Latin America has seen both recurrent crises and a surprising resilience of its regional organiza... more Latin America has seen both recurrent crises and a surprising resilience of its regional organizations. This article explores how different approaches have attempted to explain this seemingly paradoxical record. Combining insights from European Union (EU) studies and comparative regionalism, we ask whether neofunctionalism as a theoretical approach developed for the study of the EU can travel across the Atlantic and enrich the analysis of Latin American regionalism. Neofunctionalist theorists posited that functional spillover could lead to politicization and subsequent deepening of regional integration. But while spillover has been the engine of European integration, it has never been a real option in Latin America. Past applications of neofunctionalist approaches to Latin American regionalism have therefore above all revealed its limitations. Comparative regionalism approaches fared better in that they identified characteristics that account for the repeated crises of Latin American regional organizations. However, this article suggests that the "secondbest" strategies mentioned in neofunctionalist analyses, such as encapsulation, spillaround, or even spillback, can help explain the resilience of regionalism in Latin America. While those strategies posed an obstacle to deeper integration, as shown by classical neofunctionalist studies, we draw on a set of case studies to illustrate that Latin American regionalism survived through expansion (spill-around) rather than deepening (spillover), as well as through encapsulation and, in some cases, even spillback. A new reading of neofunctionalism therefore helps to explain the resilience of Latin American regionalism under adverse conditions.
El concepto de no alineamiento activo se ha vuelto bastante popular en los debates sobre el posic... more El concepto de no alineamiento activo se ha vuelto bastante popular en los debates sobre el posicionamiento de América Latina en la política internacional y en el conflicto de Ucrania. Pero se plantea la cuestión de si este concepto es realmente el más adecuado para captar las políticas de los gobiernos latinoamericanos y qué ventajas ofrece este en comparación con otros conceptos.
Objective/context: this article addresses the causes of the virtual disintegration of the Union o... more Objective/context: this article addresses the causes of the virtual disintegration of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) from the perspective of analytical eclecticism, sequentially combining rival explanations such as neoclassical realism, institutional liberalism, and social constructivism. Its objective is to offer a convincing explanation about the organization’s fate that integrates the best of the multiple theoretical alternatives in the study of post-hegemonic South American regionalism. Methodology: our approach is documentary and part of the review of the main recent works on UNASUR, since its rise, peak and fall, from the perspective of analytical eclecticism. We combine specialized literature that starts from the three main approaches of the Theory of International Relations. Conclusions: we found that the explanations offered from the three analytical approaches are not contradictory but complementary. The creative combination of different approaches to International Relations improves understanding of Latin American regionalism. Analysis of the disintegration of UNASUR reveals structural challenges and stressors for South American regionalism. Originality: our analysis is part of the debate on the end of the Theory of International Relations, which criticizes the continuity of inter-paradigmatic tensions in the discipline. This is the first approximation of analytical eclecticism in the study of South American regionalism.
Regionalism is under stress in Europe and Latin America. The European Union, while still coping w... more Regionalism is under stress in Europe and Latin America. The European Union, while still coping with the Eurozone crisis, has been facing additional challenges, such as conflicts in its neighborhood, the massive influx of refugees, an increasing frequency of terrorist attacks, the electoral success of Eurosceptic parties, and the Brexit referendum. In Latin America, regional cooperation stagnates due to economic problems in major countries, a lack of regional leadership, and ideological conflicts which led to a standoff in important regional organizations. Our project studied current challenges and constraints facing regionalism in different parts of the world. In particular, it investigated stress factors and their interaction with characteristics of the region. This introduction defines central concepts, situates the book in the burgeoning field of research on comparative regionalism, presents the analytical framework, and offers an overview of the individual contributions
?Por que la Unasur se desintegra? La Union de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 anos en medio de u... more ?Por que la Unasur se desintegra? La Union de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 anos en medio de una crisis existencial. Con la salida de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay y Peru, se inicio una desintegracion regional con variables coyunturales previsibles. Pero la crisis del regionalismo posthegemonico no debe considerarse como un retroceso, sino como un llamado a la prudencia politica y academica
Geopolitical thinking has a long tradition in Latin America. This chapter analyzes the developmen... more Geopolitical thinking has a long tradition in Latin America. This chapter analyzes the development of current geopolitical thinking in South America in particular, and how this influences the development of security conceptions and practices at the state and at the regional levels. It develops an analytical approach based on role theory with the objective to understand the type of geopolitical roles policy-makers seek to advance on behalf of the state and regional groups of states in order to confront pressing security challenges. Empirically, the chapter analyzes the traditional geopolitical narratives, their evolution and how they merge with new geopolitical issues/narratives such as the geopolitics of regional integration and natural resources protection and extraction.
El acuerdo UE-Mercosur nos enseña mucho sobre los problemas de las relaciones comerciales de la U... more El acuerdo UE-Mercosur nos enseña mucho sobre los problemas de las relaciones comerciales de la UE con América Latina, pero también con otras regiones y países. Hay mucha hipocresía en el lado europeo. Cuando se practica el proteccionismo agrícola, no hay que fingir que se quiere proteger el clima y la biodiversidad, como hizo recientemente el presidente francés Emmanuel Macron. Un fracaso del acuerdo UE-Mercosur debido a la resistencia de Francia y algunos gobiernos más debilitará la posición geopolítica y geoeconómica de Europa en toda América Latina y también tendrá un impacto negativo en las futuras negociaciones de acuerdos comerciales en otras regiones del mundo.
En este capítulo se compara la seguridad alimentaria (y las diferencias en
el significado del con... more En este capítulo se compara la seguridad alimentaria (y las diferencias en el significado del concepto) en la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe, y también se examinan las repercusiones de la guerra en Ucrania en la seguridad alimentaria. Asimismo, se analiza la contribución de la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe a la producción y el comercio agroalimentario globales, y se discute sobre las posibilidades de cooperación entre ambas regiones.
La no reactivación de Unasur tiene aspectos positivos. Parece que el regionalismo sudamericano se... more La no reactivación de Unasur tiene aspectos positivos. Parece que el regionalismo sudamericano se está alejando de un regionalismo mágico para acercarse a un regionalismo pragmático que extrae lecciones de las experiencias positivas y negativas del pasado.
Para superar la crisis del regionalismo en Sudamérica, las instituciones regionales deben producir resultados que se correspondan con sus objetivos declarados y demostrar su utilidad. Solo así será posible superar el escepticismo sobre la medida en que los proyectos e instituciones regionales contribuyen a resolver los problemas de América del Sur.
Latin America has seen both recurrent crises and a surprising resilience of its regional organiza... more Latin America has seen both recurrent crises and a surprising resilience of its regional organizations. This article explores how different approaches have attempted to explain this seemingly paradoxical record. Combining insights from European Union (EU) studies and comparative regionalism, we ask whether neofunctionalism as a theoretical approach developed for the study of the EU can travel across the Atlantic and enrich the analysis of Latin American regionalism. Neofunctionalist theorists posited that functional spillover could lead to politicization and subsequent deepening of regional integration. But while spillover has been the engine of European integration, it has never been a real option in Latin America. Past applications of neofunctionalist approaches to Latin American regionalism have therefore above all revealed its limitations. Comparative regionalism approaches fared better in that they identified characteristics that account for the repeated crises of Latin American regional organizations. However, this article suggests that the "secondbest" strategies mentioned in neofunctionalist analyses, such as encapsulation, spillaround, or even spillback, can help explain the resilience of regionalism in Latin America. While those strategies posed an obstacle to deeper integration, as shown by classical neofunctionalist studies, we draw on a set of case studies to illustrate that Latin American regionalism survived through expansion (spill-around) rather than deepening (spillover), as well as through encapsulation and, in some cases, even spillback. A new reading of neofunctionalism therefore helps to explain the resilience of Latin American regionalism under adverse conditions.
El concepto de no alineamiento activo se ha vuelto bastante popular en los debates sobre el posic... more El concepto de no alineamiento activo se ha vuelto bastante popular en los debates sobre el posicionamiento de América Latina en la política internacional y en el conflicto de Ucrania. Pero se plantea la cuestión de si este concepto es realmente el más adecuado para captar las políticas de los gobiernos latinoamericanos y qué ventajas ofrece este en comparación con otros conceptos.
Objective/context: this article addresses the causes of the virtual disintegration of the Union o... more Objective/context: this article addresses the causes of the virtual disintegration of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) from the perspective of analytical eclecticism, sequentially combining rival explanations such as neoclassical realism, institutional liberalism, and social constructivism. Its objective is to offer a convincing explanation about the organization’s fate that integrates the best of the multiple theoretical alternatives in the study of post-hegemonic South American regionalism. Methodology: our approach is documentary and part of the review of the main recent works on UNASUR, since its rise, peak and fall, from the perspective of analytical eclecticism. We combine specialized literature that starts from the three main approaches of the Theory of International Relations. Conclusions: we found that the explanations offered from the three analytical approaches are not contradictory but complementary. The creative combination of different approaches to International Relations improves understanding of Latin American regionalism. Analysis of the disintegration of UNASUR reveals structural challenges and stressors for South American regionalism. Originality: our analysis is part of the debate on the end of the Theory of International Relations, which criticizes the continuity of inter-paradigmatic tensions in the discipline. This is the first approximation of analytical eclecticism in the study of South American regionalism.
Regionalism is under stress in Europe and Latin America. The European Union, while still coping w... more Regionalism is under stress in Europe and Latin America. The European Union, while still coping with the Eurozone crisis, has been facing additional challenges, such as conflicts in its neighborhood, the massive influx of refugees, an increasing frequency of terrorist attacks, the electoral success of Eurosceptic parties, and the Brexit referendum. In Latin America, regional cooperation stagnates due to economic problems in major countries, a lack of regional leadership, and ideological conflicts which led to a standoff in important regional organizations. Our project studied current challenges and constraints facing regionalism in different parts of the world. In particular, it investigated stress factors and their interaction with characteristics of the region. This introduction defines central concepts, situates the book in the burgeoning field of research on comparative regionalism, presents the analytical framework, and offers an overview of the individual contributions
?Por que la Unasur se desintegra? La Union de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 anos en medio de u... more ?Por que la Unasur se desintegra? La Union de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 anos en medio de una crisis existencial. Con la salida de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay y Peru, se inicio una desintegracion regional con variables coyunturales previsibles. Pero la crisis del regionalismo posthegemonico no debe considerarse como un retroceso, sino como un llamado a la prudencia politica y academica
Geopolitical thinking has a long tradition in Latin America. This chapter analyzes the developmen... more Geopolitical thinking has a long tradition in Latin America. This chapter analyzes the development of current geopolitical thinking in South America in particular, and how this influences the development of security conceptions and practices at the state and at the regional levels. It develops an analytical approach based on role theory with the objective to understand the type of geopolitical roles policy-makers seek to advance on behalf of the state and regional groups of states in order to confront pressing security challenges. Empirically, the chapter analyzes the traditional geopolitical narratives, their evolution and how they merge with new geopolitical issues/narratives such as the geopolitics of regional integration and natural resources protection and extraction.
El acuerdo UE-Mercosur nos enseña mucho sobre los problemas de las relaciones comerciales de la U... more El acuerdo UE-Mercosur nos enseña mucho sobre los problemas de las relaciones comerciales de la UE con América Latina, pero también con otras regiones y países. Hay mucha hipocresía en el lado europeo. Cuando se practica el proteccionismo agrícola, no hay que fingir que se quiere proteger el clima y la biodiversidad, como hizo recientemente el presidente francés Emmanuel Macron. Un fracaso del acuerdo UE-Mercosur debido a la resistencia de Francia y algunos gobiernos más debilitará la posición geopolítica y geoeconómica de Europa en toda América Latina y también tendrá un impacto negativo en las futuras negociaciones de acuerdos comerciales en otras regiones del mundo.
En este capítulo se compara la seguridad alimentaria (y las diferencias en
el significado del con... more En este capítulo se compara la seguridad alimentaria (y las diferencias en el significado del concepto) en la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe, y también se examinan las repercusiones de la guerra en Ucrania en la seguridad alimentaria. Asimismo, se analiza la contribución de la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe a la producción y el comercio agroalimentario globales, y se discute sobre las posibilidades de cooperación entre ambas regiones.
La no reactivación de Unasur tiene aspectos positivos. Parece que el regionalismo sudamericano se... more La no reactivación de Unasur tiene aspectos positivos. Parece que el regionalismo sudamericano se está alejando de un regionalismo mágico para acercarse a un regionalismo pragmático que extrae lecciones de las experiencias positivas y negativas del pasado.
Para superar la crisis del regionalismo en Sudamérica, las instituciones regionales deben producir resultados que se correspondan con sus objetivos declarados y demostrar su utilidad. Solo así será posible superar el escepticismo sobre la medida en que los proyectos e instituciones regionales contribuyen a resolver los problemas de América del Sur.
Politische Entwicklungen in Lateinamerika (LA) haben die wissenschaftliche Debatte zur Demokratie... more Politische Entwicklungen in Lateinamerika (LA) haben die wissenschaftliche Debatte zur Demokratieentwicklung maßgeblich beeinflusst. Die derzeitigen schweren politischen Krisen in Brasilien und Venezuela veranschaulichen sowohl die strukturellen Defizite des in LA vorherrschenden Systemtypus der Präsidialdemokratie als auch die institutionellen Mechanismen, die das Überleben der lateinamerikanischen Spielarten des Präsidentialismus bislang ermöglicht haben, wenn auch unter großen Herausforderungen.
ABSTRACT Latin America has a long tradition of constitutional reform. Since the democratic transi... more ABSTRACT Latin America has a long tradition of constitutional reform. Since the democratic transitions of the 1980s, most countries have amended their constitutions at least once, and some have even undergone constitutional reform several times. The global phenomenon of a new constitutionalism, with enhanced rights provisions, finds expression in the region, but the new constitutions, such as those of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela, also have some peculiar characteristics which are discussed in this important book. Authors from a number of different disciplines offer a general overview of constitutional reforms in Latin America since 1990. They explore the historical, philosophical and doctrinal differences between traditional and new constitutionalism in Latin America and examine sources of inspiration. The book also covers sociopolitical settings, which factors and actors are relevant for the reform process, and analyzes the constitutional practices after reform, including the question of whether the recent constitutional reforms created new post-liberal democracies with an enhanced human and social rights record, or whether they primarily serve the ambitions of new political leaders.
Contents: Part 1 Introduction and Analytical Concepts: Introduction: the times they are a-changin': constitutional transformations in Latin America since the 1990s, Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor; Explaining constitutional change: comparing the logic, advantages and shortcomings of static and dynamic approaches, Astrid Lorenz; Toward a theory of formal constitutional change: mechanisms of constitutional adaptation in Latin America, Gabriel L. Negretto; Still the land of presidentialism? Executives and the Latin American constitution, José Antonio Cheibub, Zachary Elkins and Tom Ginsburg; What do we mean when we talk about 'critical constitutionalism'? Some reflections on the new Latin American constitutions, Albert Noguera Fernández. Part 2 Reflections on the New Latin American Constitutionalism from a Historical and Comparative Perspective: Latin American constitutionalism: historical development and distinctive traits, Laurence Whitehead; Latin American constitutionalism then and now: promises and questions, Roberto Gargarella. Part 3 Case Studies: the Impact of New Constitutions on Democracy and Governance: Neo-constitutionalism in 21st-century Venezuela: participatory democracy, deconcentrated decentralization or centralized populism?, Rickard Lalander; New constitutions and the transformation of democracy in Bolivia and Ecuador, Jonas Wolff; Constitutionalizing policy: the Brazilian constitution of 1988 and its impact on governance, Rogério B. Arantes and Cláudio G. Couto; Change and continuity in Dominican constitutions: the 2010 reform compared, Leiv Marsteintredet; Chile: democratization through constitutional reforms, Claudio Fuentes. Part 4 Case Studies: the Empowerment of Courts: Institutional design and judicial behaviour: constitutional interpretation of criminal due process rights in Latin America, Julio A. Rios-Figueroa; Constitutional courts and constitutional change: analysing the cases of presidential re-election in Latin America, Elena Martínez-Barahona. Part 5 Case Studies: Rights Revolution and Indigenous State Transformation: Colombia's 1991 constitution: a rights revolution, Juan Fernando Jaramillo Pérez; How does the new constitutionalism respond to the human rights challenges posed by transnational corporations?, Claudia Müller-Hoff; Plurinational constitutionalism: a new era of indigenous-state relations?, Almut Schilling-Vacaflor and René Kuppe; Turning legal pluralism into state-sanctioned law: assessing the implications of the new constitutions and laws in Bolivia and Ecuador, Anna Barrera; Conclusions, Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor; Index.
About the Editor: Detlef Nolte is Vice-President of the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies and Director of the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies. Dr. Almut Schilling-Vacaflor is a Research Fellow at the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies, Germany.
Reviews: 'The presence of constitutionalism throughout Latin America since the Independence has affected politics in very different ways. Likewise, presidentialism has been a key feature of the region, albeit with significant variations. This book extensively explores how both aspects shape current politics, describes the so-called "new constitutionalism" in detail, and offers new and important questions for future research.'
Manuel Alcántara, Universidad de Salamanca, Spain
'This volume is the most important contribution on Latin American constitutionalism to date. Using an extraordinary diversity of entry points – from historical analysis to legal philosophy, from diffusion approaches to rational choice institutionalism – the authors successfully illuminate the causes and consequences of constitutional choice. Highly recommended for all scholars and students of Latin American politics.'
Timothy J. Power, University of Oxford, UK
"""Die sich abzeichnenden Machtverschiebungen zugunsten außereuropäischer Staaten erhöhen den zuk... more """Die sich abzeichnenden Machtverschiebungen zugunsten außereuropäischer Staaten erhöhen den zukünftigen Bedarf an Wissen zu den komplexer werdenden internationalen und intraregionalen Beziehungen.
Die Beiträge in diesem Band spiegeln den aktuellen Stand der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion über regionale Machtverschiebungen und die Rolle regionaler Führungsmächte bei der Gestaltung der neuen Weltordnung wider. Verschiedene konzeptionelle und theoretische Themenstellungen werden aus der Warte unterschiedlicher Denkschulen diskutiert: Im Eingangsbeitrag wird ein analytisches Konzept zur Identifikation und Analyse von Staaten, die den Status einer regionalen Führungsmacht anstreben, entwickelt.
In einem anderen Aufsatz wird die Rolle von Regionen sowie die Konstruktion von regionalen Ordnungen in den Internationalen Beziehungen diskutiert. Schließlich plädiert eine Analyse aus der Perspektive der Geopolitik für die Unterscheidung eines regionalen Kerns und einer Peripherie der Einflusssphäre der regionalen Führungsmacht. Ergänzt werden die theoretischen Beiträge jeweils von neueren empirischen Ergebnissen des Forschungsfeldes."""
"ABSTRACT Como se anticipa en la presentación liminar, este libro se compone de tres partes muy ... more "ABSTRACT Como se anticipa en la presentación liminar, este libro se compone de tres partes muy definidas. Una primera, que constituye el núcleo del trabajo en la que ofrecemos algunos elementos teóricos sobre la cuestión del bicameralismo y las Camaras altas. A continuación nos centramos en interpretar las respuestas dadas por los senadores, agrupándolas bajo ejes temáticos. Antes que buscar la construcción de modelos estadísticos complejos (la naturaleza de los datos lo permitiría) hemos preferido presentar los datos en el estado menos elaborado posible para que el lector cuente con más elementos de juicio para hacer sus propias interpretaciones y contrastarlas con las nuestras, muchas de las cuales ya han sido anticipadas en otros
avances de la investigación que hemos ido haciendo públicos. Este ánimo de difusión de resultados nos ha llevado a incluir, como decíamos, todos los marginales estadísticos obtenidos del procesamiento de los cuestionarios. Nos entusiasma la idea
de socializar el conocimiento poniendo los datos a disposición de la comunidad científica."
In the nineties Latin America could be called the most democratic of the developing regions. The... more In the nineties Latin America could be called the most democratic of the developing regions. There are indications that the previous cyclical pattern of change between democracies and authoritarian regimes has ceased to be in force. In this context it should be analyzed how the parliaments could contribute to the consolidation of democracy. This question provides the central idea of this study which is taking up a topic that research in political science has neglected so far: the role of the parliaments within the Latin American presidential democracies. Along with the parliamentary functions of political representation and checks and balances the main interest of the study is aimed at the function of parliamentary „co-governance“. The study analyzes the division of power between the president and the parliament according to the written and the „living“ constitutions. The considerable differences that prevail in this respect both
among the Latin-American countries and between constitutional law and constitutional practice are elaborated. The study clarifies that different dimensions of power have to be taken into consideration in order to be able to evaluate correctly the political influence of the parliaments. It is proved that there is need for a correction of the stereotype of an omnipotent Latin American president ruling by decree and bypassing a helpless parliament. The study not only summarizes the current state of the art but it also aims to arouse interest in new issues and hitherto overlooked aspects. Thus chapters on semi-presidential regimes, two-chamber systems and parliamentary staff are included.
Resumen: En el contexto de la crisis actual del regionalismo latinoamerica-no este artículo anali... more Resumen: En el contexto de la crisis actual del regionalismo latinoamerica-no este artículo analiza, tanto los avances como las limitaciones estructurales del regionalismo latinoamericano en los últimos 30 años. Describe algunos elementos estructurales para entender mejor la crisis del regionalismo pos-hegemónico. Además discute estrategias y pasos para hacer frente a la crisis actual, y para dar nuevos impulsos al regionalismo latinoamericano. Se discu-ten las opciones para confrontar la porosidad de la región y para aprovechar las nuevas oportunidades de establecer alianzas de cooperación económica entre países en diferentes regiones del mundo. El artículo aboga por un regio-nalismo pragmático y apoya la propuesta de crear un área de libre comercio latinoamericana. Palabras clave: regionalismo latinoamericano; integración regional; regiona-lismo comparado.
en Fernanda Caballero Parra, Rita Giacalone, y Edgar Vieira Posada (Editores) LA INTEGRACIÓN REGIONAL LATINOAMERICANA Y EUROPEA EN EL SIGLO XXI: MARCO PARA LA REFLEXIÓN SOBRE SU PRESENTE Y FUTURO, Ediciones Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia, Bogotá, 2019
Este capítulo presenta un esquema de análisis para estudiar el regionalismo latinoamericano, ba... more Este capítulo presenta un esquema de análisis para estudiar el regionalismo latinoamericano, basado en la combinación de los conceptos de regionalidad y gobernanza regional. El esquema propuesto se aplica a las diferentes fases del regionalismo sudamericano y latinoamericano desde los años noventa. Concluye que, en la actualidad, el regionalismo latinoamericano se caracteriza por una baja regionalidad y una gobernanza regional cada vez más segmentada.
Nele Noesselt (ed.), China's Interactions with Latin Ameruca and the Caribbean. Conquering the US's Strategic Backyard?, 2021
China has become the primary trade partner of Mercosur. The expansion of trade with the East Asia... more China has become the primary trade partner of Mercosur. The expansion of trade with the East Asian country has created new external dependencies and replicated traditional north-south relationships, something that has been assessed critically in recent studies. Moreover, competition between the Mercosur countries has increased insofar as they export similar commodities to China. Bilateral relations with the Mercosur states are hierarchized according to their international political and economic weight, as reflected both in the frequency of high-level Chinese diplomatic visits and in terms of the status of the strategic partnerships. Changes of government in the Mercosur countries that were associated with a shift in ideology have had no major impact on bilateral relations with China. Economic interests dominate on both sides, and the Chinese are strong believers in pragmatism. But China also takes advantage of conflicts of interest within the Mercosur countries, and furthermore strives to exercise influence through domestic stakeholders with economic interests in trade with the East Asian country.
Paraphrasing the German poet Bertolt Brecht's 1949 poem "Wahrnehmung", 1 it can be said that for ... more Paraphrasing the German poet Bertolt Brecht's 1949 poem "Wahrnehmung", 1 it can be said that for Latin American regionalism, the fatigue of the summits has been left behind; it must now cope with the labors of the plains. The days when Latin American presidents socialized frequently at summit meetings are long gone. In the golden age of summitry, between 2004 and 2012, four Summits of the Americas, six Latin American summits, 29 South American summits (including the Southern Common Market-Mercosur), nine Andean summits, 18 Caribbean summits, 52 Central American summits, 18 Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) summits, and eight Ibero-American Summits were held, for a total of 144 summits in 9 years (Portales, 2014, p. 56). It was the time when Chilean President Sebastián Piñera (Cooperativa, 2011) complained ironically that Latin America had so many summits it looked like a mountain range. Christopher Sabatini (2012) argued in Foreign Policy that, "the Western Hemisphere has a strong claim to the title of summit capital of the world," adding that, "if the number of summits were a measure of the quality of diplomacy, Latin America would be a utopia of harmony, cooperation, and understanding."
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
The relations with the European Union (EU) began almost with the Mercosur’s creation. After signi... more The relations with the European Union (EU) began almost with the Mercosur’s creation. After signing a first framework agreement in 1995, the EU and Mercosur began negotiating a comprehensive interregional partnership with a free trade agreement since 1999. Negotiations were conducted with ups and downs, suspended, and resumed over a period of more than 20 years, and up to Mercosur’s 30th anniversary there is still no free trade agreement ratified with the EU. Based on the broad literature on the relations between the EU and Mercosur (both by European and Latin American authors) and on the analysis of official documents and declarations from the EU and Mercosur, this paper proposes some explanations as to why these negotiations have progressed so slowly and faced so many obstacles.
Cuando el gobierno de AMLO asumió el liderazgo, se propuso resucitar la CELAC concentrándose en t... more Cuando el gobierno de AMLO asumió el liderazgo, se propuso resucitar la CELAC concentrándose en temas de cooperación internacional y dejando de lado las diferencias políticas. La estrategia funcionó. La comunidad, impulsada por la pandemia, aprovechó, a diferencia de otras organizaciones regionales que no cumplieron con las expectativas, a actuar en un campo en el que no había estado activa hasta entonces.
Reavivando e reforçando os diálogos entre Brasil e Europa / Reviving and strengthening Brazil-Europe dialogues, 2021
As a Carlos Gardel song says, 20 years is nothing. In June 2019
the European Union and Mercosur e... more As a Carlos Gardel song says, 20 years is nothing. In June 2019 the European Union and Mercosur entered into a strategic partnership agreement based on free trade between the two blocs. The agreement has yet to be approved by the EU governments and the European Parliament.
La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 años en medio de una crisis existencial. Con la sali... more La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas cumple 10 años en medio de una crisis existencial. Con la salida de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay y Perú, se inició una desintegración regional con variables coyunturales previsibles. Pero la crisis del regionalismo posthegemónico no debe considerarse como un retroceso, sino como un llamado a la prudencia política y académica.
Uploads
Papers by Detlef Nolte
el significado del concepto) en la Unión Europea y América Latina y el
Caribe, y también se examinan las repercusiones de la guerra en Ucrania
en la seguridad alimentaria. Asimismo, se analiza la contribución de la
Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe a la producción y el comercio
agroalimentario globales, y se discute sobre las posibilidades de cooperación entre ambas regiones.
Para superar la crisis del regionalismo en Sudamérica, las instituciones regionales deben producir resultados que se correspondan con sus objetivos declarados y demostrar su utilidad. Solo así será posible superar el escepticismo sobre la medida en que los proyectos e instituciones regionales contribuyen a resolver los problemas de América del Sur.
el significado del concepto) en la Unión Europea y América Latina y el
Caribe, y también se examinan las repercusiones de la guerra en Ucrania
en la seguridad alimentaria. Asimismo, se analiza la contribución de la
Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe a la producción y el comercio
agroalimentario globales, y se discute sobre las posibilidades de cooperación entre ambas regiones.
Para superar la crisis del regionalismo en Sudamérica, las instituciones regionales deben producir resultados que se correspondan con sus objetivos declarados y demostrar su utilidad. Solo así será posible superar el escepticismo sobre la medida en que los proyectos e instituciones regionales contribuyen a resolver los problemas de América del Sur.
der Präsidialdemokratie als auch die institutionellen Mechanismen, die das Überleben der lateinamerikanischen Spielarten des Präsidentialismus bislang ermöglicht haben, wenn auch unter großen Herausforderungen.
Contents: Part 1 Introduction and Analytical Concepts: Introduction: the times they are a-changin': constitutional transformations in Latin America since the 1990s, Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor; Explaining constitutional change: comparing the logic, advantages and shortcomings of static and dynamic approaches, Astrid Lorenz; Toward a theory of formal constitutional change: mechanisms of constitutional adaptation in Latin America, Gabriel L. Negretto; Still the land of presidentialism? Executives and the Latin American constitution, José Antonio Cheibub, Zachary Elkins and Tom Ginsburg; What do we mean when we talk about 'critical constitutionalism'? Some reflections on the new Latin American constitutions, Albert Noguera Fernández. Part 2 Reflections on the New Latin American Constitutionalism from a Historical and Comparative Perspective: Latin American constitutionalism: historical development and distinctive traits, Laurence Whitehead; Latin American constitutionalism then and now: promises and questions, Roberto Gargarella. Part 3 Case Studies: the Impact of New Constitutions on Democracy and Governance: Neo-constitutionalism in 21st-century Venezuela: participatory democracy, deconcentrated decentralization or centralized populism?, Rickard Lalander; New constitutions and the transformation of democracy in Bolivia and Ecuador, Jonas Wolff; Constitutionalizing policy: the Brazilian constitution of 1988 and its impact on governance, Rogério B. Arantes and Cláudio G. Couto; Change and continuity in Dominican constitutions: the 2010 reform compared, Leiv Marsteintredet; Chile: democratization through constitutional reforms, Claudio Fuentes. Part 4 Case Studies: the Empowerment of Courts: Institutional design and judicial behaviour: constitutional interpretation of criminal due process rights in Latin America, Julio A. Rios-Figueroa; Constitutional courts and constitutional change: analysing the cases of presidential re-election in Latin America, Elena Martínez-Barahona. Part 5 Case Studies: Rights Revolution and Indigenous State Transformation: Colombia's 1991 constitution: a rights revolution, Juan Fernando Jaramillo Pérez; How does the new constitutionalism respond to the human rights challenges posed by transnational corporations?, Claudia Müller-Hoff; Plurinational constitutionalism: a new era of indigenous-state relations?, Almut Schilling-Vacaflor and René Kuppe; Turning legal pluralism into state-sanctioned law: assessing the implications of the new constitutions and laws in Bolivia and Ecuador, Anna Barrera; Conclusions, Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor; Index.
About the Editor: Detlef Nolte is Vice-President of the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies and Director of the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies. Dr. Almut Schilling-Vacaflor is a Research Fellow at the GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies, Germany.
Reviews: 'The presence of constitutionalism throughout Latin America since the Independence has affected politics in very different ways. Likewise, presidentialism has been a key feature of the region, albeit with significant variations. This book extensively explores how both aspects shape current politics, describes the so-called "new constitutionalism" in detail, and offers new and important questions for future research.'
Manuel Alcántara, Universidad de Salamanca, Spain
'This volume is the most important contribution on Latin American constitutionalism to date. Using an extraordinary diversity of entry points – from historical analysis to legal philosophy, from diffusion approaches to rational choice institutionalism – the authors successfully illuminate the causes and consequences of constitutional choice. Highly recommended for all scholars and students of Latin American politics.'
Timothy J. Power, University of Oxford, UK
Die Beiträge in diesem Band spiegeln den aktuellen Stand der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion über regionale Machtverschiebungen und die Rolle regionaler Führungsmächte bei der Gestaltung der neuen Weltordnung wider. Verschiedene konzeptionelle und theoretische Themenstellungen werden aus der Warte unterschiedlicher Denkschulen diskutiert: Im Eingangsbeitrag wird ein analytisches Konzept zur Identifikation und Analyse von Staaten, die den Status einer regionalen Führungsmacht anstreben, entwickelt.
In einem anderen Aufsatz wird die Rolle von Regionen sowie die Konstruktion von regionalen Ordnungen in den Internationalen Beziehungen diskutiert. Schließlich plädiert eine Analyse aus der Perspektive der Geopolitik für die Unterscheidung eines regionalen Kerns und einer Peripherie der Einflusssphäre der regionalen Führungsmacht. Ergänzt werden die theoretischen Beiträge jeweils von neueren empirischen Ergebnissen des Forschungsfeldes."""
avances de la investigación que hemos ido haciendo públicos. Este ánimo de difusión de resultados nos ha llevado a incluir, como decíamos, todos los marginales estadísticos obtenidos del procesamiento de los cuestionarios. Nos entusiasma la idea
de socializar el conocimiento poniendo los datos a disposición de la comunidad científica."
among the Latin-American countries and between constitutional law and constitutional practice are elaborated. The study clarifies that different dimensions of power have to be taken into consideration in order to be able to evaluate correctly the political influence of the parliaments. It is proved that there is need for a correction of the stereotype of an omnipotent Latin American president ruling by decree and bypassing a helpless parliament. The study not only summarizes the current state of the art but it also aims to arouse interest in new issues and hitherto overlooked aspects. Thus chapters on semi-presidential regimes, two-chamber systems and parliamentary staff are included.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
conducted with ups and downs, suspended, and resumed over a period of more than 20 years, and up to Mercosur’s 30th anniversary there is still no free trade agreement ratified with the EU. Based on the broad literature on the relations between the EU and Mercosur (both by European and Latin American authors) and on the analysis of official
documents and declarations from the EU and Mercosur, this paper proposes some explanations as to why these negotiations have progressed so slowly and faced so many obstacles.
the European Union and Mercosur entered into a strategic partnership agreement based on free trade between the two blocs. The agreement has yet to be approved by the EU governments and the European
Parliament.