Erasmus Graduate School

One of the most debated economic policies in the developing world today is the privatization and commercialization of public enterprises in Sub-Saharan Africa, and its positive and negative implications both in the short and long run. Much attention has been drawn to the observation that although privatization and commercialization was a popular policy in the liberalization process in developing economies in post cold war era, it has in many instances failed to translate to improved productivity and simulate the domestic economy (Obadan and Ayodele, 1988; Okanachi and Obutte, 2015). Situated within this observation, this paper opined that the interplay of politics and public policy direction of government in Nigeria have a negative influence on the process of privatization and commercialization of the state owned enterprises (SoEs) in the country in terms of their productivity, economic viability and contribution in stimulating the economy. Data for this study was drawn from 200 respondent (both managerial and non-managerial staffs) of the privatized Aluminums Smelter Company (ALSCON) and 200 too from Nigeria Telecommunication Limited (NITEL). Evidence showed that the two SoEs although marked for privatization and commercialization witnessed a downturn in their level of productivity and economic viability because the process was marred as a result of its politicization. Contribution/ Originality: This study contributes to the existing literature on the impact of privatization and commercialization on the general performance of SOEs paying critical attention on the role of the transparency of the process in determining such performance. Situated within this debate, this paper opined that the interplay of politics and public policy direction of government in Nigeria have a negative influence on the process of privatization and commercialization of the state owned enterprises (SoEs) in the country in terms of their productivity, economic viability and contribution in stimulating the economy.

This paper joins the debate on the fiscal policy of the Nigerian government in terms of the revenue allocation formula of the federating units which has been a recurring theme in the country's political existence. A review of revenue allocation formulas shows that the tools used as a measure to allocate and distribute revenue had been more of political gerrymandering, with each regime choosing which formula suits them without minding how the federating units reacts (Adedokun, 2002). An introspective analysis of the various Decrees enacted by the military regimes and the Acts between 1979 and 1983 shows that the southern part of the federation had been denied of their rights in maximizing full potentials of the resources in their territory. With all these, it portends that revenue allocation and distribution from 1968 to 1989 was not in line with true fiscal federalism as should be practiced. It is therefore recommended that the government and stake-holders at all levels should parley and do the needful by reviewing the current sharing formula with a view to correct the anomaly that have bedeviled revenue allocation and distribution over the years. Simply put, there should be decentralization in the generation, distribution and allocation of revenue where states should manage their resources as it will reflect true fiscal federalism as practiced in civilized clime. The constitution remains silent on the cardinal issue of derivation and that is why today the question of who gets what, when and how in terms of revenue allocation and sharing remains politicized and a recurrent issue in Nigeria till today.

The linkage between ethnicity, religious polarization and electoral violence in Africa has become one of the most recurring theme in the literature on democracy and elections in the continent. The electoral process in these emergent democracies have been observed to be marred by electoral violence which many have blamed on the diversity that characterize the socio-political configuration of these states which were inherited from European colonial powers at independence. In an attempt to explain the electoral violence phenomenon, existing works have limited the depths of their enquiry just below the surface by attributing the phenomenon to ethno-religious diversity which is prompted by competition for power and resource control. This paper makes an invitation for a deeper analysis by making a proposition based on the elite theory-which will serve as a framework for future studies on the subject matter. It proposes that the elite in Africa derive their support from their ethno-religious enclave and therefore have ethnic-based support structures. Since every society is shaped by the values and preferences of the elite, the demand of an ethno-religious enclave is therefore a reflection of the interest of the elite class in dominance of such enclave. As a result of this, ethnic competition and by extension electoral violence in African democratic experiments are a result of the clash of interest between these ethnic-based elite classes and their failure to harmonize their interest. To this end, we therefore suggest that electoral violence in Africa occurs mainly as 'proxy wars' between ethnic-based elite classes. Based on this assumption we propose that electoral violence is a function of the failure of the elite class from competing ethno-religious enclaves to harmonize their interest in an electoral process, and when harmonization of interest do occur there tends to be a peaceful election as was experienced in the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria which was peaceful despite the volatility of the political system at the time. This proposition sustains a new dimension in the debate and therefore provides itself as an analytical framework for future studies to build on.

The long period of colonial rule in Africa came to an end in the four decades between 1950 to 1990 and revolutionized the political landscape of the continent. Apart from the springing up of independent states in the continent these four decades witnessed the resurgence of nationalism, not against colonial rule but within the new states as ethnic and religious enclaves which were isolated during the colonial period saw the new state as one in which its objective within it is to gain political hegemony and control the resources for the benefit of its own enclave – a situation which has become the primary source of political competition and violence. Armed with this observation, this study examined the linkages between social identities (ethnicity and religious polarization) and public goods (dividend of political office) and electoral violence in these emergent African democracies drawing evidence from Nigeria and Kenya. The methodology adopted in the study is content analysis based on data obtained from the POLITY IV and State Failure Datasets. This data was augmented with information obtained from electoral bodies – the Independent National Electoral Commission and Independent Electoral and Boundary in Nigeria and Kenya respectively and some other secondary sources (books, periodicals etc). Abstract-The long period of colonial rule in Africa came to an end in the four decades between 1950 to 1990 and revolutionized the political landscape of the continent. Apart from the springing up of independent states in the continent these four decades witnessed the resurgence of nationalism, not against colonial rule but within the new states as ethnic and religious enclaves which were isolated during the colonial period saw the new state as one in which its objective within it is to gain political hegemony and control the resources for the benefit of its own enclave – a situation which has become the primary source of political competition and violence. Armed with this observation, this study examined the linkages between social identities (ethnicity and religious polarization) and public goods (dividend of political office) and electoral violence in these emergent African democracies drawing evidence from Nigeria and Kenya. The methodology adopted in the study is content analysis based on data obtained from the POLITY IV and State Failure Datasets. This data was augmented with information obtained from electoral bodies – the Independent National Electoral Commission and Independent Electoral and Boundary in Nigeria and Kenya respectively and some other secondary sources (books, periodicals etc). Result of the data analysis revealed that there is a linkage between ethnicity, religious polarization, dividends of political office and electoral violence. Based on this the study made recommendations to alleviate this problem which includes the institutionalization of fiscal federalism and reorientation of the electorate on the prerequisite of peaceful elections.

This study was designed to investigate the impact of crude oil exploration in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria with particular reference to its environmental effect on the six oil producing communities in Akwa Ibom State. This research became necessary because oil exploration and production have gravely injured agricultural produce (aquatic and farm), in the region. Activities such as farming, fishing and hunting have drastically reduced in the region which in the past was the major sources of income and livelihood of the local population. With the increasing soil infertility, health hazard and underdevelopment of the region, the inhabitants of the host communities have been forced to abandon their land and seek for nonexistent alternative means of livelihood. The population of the study consisted of residents in the six oil producing communities in Akwa Ibom State. Data for the study was collected through secondary sources. The result of the data analysis indicated a significant relationship between oil exploration and environmental degradation in Akwa Ibom State. Abstract-This study was designed to investigate the impact of crude oil exploration in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria with particular reference to its environmental effect on the six oil producing communities in Akwa Ibom State. This research became necessary because oil exploration and production have gravely injured agricultural produce (aquatic and farm), in the region. Activities such as farming, fishing and hunting have drastically reduced in the region which in the past was the major sources of income and livelihood of the local population. With the increasing soil infertility, health hazard and underdevelopment of the region, the inhabitants of the host communities have been forced to abandon their land and seek for nonexistent alternative means of livelihood. The population of the study consisted of residents in the six oil producing communities in Akwa Ibom State. Data for the study was collected through secondary sources. The result of the data analysis indicated a significant relationship between oil exploration and environmental degradation in Akwa Ibom State. On the basis of this, the following conclusion were drawn: that oil exploration activities in Akwa Ibom State has affected the people and their agricultural production as the people are no longer engaged in their normal farming activities due to soil infertility caused by frequent oil spillage and gas flaring in the region; oil exploration and production affected the people health status and their live span as they directly inhale the poisonous chemicals released into the environment by oil companies through gas flaring and oil spillages; that most environmental laws initiated by the past and present Government has not achieved its set goals and objectives of protecting the Niger Delta environment from pollution and degradation due to corruption, lack of political will and political intrigues due to the fact that most political elite in the country have a stake in the oil industry. Based on the findings of the study and the conclusions drawn, it was recommended among other things that: oil companies operating in the region should step up monitoring, repair and replacement of pipeline through both human and machine aided system, strict modification and implementation in the current regulatory framework of oil spillage and gas flaring, and a holistic approach to the environment in terms of planning, development and management of land resources.

This paper makes a prognosis of the impact of security agencies in election management in Nigeria with particular reference to reforms made during the Yardua/Jonathan administration (2007-2015). Election has been recognized as one of the salient determinant of a quality democratic process throughout the globe. The role of security agencies are crucial to the success of election because credible election requires among others a high degree of neutrality, alertness and commitment of the security personnel in maintaining law and order, and ensuring security of voters, candidates and election materials during and after the electoral process. This study argued that the elections in Nigeria however continue to suffer wanton abuses and gross violation of this standard as security agencies are observed in some cases not to be neutral but showed open support for candidates. It was further observed that in some recorded cases security personnel are accused of conniving with party thugs and gangsters in their nefarious act of rigging, victimization and intimidation of political opponent during general elections. On the basis of this, the following conclusion were made; that the politicization of security institutions by the ruling elite, the deployment of inexperience security personnel, paucity of security information on the side of the security agencies to respond to security threat as at when due, problem of ineffective information communication technology among others are the major challenges faced in effective management of the electoral processes in Nigeria's fourth republic. The population of the study consisted of the entire staff of INEC, Security Agencies and the general public. Data for the study was collected through secondary sources. Based on the findings of the study and the conclusions drawn, it was recommended among other things that there is need for the sensitization of the security agencies as to what their role should be in an election and their status as a neutral party in the process.

Nation-building is about building the tangible and intangible threads that hold a political entity together and gives it a sense of purpose. It was the belief of Nigerian nationalists that federalism will foster nation building in Nigeria, but fifty-eight years down the line as an independent nation, Nigeria is still grappling with challenges of nation building. Acknowledging this as a threat to the nation continued existence this paper discusses the implication of the continued practice of skewed federalism "Nigeria Model" and it effect on the country quest to become a strong and united nation. Adopting the descriptive method of enquiry as well as Integration paradigm as analytical guide, the paper argues that though federalism is the most suitable principle for ensuring nation building in a heterogeneous country like Nigeria, the "Nigeria Model" of federalism where so much fiscal resources and responsibilities is being concentrated in the center to the detriment of the states breeds confrontation between the central government and component units, thus hamper nation building. For empirical analysis, this study makes a survey of 1500 government officials and citizens out of which 1346 questionnaires were returned. The data obtained was analyzed using Pearson Correlation which showed a significant relationship between nation building and three key variables (federal structure, citizen perception of the political structure, and interaction of the tiers of government). The paper recommends, among other things, a review of the 1999 constitution to reduce the power and responsibilities of the federal government to common services like Foreign Affairs, Currency, Immigration and Defence and granting of more responsibilities to states as well as a reintroduction of the Derivation Principle which allow states generate it revenue from the resources available in it domain and give a percentage to the central government. This will bring out ingenuity inherent in the various states and lead to healthy competition in terms of development. This proposed new federal arrangement will not only give confidence to but enhance nation building in the country.

In the literature on the structure of government and its impact on development in the grassroot there is a resurgence in the focus on the role of Local Government as government in the grassroot level in stimulating economic activities that will significantly improve the general well-being of the populace and contribute to sustainable economic development. Situated within this focus, this study examined the impact of Local Government fiscal autonomy on the performance of Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMSE) in Nigeria. Using a questionnaire as instrument the study adopted a survey method and collected data from 248 entrepreneurs from the three senatorial districts of Akwa Ibom State in Nigeria. The correlation analysis of the data showed two insightful results-both the level of Local Government fiscal autonomy and its level of expenditure have significant impact on the performance and profitability of SMSEs. It therefore recommend for higher Local Government fiscal autonomy as an important step to stimulate inclusive economic activities and growth.