Papers by Erualdo Gonzalez
offer a range of scholarship examining the way socioeconomic and political change and urban polic... more offer a range of scholarship examining the way socioeconomic and political change and urban policy interventions influence the nature and functioning of cities with large Latino populations. They argue that the volume blends traditional critical urbanism perspectives with varied theoretical perspectives on political and policy interventions. The volume has three themes: (1) the limits of popular community development models in neighborhood and commercial spaces, (2) urban living experiences and the role of market-driven and racialized public policy, and (3) community organizations and change. Scholars with varied disciplinary backgrounds provide a mix of contemporary and historical case studies and essays. One group of readings examines the extent to which popular urban design principles are culturally and class appropriate and novel to Latino urban areas. Diaz argues that " barrio urbanism " (Diaz, 2005), a term he coined to refer to common lifeways in Mexican immigrant and Chicana/o barrios in the Southwest, requires acknowledgment in the mainstream planning literature. Barrio urbanism has been shown to involve normative planning and urban health ideals such as walking, socializing, using public transportation , and other environmental sustainable practices.
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Communities are sorted through differencing, the social construction of distinction. This, in tur... more Communities are sorted through differencing, the social construction of distinction. This, in turn, enables what we term social rendering: erasure of existing community and reimagination of an alternative one. This practice is founded upon an evolutionary notion of development as ecological succession, involving the intersectionality of race, class, and other markers. Such social genotyping leads to a genitocracy built around systems of differences. We examine the effect of present-day redevelopment practice on the Southern California community of Santa Ana. We illustrate how the processes of differencing and rendering undermine the sociocultural fabric of authentic community life.
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Latino City is the first book to examine the contemporary models of choice for revitalization of ... more Latino City is the first book to examine the contemporary models of choice for revitalization of US cities from the point of view of a Latina/o-majority central city. It looks at new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and their implementation in Santa Ana, California, one of many working-class and racial/ethnic communities where these models have taken hold, with stirring interest in gentrification as well as race, ethnic, and class debates and urban politics over development.
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
Unique Selling Point
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.
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Environment and Planning A, Jan 1, 2009
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Frontera Norte
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Selected Presentations by Erualdo Gonzalez
I recently wrote a blog post on the topic of “Central City Gentrification and Place-based Health ... more I recently wrote a blog post on the topic of “Central City Gentrification and Place-based Health Initiatives.” More and more developers, investors, and businesses are collaborating with municipal officials to develop and gentrify heavily populated cities at the center of large metropolitan areas, with the aim to attract a young professional and “creative class” demographic that is looking for eating at trendy restaurants, perusing galleries, and patronizing coffee shops, bars, and cocktail lounges. Yet despite such intentions, this redevelopment model conflicts with setting a fair and adequate baseline of living conditions for majority of residents in these central city areas – typically the poor, working-class, and communities of color. My blog post discusses place-based health initiatives to optimize land use and increase the coordination of various health services available to local neighborhoods. (http://bit.ly/1lx5z8e) Feel free to comment below to let me know your thoughts.
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Presented at the Race and Retail Conference, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, 2012
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Selected Papers by Erualdo Gonzalez
Latino City is the first book to examine the contemporary models of choice for revitalization of ... more Latino City is the first book to examine the contemporary models of choice for revitalization of US cities from the point of view of a Latina/o-majority central city. It looks at new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and their implementation in Santa Ana, California, one of many working-class and racial/ethnic communities where these models have taken hold, with stirring interest in gentrification as well as race, ethnic, and class debates and urban politics over development.
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.
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Papers by Erualdo Gonzalez
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
Unique Selling Point
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.
Selected Presentations by Erualdo Gonzalez
Selected Papers by Erualdo Gonzalez
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
Unique Selling Point
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.
Spanning forty years, Latino City provides an in depth case study and mixed and community-based methods approach. It explores the discursive dimensions of key city development plans, related city documents, and media and local publications have socially constructed problems, erased existing and majority Latina/o populations, and framed understandings of desirable future communities. Santa Ana is a dynamic urban center with over 300,000 residents, 78% of whom are Latina/os. Gonzalez shows how power manifests overtly or covertly in different forms and works to disregard, highly decontextualizes, or relegate to lower levels of importance populations and places across different sources and material representations.
The book begins as Santa Ana transformed from a low-density, white, and wealthy suburb of Los Angeles through population growth, browning, and an increasing presence of working class and the poor. By 1980, white city officials recognized that downtown Fourth Street no longer catered to middle class, white consumers, and locals called it La Cuatro. As the city council planned for the downtown’s future after a period of disinvestment, they sought to craft spaces that appealed to their own social group. They turned to urban renewal strategies, assuming Santa Ana’s rapidly growing Mexican immigrant population and downtown businesses marketing to them would not object. While the earliest objections led to the creation of commerce intervention that reflected the area’s constituency, the city council subsequently sought to repackage the city’s longstanding narrative about what constitutes a desired community. From the 1990s onward, new urbanism, creative-class, and transit-oriented redevelopment development plans sought the “creative-class,” “artsy,” and “cultural diversity.” La Cuatro boomed as it served the working-class immigrant population into the 1990s, but the city made no noteworthy investment in it. In the later 1990s and in the first decade of the 21st century public-private plans and projects sought to create new businesses catering to the upwardly mobile and the creative class around the edges of La Cuatro. Throughout, planning discourse and practice have routinely erased the Mexican, immigrant, and working-class population that constitutes the majority of Santa Ana. In the present era, such development has facilitated creative gentrification, clusters of new businesses encroaching and gentrifying inward toward the thriving heart of the city.
Latino City reflects urban politics and the grassroots. It follows decades of grassroots struggle for the needs and aspirations of people most in jeopardy of and affected by the city’s development plans. The book chronicles how the grassroots response to development and social constructions of the local community. It traces the activities of the Santa Ana Collaborative for Responsible Development, providing a close view of how community-based participation approaches address the needs and aspirations of lower-income Latino urban areas undergoing revitalization, and the challenges that come with it. This discussion includes the changing discourse around racial and ethnic political representation, focusing on the key arguments made toward majority white city councils to the all-Latino city council. The book argues that regardless of decade and revitalization strategy, redistribution of policy and resources for downtown commercial and housing options continued to favor the middle-class and native-born whites, whether it terms them the creative-class, “artsy,” or “hip.”
The book provides an introduction to the main theoretical debates and key thinkers in the fields of new urbanism, creative class, and transit-oriented models and critiques these models as a solution to Latino inner city neighborhood and downtown revitalization in the current period of socio-economic and cultural change.
The book is the first to examine all of these topics in an interdisciplinary way in an urban core of a major U.S. Latino city with a downtown with dynamic Mexican commercial presence. The in-depth case study, the mixed and community based methods, and the author’s relationship to the city make Latino City unique.