A native of Toledo, Ohio, Dr. Ravi K. Perry holds a B.A. from the University of Michigan and a M.A. and Ph.D. from Brown University, each in political science. Dr. Perry is Associate Professor of Political Science at Virginia Commonwealth University. With specializations in Black politics, minority representation, urban politics, American public policy, and LGBT candidates of color, he concentrates his research and activism on minority communities. Address: 2441 6th ST NW Washington, DC 20019
Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politic... more Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politics in the 21st century. The study of the LGBT experience generally has been devoid of political variables because of a lack of attention toward LGBT issues, until recently, in national political party agendas. In this essay, we review some of the contours of the LGBT community’s fight for political recognition in the United States as a precursor to the election and reelection of President Obama. Drawing parallels with presidential responsiveness toward Blacks in their quest for rights, we examine the Obama administration’s LGBT public policy initiatives as administrative policy and programs. We conclude by identifying new areas of research to explore on LGBT politics
Widely accepted scholarship and public discourse has argued the black church is the driving force... more Widely accepted scholarship and public discourse has argued the black church is the driving force behind blacks’ conservative Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgendered (LGBT) attitudes. Utilizing the General Social Survey from 2004-2010, we find that there is significant variation in attitudes among blacks when measured by SEI (class). As the black middle class remains conservative on homosexual attitudes, other class groups – for whites and blacks - have followed the trend in American discourse of decreasing negative attitudes over time, resulting in a widening gap among the black and white middle class. We also find that what explains persistent conservative attitudes among the black middle class is not only blacks’ religiosity. Thus, while religiosity explains the majority of the difference in homosexual attitudes among all class groups for whites and blacks, religiosity does not account for the majority of the difference for the black middle class. Furthermore, when accounting for moral attitudes and measures of discrimination, the difference in attitudes among the white and black middle class do not change. We conclude by discussing how religiosity ‘black church’ narratives only narrowly explain blacks’ negative attitudes toward homosexuality.
Living with Class: Philosophical Reflections on Identity and Material Culture, 2013
Americans have, in recent years, shown increasing support for a variety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual... more Americans have, in recent years, shown increasing support for a variety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) social issues. However, despite this greater support for civil rights and social acceptance, we still know very little about how attitudes toward LGBT issues are shaped by one’s socioeconomic status, especially within the African American community. Examining data from recent waves of the General Social Survey, we find that middle class African Americans and middle class Whites have inconsistent views regarding same-sex sexual relations relative to other social class subgroups that cannot be explained by race alone. Findings also indicate that although Black Americans are less likely to support gay marriage in aggregate, the effect of socioeconomic status (SES) is consistent for both Blacks and Whites, with higher class individuals being more likely to support the right to marry than those from lower class backgrounds. We conclude with reasons why middle class Blacks, but not other race and class subgroups, have such negative views regarding same-sex sexual relations despite their support for same-sex marriage as a civil right.
Black members of the U.S. House of Representatives have been found to represent black interests i... more Black members of the U.S. House of Representatives have been found to represent black interests in non-majority black districts. For the nation’s only black governor, Deval Patrick (D-MA), his rhetorical strategies have been found to demonstrate an effort to represent black interests, in a state with seven percent black population. Studies of black mayors of large and medium-sized non-majority black cities, such as Harold Washington of Chicago, Illinois and William Johnson, Jr. of Rochester, New York, have also acknowledged their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. However, Washington, Johnson and most other black mayors of the twentieth century were elected under different circumstances than the black mayors of the twenty-first century. Given the changing demographics of many cities in the twenty-first century, the question remains, what can be expected from black mayors of the new century in terms of their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. Meanwhile, the conditions under which black mayors of the twenty first century are elected and govern is compounded by the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States. An adopted native son of Chicago, President Obama is the first black president and the first in decades whose home is an urban city, where many Blacks live. How President Obama rhetorically seeks to represent black interests may impact or at least correlate with black mayors’ rhetorical strategies to represent black interests as well, as each (black mayors and President Obama), face changing demographics in their efforts to be effective politicians. I explore this question by examining Jack Ford of Toledo, and Rhine McLin of Dayton, two black Ohio mayors.
The nature of political representation of Black constituents' interests from their elected Black ... more The nature of political representation of Black constituents' interests from their elected Black representatives is changing in the twenty first century. Increasingly, African Americans are being elected to political offices where the majority of their constituents are not African American. Previous research on this question tended to characterize Black politicians' efforts to represent their Black constituents' interests in two frames: deracialized or racialized. However, the advent of the twenty-first century has exhausted the utility of that polarization. Black politicians no longer find explicit racial appeals appropriate for their electoral goals, given the changing demographic environment, and greater acceptance of African American politicians in high profile positions of power. Black politicians also increasingly find that a lack of attention to racial disparities facing constituents within their political boundaries does not effectively address why certain groups like Blacks are disproportionately and negatively affected than others, across a range of issues. Rather than continue to make efforts to represent Black interests within those two frames, Black politicians have begun to universalize the interests of Blacks.
Recent research documents how party rules, election reforms, and the growth of primaries and cauc... more Recent research documents how party rules, election reforms, and the growth of primaries and caucuses have greatly changed the presidential nomination process. Acknowledging that most Americans get their information about presidential candidates through the news and that mass media have played a significant role in introducing candidates to potential voters, I conduct an longitudinal content analysis of the New York Times articles to ethnographically explain how language, article placement and content in ‘America’s Paper’ has significantly impacted the framing of black presidential candidates’ pre-primary presidential campaigns. In particular, the data reveal how the newspaper’s coverage of the candidates appears to vary based on perceived viability and as willingness to vote for a black president increases.
Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Bl... more Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Black LGBTQ Americans invisible in the body politic of powerful institutions that govern society. In the face of centuries-long oppression at the hands of the state, Black LGBTQ Americans have effectively mobilized to establish visibility on the national policymaking agenda. Members of this community have demonstrated a fierce resilience while confronting a violent anti-Black and anti-LGBTQ mainstream agenda narrative in media and politics. This sociopolitical marginalization—from members of their shared demographic, or not, is often framed in partisan or ideological terms in public discourse and in the halls of American political institutions. Secondary marginalization theory and opinion polling frame how personal identity and social experience shape the Black LGBTQ political movement’s expression of what participation in politics in the United States ought to earn them in return. Double-consciousness theory contextualizes the development of Black LGBTQ sociopolitical marginalization in the United States and the community’s responsive mobilization over time—revealing the impact of coalition building and self-identification toward establishing political visibility necessary to improve the lived conditions of the multiply oppressed.
Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politic... more Very little is written on the subject of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered) politics in the 21st century. The study of the LGBT experience generally has been devoid of political variables because of a lack of attention toward LGBT issues, until recently, in national political party agendas. In this essay, we review some of the contours of the LGBT community’s fight for political recognition in the United States as a precursor to the election and reelection of President Obama. Drawing parallels with presidential responsiveness toward Blacks in their quest for rights, we examine the Obama administration’s LGBT public policy initiatives as administrative policy and programs. We conclude by identifying new areas of research to explore on LGBT politics
Widely accepted scholarship and public discourse has argued the black church is the driving force... more Widely accepted scholarship and public discourse has argued the black church is the driving force behind blacks’ conservative Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgendered (LGBT) attitudes. Utilizing the General Social Survey from 2004-2010, we find that there is significant variation in attitudes among blacks when measured by SEI (class). As the black middle class remains conservative on homosexual attitudes, other class groups – for whites and blacks - have followed the trend in American discourse of decreasing negative attitudes over time, resulting in a widening gap among the black and white middle class. We also find that what explains persistent conservative attitudes among the black middle class is not only blacks’ religiosity. Thus, while religiosity explains the majority of the difference in homosexual attitudes among all class groups for whites and blacks, religiosity does not account for the majority of the difference for the black middle class. Furthermore, when accounting for moral attitudes and measures of discrimination, the difference in attitudes among the white and black middle class do not change. We conclude by discussing how religiosity ‘black church’ narratives only narrowly explain blacks’ negative attitudes toward homosexuality.
Living with Class: Philosophical Reflections on Identity and Material Culture, 2013
Americans have, in recent years, shown increasing support for a variety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual... more Americans have, in recent years, shown increasing support for a variety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) social issues. However, despite this greater support for civil rights and social acceptance, we still know very little about how attitudes toward LGBT issues are shaped by one’s socioeconomic status, especially within the African American community. Examining data from recent waves of the General Social Survey, we find that middle class African Americans and middle class Whites have inconsistent views regarding same-sex sexual relations relative to other social class subgroups that cannot be explained by race alone. Findings also indicate that although Black Americans are less likely to support gay marriage in aggregate, the effect of socioeconomic status (SES) is consistent for both Blacks and Whites, with higher class individuals being more likely to support the right to marry than those from lower class backgrounds. We conclude with reasons why middle class Blacks, but not other race and class subgroups, have such negative views regarding same-sex sexual relations despite their support for same-sex marriage as a civil right.
Black members of the U.S. House of Representatives have been found to represent black interests i... more Black members of the U.S. House of Representatives have been found to represent black interests in non-majority black districts. For the nation’s only black governor, Deval Patrick (D-MA), his rhetorical strategies have been found to demonstrate an effort to represent black interests, in a state with seven percent black population. Studies of black mayors of large and medium-sized non-majority black cities, such as Harold Washington of Chicago, Illinois and William Johnson, Jr. of Rochester, New York, have also acknowledged their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. However, Washington, Johnson and most other black mayors of the twentieth century were elected under different circumstances than the black mayors of the twenty-first century. Given the changing demographics of many cities in the twenty-first century, the question remains, what can be expected from black mayors of the new century in terms of their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. Meanwhile, the conditions under which black mayors of the twenty first century are elected and govern is compounded by the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States. An adopted native son of Chicago, President Obama is the first black president and the first in decades whose home is an urban city, where many Blacks live. How President Obama rhetorically seeks to represent black interests may impact or at least correlate with black mayors’ rhetorical strategies to represent black interests as well, as each (black mayors and President Obama), face changing demographics in their efforts to be effective politicians. I explore this question by examining Jack Ford of Toledo, and Rhine McLin of Dayton, two black Ohio mayors.
The nature of political representation of Black constituents' interests from their elected Black ... more The nature of political representation of Black constituents' interests from their elected Black representatives is changing in the twenty first century. Increasingly, African Americans are being elected to political offices where the majority of their constituents are not African American. Previous research on this question tended to characterize Black politicians' efforts to represent their Black constituents' interests in two frames: deracialized or racialized. However, the advent of the twenty-first century has exhausted the utility of that polarization. Black politicians no longer find explicit racial appeals appropriate for their electoral goals, given the changing demographic environment, and greater acceptance of African American politicians in high profile positions of power. Black politicians also increasingly find that a lack of attention to racial disparities facing constituents within their political boundaries does not effectively address why certain groups like Blacks are disproportionately and negatively affected than others, across a range of issues. Rather than continue to make efforts to represent Black interests within those two frames, Black politicians have begun to universalize the interests of Blacks.
Recent research documents how party rules, election reforms, and the growth of primaries and cauc... more Recent research documents how party rules, election reforms, and the growth of primaries and caucuses have greatly changed the presidential nomination process. Acknowledging that most Americans get their information about presidential candidates through the news and that mass media have played a significant role in introducing candidates to potential voters, I conduct an longitudinal content analysis of the New York Times articles to ethnographically explain how language, article placement and content in ‘America’s Paper’ has significantly impacted the framing of black presidential candidates’ pre-primary presidential campaigns. In particular, the data reveal how the newspaper’s coverage of the candidates appears to vary based on perceived viability and as willingness to vote for a black president increases.
Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Bl... more Symbolic and structural inequities that seek to maintain White supremacy have sought to render Black LGBTQ Americans invisible in the body politic of powerful institutions that govern society. In the face of centuries-long oppression at the hands of the state, Black LGBTQ Americans have effectively mobilized to establish visibility on the national policymaking agenda. Members of this community have demonstrated a fierce resilience while confronting a violent anti-Black and anti-LGBTQ mainstream agenda narrative in media and politics. This sociopolitical marginalization—from members of their shared demographic, or not, is often framed in partisan or ideological terms in public discourse and in the halls of American political institutions. Secondary marginalization theory and opinion polling frame how personal identity and social experience shape the Black LGBTQ political movement’s expression of what participation in politics in the United States ought to earn them in return. Double-consciousness theory contextualizes the development of Black LGBTQ sociopolitical marginalization in the United States and the community’s responsive mobilization over time—revealing the impact of coalition building and self-identification toward establishing political visibility necessary to improve the lived conditions of the multiply oppressed.
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acknowledged their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. However, Washington, Johnson and most other black mayors of the twentieth century were elected under different circumstances than the black mayors of the twenty-first century. Given the changing demographics of many cities in the twenty-first century, the question remains, what can be expected from black mayors of the new century in terms of their
rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. Meanwhile, the conditions under which black mayors of the twenty first century are elected and govern is compounded by the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States. An adopted native son of Chicago, President Obama is the first black president and the first in decades whose home is an urban city, where many Blacks live. How President Obama rhetorically seeks to represent black interests may impact or at least correlate with black mayors’ rhetorical strategies to represent black interests as well, as each (black mayors and President Obama), face changing demographics in their efforts to be effective politicians. I explore
this question by examining Jack Ford of Toledo, and Rhine McLin of Dayton, two black Ohio mayors.
acknowledged their rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. However, Washington, Johnson and most other black mayors of the twentieth century were elected under different circumstances than the black mayors of the twenty-first century. Given the changing demographics of many cities in the twenty-first century, the question remains, what can be expected from black mayors of the new century in terms of their
rhetorical strategies to represent black interests. Meanwhile, the conditions under which black mayors of the twenty first century are elected and govern is compounded by the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States. An adopted native son of Chicago, President Obama is the first black president and the first in decades whose home is an urban city, where many Blacks live. How President Obama rhetorically seeks to represent black interests may impact or at least correlate with black mayors’ rhetorical strategies to represent black interests as well, as each (black mayors and President Obama), face changing demographics in their efforts to be effective politicians. I explore
this question by examining Jack Ford of Toledo, and Rhine McLin of Dayton, two black Ohio mayors.