools generate space for racist considerations to drive judicial decisions involving non-nationals. Second, in relying on Foucault’s governmentality, we explore migrants’ everyday experience of administrative discrimination – as the same procedures are implemented differently on foreigners of diverse nationalities.
Bordering on Britishness National Identity in Gibraltar from the Spanish Civil War to Brexit (ed. by Andrew Canessa), Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019
In 1940, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco launched a propaganda campaign, usually known as ‘... more In 1940, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco launched a propaganda campaign, usually known as ‘Gibraltar, español’ [Gibraltar for Spain], aimed at the re-establishment of Spanish sovereignty over this tiny British colony on the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula. Gibraltarians opposed Franco, who soon became their common enemy, performing their loyalty to the UK. Our chapter explores the extent to which Franco’s campaign, which culminated in the closure of the border in 1969, has shaped Gibraltarians’ national identity and has promoted a concomitant growing antipathy to Spanishness in Gibraltar. We demonstrate that Franco’s foreign policy not only helped the construction of Gibraltar’s national identity but that the remembrance of the Spanish dictatorship still shapes the way Gibraltarians see both Spain and themselves. This history largely accounts for Gibraltarians’ antipathy to joint sovereignty proposed by the Blair government and once again proposed by Madrid in the wake of Brexit.
In: Canessa A. (eds) Bordering on Britishness. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2019
In recent decades, scholars of nationalism have paid increasing attention to the role of ethnicit... more In recent decades, scholars of nationalism have paid increasing attention to the role of ethnicity in the formation of nations. In fact, nationalist narratives often structure the nation around a core ethnic group and a hegemonic language. Nevertheless, there are communities (such as many former colonies) which cannot easily define their nationhood in terms of a shared ethnic background, and Gibraltar is one such example. It offers an exceptional opportunity to shed light on the political strategies for the creation of a discursive common ethnicity from a community with a very culturally diverse background.
With two powerful countries determining their identity, Gibraltarians found it difficult to develop their own national narrative, much less a claim for independence. In the 1940s, however, the Spanish dictator, General Franco, began a campaign to recover Gibraltar, and it was during this campaign that Gibraltarians developed the clearest articulation of their unique collective identity through a nationalist discourse that would make them new British subjects, albeit with their own ethnic peculiarities.
This chapter analyses how a nationalist narrative helped Gibraltarians form their own ethnic identity, incorporating, at least discursively, a diverse ethnic background that would make the Gibraltarian a ‘melting pot’. It explores how political actors gave birth to a new British subject, the Gibraltarian, during the postwar period, and charts the reception of this ideological discourse on the Rock.
In: Canessa A. (eds) Bordering on Britishness. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2019
This chapter offers a critical analysis of the functioning of the border dividing Gibraltar from ... more This chapter offers a critical analysis of the functioning of the border dividing Gibraltar from Spain. Whereas the management of this frontier is frequently contested by the inhabitants and the government of the Rock, and often causes tense disputes between the UK and Spain, this chapter challenges views of the border as a threat or an obstacle to the normalisation of political life in the tiny enclave. Here, Gibraltar is analysed instead as a microstate whose inhabitants’ identity and practices of self-government generate from the border—rather than in opposition to it. By concentrating on the period when the frontier between Gibraltar and the neighbouring Spanish town of La Línea de la Concepción was closed by Franco’s regime, we show how the tightening of the frontier allowed the discursive production of a Gibraltarian national identity as distinct from that of the Spanish neighbours–as well as, partly, from that of the British colonial masters—that played a central role for the partial decolonisation of Gibraltar. Here, we discuss the border between Gibraltar and the Spanish town of La Línea as a security apparatus that stays at the foundations of Gibraltarians’ ambiguous articulation of independent self-government and British control.
Barrier and Bridge: Spanish and Gibraltarian Perspectives on Their Border (edited by Andrew Canessa), Brighton: Sussex Academic Press / Canada Blanch Centre, LSE,, 2018
In Gibraltar one often hears that it is “an example to the world” because good harmony prevails a... more In Gibraltar one often hears that it is “an example to the world” because good harmony prevails among the great variety of ethnic and religious groups coexisting in this tiny British Overseas Territory on the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula. Over the last century, religious tolerance and ethnic diversity became two important identity markers of Gibraltar’s nationhood. This paper analyses the political origins and instrumentalisation of this multicultural discourse, which emerged in the shadows of the diplomatic dispute between the UK and Spain over Gibraltar’s sovereignty. We argue that, from the 1940s onwards, Gibraltar’s political authorities have emphasised the multi-ethnic composition of the population to demonstrate a unique identity, while simultaneously downplaying Spanish cultural influence over the territory. This paper also explores how many Gibraltarians have embraced this multicultural discourse as it has come to define their identity.
To deter, detect, detain and deport: European policies to manage and control third-country- natio... more To deter, detect, detain and deport: European policies to manage and control third-country- nationals’ cross-border mobility and residence have become increasingly restrictive and securitized. But does this strategy really work?
Brexit was presented as the solution for Britain to take back control of its national borders. Ho... more Brexit was presented as the solution for Britain to take back control of its national borders. However, a closer look at a Mediterranean British border shows that Brexit could weaken the ability of UK authorities to manage and reduce unauthorised migration to the country.
In order to show how the permanent migrant crisis in Italy and Europe works to enable mafia group... more In order to show how the permanent migrant crisis in Italy and Europe works to enable mafia groups to illicitly access substantial public funding, we concentrate here on a primary case study and two corollary, but connected to one another, ones. First, and most importantly, we look at the iconic borderland of Lampedusa. The case of this tiny Sicilian island is extremely emblematic to show how emergency became the new normal of migration management in Italy – and in Europe. An analysis of the events involving the local migrants and asylum seekers’ reception centre demonstrates how emergencies attracted increasing EU funds to this otherwise isolated community. It also demonstrates how the emergency allowed for the expansion of a grey area which favoured corruption and, with it, the infiltration of mafias’ interests in the local governance of migration. Thus, we move northwards, in Calabria, to concentrate further on the involvement of Calabrian mafia in the management of the biggest reception centre of Europe, in Crotone. This case confirms how the inflow of substantial public funding in a territory with dense mafia presence favours concurrent predatory governance practices. Finally, we briefly look at the Mafia Capitale case in Rome, which involved a local criminal group that, according to prosecutors, organized itself as a mafia group. This latest case shows how the availability of EU and national funds distributed within a declared emergency, provide a set of opportunities for criminal groups with the right institutional connections - up to the office of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Forthcoming: Orsini G. and A. Sergi (2018) The emergency business. Migrants reception, mafia interests and glocal governance: from Lampedusa to Rome, in P.C. Van Duyne et al. ‘Cross Border Crime Colloquium 2017’ Wolf Legal Publishers, Oisterwijk
Beyond their most physical manifestations as fences, gates and border guards, international borde... more Beyond their most physical manifestations as fences, gates and border guards, international borders are social constructs experienced by individuals as they traverse them. Anchored on the ground as relatively fixed lines, international borders transform through time as the crossing is alternatively allowed or hindered depending on changing relations between countries. This is especially true given the social, cultural, and economic structures generated on either side of the border. In this article, we draw on three studies conducted since 2008: Melilla and Morocco, Lampedusa and Tunisia, Gibraltar and Spain. Looking at the recent history of local cross-border relations, this work analyzes how the tightening of previously porous borders altered existing sociocultural, economic and political relations on both sides of the frontier. As Lampedusa and Melilla became points on Europe’s external border, the almost osmotic cross-border relations previously experienced by locals diminished significantly: profound changes challenged their perception of identity and otherness. Similarly, throughout the 20th century, the Gibraltar/Spain border operated both as a bridge across related communities, and as an almost insurmountable barrier when it was closed (1969–1982). This work explores the many ways in which borders transform local linguistic, cultural and economic constellations of neighboring “Others.”
Immigration to Europe increasingly emerges as a core security concern. In response to these growi... more Immigration to Europe increasingly emerges as a core security concern. In response to these growing anxieties the external border of Schengen space of free movement of people was established to limit uncontrolled immigration to the European Union. Yet, looking closely at how this border works in Lampedusa and its surrounding seawaters, one realizes the functioning of the European external border works to undermine the legitimacy of institutions on the island, de facto challenging law enforcement both on the island as well as at sea. Based on the data collected during the six-months-long fieldwork that I conducted on the island, this paper disentangles the complex machinery of the border as it structures in Lampedusa, and presents how such complex governing technology works through authorities’ strategic use of local land and seawaters and their simultaneous neglect for the concerns of the population inhabiting them – representing a major source of insecurity for islanders.
At the very core of the development and harmonization of EU migration and asylum policies resides... more At the very core of the development and harmonization of EU migration and asylum policies resides the construction of the Schengen space of free movement of people. To the dismantling of EU internal borders corresponds the construction of a European external boundary progressively broadening with the enlarging of the EU. In this frame Malta, as a recently accessed EU member state, turned out to be part of this widening European external boundary. As one of the most visible and locally sensitive consequences, since 2004 the island-state became the destiny of thousands of boat-migrants coming from the coasts of north-Africa. Following EU directives and policies the national response to such unexpected phenomena has been articulated mainly through the opening of numerous detention centres and the creation of diverse legal statuses for migrants. As a direct effect of such implementation and interpretation of EU migration and asylum policies quot; in particular the DublinRegulation - a q...
Starting from a definition of the meanings of postcolonialism and postcoloniality taken into cons... more Starting from a definition of the meanings of postcolonialism and postcoloniality taken into consideration, the aim of the thesis is to investigate the image of Europe perceived in a certain non-European academic context. Specifically, the work follows by analysing how postcoloniality and postcolonialism influence the teachings at the Sociology and English departments of the University of Pune, in India, trying to describe the main features of the relations within Indian and European academic knowledges. As a result of three months field study in the Indian city and university, the research finally discuss the European experiences and impressions of three local students who went to Europe for a student exchange programme. In this way, once defined the educational background of the three interviewees, it has been possible to understand how their direct interaction with Europe shaped their perception of it. In this way, it has been also possible to conceptualize and describe some of t...
Expanding the view beyond institutional racism, the article explores how the socio-cultural shift... more Expanding the view beyond institutional racism, the article explores how the socio-cultural shift that Europeanization generated in the tiny island of Lampedusa influences islanders' attitudes towards boat migrants.
Starting from a historical reconstruction and a socio-political analysis of a reality as particul... more Starting from a historical reconstruction and a socio-political analysis of a reality as particular as that of the Spanish enclave of Melilla - situtated in the eastern part of the Mediterranean coast of Morocco, only 100 km away from the Algerian border - the authors reflect on the dynamics of the European space along its external boundaries with particular reference to the Hispanic-Moroccan case and the phenomenon of migration which distinguishes it. The study is the result of fieldwork conducted by the authors, part of which is presented here.
Il capitolo esplora le recenti trasformazioni sociali e culturali della comunità di abitanti dell... more Il capitolo esplora le recenti trasformazioni sociali e culturali della comunità di abitanti dell'isola di Lampedusa e il difficile rapporto con le popolazioni migranti
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With two powerful countries determining their identity, Gibraltarians found it difficult to develop their own national narrative, much less a claim for independence. In the 1940s, however, the Spanish dictator, General Franco, began a campaign to recover Gibraltar, and it was during this campaign that Gibraltarians developed the clearest articulation of their unique collective identity through a nationalist discourse that would make them new British subjects, albeit with their own ethnic peculiarities.
This chapter analyses how a nationalist narrative helped Gibraltarians form their own ethnic identity, incorporating, at least discursively, a diverse ethnic background that would make the Gibraltarian a ‘melting pot’. It explores how political actors gave birth to a new British subject, the Gibraltarian, during the postwar period, and charts the reception of this ideological discourse on the Rock.
Thus, we move northwards, in Calabria, to concentrate further on the involvement of Calabrian mafia in the management of the biggest reception centre of Europe, in Crotone. This case confirms how the inflow of substantial public funding in a territory with dense mafia presence favours concurrent predatory governance practices.
Finally, we briefly look at the Mafia Capitale case in Rome, which involved a local criminal group that, according to prosecutors, organized itself as a mafia group. This latest case shows how the availability of EU and national funds distributed within a declared emergency, provide a set of opportunities for criminal groups with the right institutional connections - up to the office of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Forthcoming: Orsini G. and A. Sergi (2018) The emergency business. Migrants reception, mafia interests and glocal governance: from Lampedusa to Rome, in P.C. Van Duyne et al. ‘Cross Border Crime Colloquium 2017’ Wolf Legal Publishers, Oisterwijk
With two powerful countries determining their identity, Gibraltarians found it difficult to develop their own national narrative, much less a claim for independence. In the 1940s, however, the Spanish dictator, General Franco, began a campaign to recover Gibraltar, and it was during this campaign that Gibraltarians developed the clearest articulation of their unique collective identity through a nationalist discourse that would make them new British subjects, albeit with their own ethnic peculiarities.
This chapter analyses how a nationalist narrative helped Gibraltarians form their own ethnic identity, incorporating, at least discursively, a diverse ethnic background that would make the Gibraltarian a ‘melting pot’. It explores how political actors gave birth to a new British subject, the Gibraltarian, during the postwar period, and charts the reception of this ideological discourse on the Rock.
Thus, we move northwards, in Calabria, to concentrate further on the involvement of Calabrian mafia in the management of the biggest reception centre of Europe, in Crotone. This case confirms how the inflow of substantial public funding in a territory with dense mafia presence favours concurrent predatory governance practices.
Finally, we briefly look at the Mafia Capitale case in Rome, which involved a local criminal group that, according to prosecutors, organized itself as a mafia group. This latest case shows how the availability of EU and national funds distributed within a declared emergency, provide a set of opportunities for criminal groups with the right institutional connections - up to the office of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Forthcoming: Orsini G. and A. Sergi (2018) The emergency business. Migrants reception, mafia interests and glocal governance: from Lampedusa to Rome, in P.C. Van Duyne et al. ‘Cross Border Crime Colloquium 2017’ Wolf Legal Publishers, Oisterwijk