Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the produc... more Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the production of space and urbanisation to everyday life practices. The digital space has become part of everyday life with extensive use of social media by individuals and institutions as a key communication sphere. Dwelling on these, this paper explores the role of the digital space in the processes of the production of space and the role of the networked practices of local governments within those processes. Investigating the practices of local governments and their engagement with individuals opens up areas of exploration for everyday life, local governance and institutional politics. The paper explores these via two case studies about acts of everyday life: holiday-making during the rerunning of an election campaign and New Year's Eve celebrations in Turkey. It discusses the dialectical relationship between the lived space and the conceived space (Lefebvre, 1991) and how everyday politics submerges with everyday life via the practices of local governments by focusing on the networked (Castells, 2004) engagements among local governments and with ordinary citizens through the use of social media. It concludes that the digital space acts as a conduit where the conceived and the lived are submerged.
The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kur... more The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities
Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the produc... more Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the production of space and urbanisation to everyday life practices. The digital space has become part of everyday life with extensive use of social media by individuals and institutions as a key communication sphere. Dwelling on these, this paper explores the role of the digital space in the processes of the production of space and the role of the networked practices of local governments within those processes. Investigating the practices of local governments and their engagement with individuals opens up areas of exploration for everyday life, local governance and institutional politics. The paper explores these via two case studies about acts of everyday life: holiday-making during the rerunning of an election campaign and New Year's Eve celebrations in Turkey. It discusses the dialectical relationship between the lived space and the conceived space (Lefebvre, 1991) and how everyday politics submerges with everyday life via the practices of local governments by focusing on the networked (Castells, 2004) engagements among local governments and with ordinary citizens through the use of social media. It concludes that the digital space acts as a conduit where the conceived and the lived are submerged.
Football, as other cultural products, has become a major part of the
political field, since there... more Football, as other cultural products, has become a major part of the political field, since there has been an ongoing cultural battle between the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his dissidents. The country is divided into two, not only between social and cultural capital owners; two sets of ideological elements, namely ‘doxas’ in reference to Bourdieusian sociology, also define the political faultlines in Turkey. Football, imported in the final years of the Ottoman Empire by the mod- ern elite, has been intertwined with Turkish modernism and its core elements, such as nationalism. The Erdoğan regime, while dismantling the old rule, has also tried to create cultural hegemony, which has been met with dissidence. This paper analyses the role of an old military song called the ‘Izmir March’, sung in the football stands against the Erdoğan regime, discussing the elements of the two doxas in Turkey, old and new.
Since Islamist-conservative Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took over power in Turkey, the country has gone ... more Since Islamist-conservative Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took over power in Turkey, the country has gone through a massive social transformation. Football, the quintessential form of entertainment in Turkey which has always had its ties with politics, has also been affected by this change. Especially after the Gezi Protests, in which the supporters of three major Istanbul clubs participated, to express their discontent over Erdoğan’s autocratic tendencies and interventions on secular lifestyles, the ruling party’s intervention in football accelerated. The new regime employed heavy policing, a controversial e-ticket scheme, and criminal court cases to suppress dissent in the stadiums, and also sponsored two pro-regime teams of its own that reached success but not popularity. The regime’s every move concerning football has been contested by the middle-class, secular football fans of Istanbul’s pro-opposition neighbourhoods. This paper discusses the historical and sociological origins of Erdoğan’s recurring defeats in the football field versus Stambulite fans.
Sport has had a symbiotic relationship with television for decades, as it has always been one of ... more Sport has had a symbiotic relationship with television for decades, as it has always been one of the most marketable visual products for the medium. The new visual media technologies that have been introduced since the 1970s have altered this relationship greatly by incrementally commodifying sport at each step. One of the most crucial aspects of this relationship is globalisation, which initially depended on satellite television and took sport’s hyper-commodification to a whole new level. Turkey, which went through a massive transformation to a neoliberal rule following a bloody coup d’etat in 1980 that practically razed the whole social and political structure, has since become an important example of the roles of sport and television in an aggressively neoliberal setting. This chapter aims to explain why televised sport has had a remarkable role in the sociopolitical transformation of Turkey since the 1980 coup.
The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kur... more The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities
Football is the most popular sport in Turkey through its success, its excesses, its prestigious v... more Football is the most popular sport in Turkey through its success, its excesses, its prestigious victories. Imported by European foreigners at the end of the nineteenth century, practiced secretly by Muslim elites, it became in a few decades the symbol of the nation fighting against the external enemies, against a threatening Europe. Turkish football is also known for the passion of its supporters for the national team or club teams. The matches between the “Big Threes”, (Galatasaray, Fenerbahçe, Beşiktaş) are considered among the most spectacular derbies in the world that sometimes trigger violent clashes between fans. The place of football in Turkey is such that it constitutes an area particularly invested by politicians and thus reflects the major debates of Turkish society and the persistence of a strong nationalism.
In Turkey, especially since 2010, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has gradually as... more In Turkey, especially since 2010, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has gradually assumed all power within the state. In parallel, it has introduced a hegemonic project widely known as ‘New Turkey’, rede ning state apparatuses through its proprietary web of networks of formal and informal relations. Inclusion in, or exclusion from, these networks is at the sole discretion of leading political actors, and can be considered as a state apparatus in itself, even though it contains elements that are informal or uno cial. All these networks of o cial and uno cial apparatuses are centred around President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The article focuses on the Twitter interactions of 25 key elements of the AKP’s web of networks between 2010 and 2016, using Social Network Analysis. In the Turkish context, the use of Twitter as a means of communication is particularly pertinent, as it stands out as a unique channel for democratic discourse. The ndings of the research con rm that the Twitter interactions of the 25 o cial and uno cial state apparatuses, with very few exceptions, constitute a network well-connected to the core, mostly represented by Erdoğan.
In June 2013, during the Gezi protests against the Turkish Government, football fans in Istanbul ... more In June 2013, during the Gezi protests against the Turkish Government, football fans in Istanbul appeared to be key elements in the movement, challenging common opinion which qualified them as a passive social element. Another major factor in the movement was the use of social media, especially Twitter, by mostly middle-class people with anti-government views. This paper examines a sample of independent, Istanbul-based match-going football fans’ political expressions on Twitter between 2012 and 2015 to attempt to uncover whether their online political expression hints at an organized and durable politicization or rather a spontaneous reaction against the government’s attempt to replace the core values, or ‘doxa’ of the republic, with Islamist principles. The findings of the research suggest that the fans’ lack of political engagement or experience prevented their involvement from having a serious political impact, a feature shared by most layers of the middle classes in Turkey, which may have blocked the Gezi Movement from making further political gains.
Authoritarian Politics in Turkey: Elections, Resistance and the AKP
Turkey has been under the spotlight regarding its social media use since the 2010s. The country h... more Turkey has been under the spotlight regarding its social media use since the 2010s. The country has 41 million Facebook users, which corresponds to a penetration rate of 52.8 per cent, 15 points higher than the European average. According to a 2015 survey by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, among 18 developed nations, urban Turkey ranks first in using social media as a news source (67 per cent), using Facebook as a news source (69 per cent), and using Twitter as a news source (33 per cent) while it ranks last in trust of the media. Meanwhile, the Turkish government led by Recep Tayyip Erdog˘an, following the 2013 Gezi Park protests (where the number of retweeted messages skyrocketed over 15 million)3, caught the eyes of the international community with its repeated ban attempts and content removal requests on Twitter and Facebook, as well as lawsuits against social media users.
Le 31 mai 2013, des milliers de supporters de trois clubs sportifs majeurs d'Istanbul (Beşiktaş, ... more Le 31 mai 2013, des milliers de supporters de trois clubs sportifs majeurs d'Istanbul (Beşiktaş, Galatasaray et Fenerbahçe) se sont réunis à la suite d'un appel sur les réseaux sociaux qui les avait invités à rallier la place Taksim pour se joindre au mouvement de défense du parc Gezi, qui était menacé par un projet urbanistique du gouvernement de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. La participation active de ces supporters et des groupes ultras a permis de repousser les forces policières hors de la place et de prendre le contrôle du lieu pendant deux semaines. Inédite, cette coalition des supporters, surnommée Istanbul United dès les premiers jours de la résistance, a été largement glorifiée en tant qu'union capable d'effacer, autour d'une cause citoyenne, les différences entre les groupes rivaux. Cette action collective ou cet agir-ensemble peuvent être considérés comme un mouvement dans la mesure où ils se développent dans une logique de revendication et de défense d'une cause par des membres dotés d'une identité commune qui utilisent un répertoire d'action collective (Tilly 1985) lié au supportérisme (techniques d'affrontement, utilisation des réseaux sociaux, etc.). Dans la présente contribution, nous nous proposons de revenir sur les conditions sociales et idéologiques de l'engagement des supporters en retraçant la genèse sociopolitique du supportérisme en Turquie. Ce dernier s'est en effet développé comme un instrument du nationalisme et a, de ce fait, subi l'influence des transformations de la société turque, en particulier après le tournant néolibéral des années 1980. Par ailleurs, l'analyse des échanges entre les supporters via les réseaux sociaux à l'occasion du mouvement de Gezi permettra de comprendre le sens de la mobilisation des supporters dans le contexte actuel.
Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the produc... more Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the production of space and urbanisation to everyday life practices. The digital space has become part of everyday life with extensive use of social media by individuals and institutions as a key communication sphere. Dwelling on these, this paper explores the role of the digital space in the processes of the production of space and the role of the networked practices of local governments within those processes. Investigating the practices of local governments and their engagement with individuals opens up areas of exploration for everyday life, local governance and institutional politics. The paper explores these via two case studies about acts of everyday life: holiday-making during the rerunning of an election campaign and New Year's Eve celebrations in Turkey. It discusses the dialectical relationship between the lived space and the conceived space (Lefebvre, 1991) and how everyday politics submerges with everyday life via the practices of local governments by focusing on the networked (Castells, 2004) engagements among local governments and with ordinary citizens through the use of social media. It concludes that the digital space acts as a conduit where the conceived and the lived are submerged.
The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kur... more The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities
Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the produc... more Everyday life expands the debates about the role of capitalist production relations in the production of space and urbanisation to everyday life practices. The digital space has become part of everyday life with extensive use of social media by individuals and institutions as a key communication sphere. Dwelling on these, this paper explores the role of the digital space in the processes of the production of space and the role of the networked practices of local governments within those processes. Investigating the practices of local governments and their engagement with individuals opens up areas of exploration for everyday life, local governance and institutional politics. The paper explores these via two case studies about acts of everyday life: holiday-making during the rerunning of an election campaign and New Year's Eve celebrations in Turkey. It discusses the dialectical relationship between the lived space and the conceived space (Lefebvre, 1991) and how everyday politics submerges with everyday life via the practices of local governments by focusing on the networked (Castells, 2004) engagements among local governments and with ordinary citizens through the use of social media. It concludes that the digital space acts as a conduit where the conceived and the lived are submerged.
Football, as other cultural products, has become a major part of the
political field, since there... more Football, as other cultural products, has become a major part of the political field, since there has been an ongoing cultural battle between the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his dissidents. The country is divided into two, not only between social and cultural capital owners; two sets of ideological elements, namely ‘doxas’ in reference to Bourdieusian sociology, also define the political faultlines in Turkey. Football, imported in the final years of the Ottoman Empire by the mod- ern elite, has been intertwined with Turkish modernism and its core elements, such as nationalism. The Erdoğan regime, while dismantling the old rule, has also tried to create cultural hegemony, which has been met with dissidence. This paper analyses the role of an old military song called the ‘Izmir March’, sung in the football stands against the Erdoğan regime, discussing the elements of the two doxas in Turkey, old and new.
Since Islamist-conservative Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took over power in Turkey, the country has gone ... more Since Islamist-conservative Recep Tayyip Erdoğan took over power in Turkey, the country has gone through a massive social transformation. Football, the quintessential form of entertainment in Turkey which has always had its ties with politics, has also been affected by this change. Especially after the Gezi Protests, in which the supporters of three major Istanbul clubs participated, to express their discontent over Erdoğan’s autocratic tendencies and interventions on secular lifestyles, the ruling party’s intervention in football accelerated. The new regime employed heavy policing, a controversial e-ticket scheme, and criminal court cases to suppress dissent in the stadiums, and also sponsored two pro-regime teams of its own that reached success but not popularity. The regime’s every move concerning football has been contested by the middle-class, secular football fans of Istanbul’s pro-opposition neighbourhoods. This paper discusses the historical and sociological origins of Erdoğan’s recurring defeats in the football field versus Stambulite fans.
Sport has had a symbiotic relationship with television for decades, as it has always been one of ... more Sport has had a symbiotic relationship with television for decades, as it has always been one of the most marketable visual products for the medium. The new visual media technologies that have been introduced since the 1970s have altered this relationship greatly by incrementally commodifying sport at each step. One of the most crucial aspects of this relationship is globalisation, which initially depended on satellite television and took sport’s hyper-commodification to a whole new level. Turkey, which went through a massive transformation to a neoliberal rule following a bloody coup d’etat in 1980 that practically razed the whole social and political structure, has since become an important example of the roles of sport and television in an aggressively neoliberal setting. This chapter aims to explain why televised sport has had a remarkable role in the sociopolitical transformation of Turkey since the 1980 coup.
The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kur... more The Kurds, the largest minority in Turkey, have almost no visibility in Turkish sports. While Kurdish sportspeople are not discouraged from joining in sports activities, their participation is heavily monitored by the government agencies against any manifestation of ethnic identity. Football in the Kurdish regions, seen by the Turkish state as a tool to distract Kurdish youth from political activities, has always been subject to the direct intervention of the civil and military bureaucracy, their presence in club boards is not uncommon. However, a third-division club named Amedspor, challenged all the unwritten rules related to Kurds in sports, at the expense of receiving a recurring suspension from the Turkish Football Federation. This article examines the Kurdish sports and the Amedspor case through Manuel Castells’ conception of legitimizing, resistance and project identities
Football is the most popular sport in Turkey through its success, its excesses, its prestigious v... more Football is the most popular sport in Turkey through its success, its excesses, its prestigious victories. Imported by European foreigners at the end of the nineteenth century, practiced secretly by Muslim elites, it became in a few decades the symbol of the nation fighting against the external enemies, against a threatening Europe. Turkish football is also known for the passion of its supporters for the national team or club teams. The matches between the “Big Threes”, (Galatasaray, Fenerbahçe, Beşiktaş) are considered among the most spectacular derbies in the world that sometimes trigger violent clashes between fans. The place of football in Turkey is such that it constitutes an area particularly invested by politicians and thus reflects the major debates of Turkish society and the persistence of a strong nationalism.
In Turkey, especially since 2010, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has gradually as... more In Turkey, especially since 2010, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has gradually assumed all power within the state. In parallel, it has introduced a hegemonic project widely known as ‘New Turkey’, rede ning state apparatuses through its proprietary web of networks of formal and informal relations. Inclusion in, or exclusion from, these networks is at the sole discretion of leading political actors, and can be considered as a state apparatus in itself, even though it contains elements that are informal or uno cial. All these networks of o cial and uno cial apparatuses are centred around President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The article focuses on the Twitter interactions of 25 key elements of the AKP’s web of networks between 2010 and 2016, using Social Network Analysis. In the Turkish context, the use of Twitter as a means of communication is particularly pertinent, as it stands out as a unique channel for democratic discourse. The ndings of the research con rm that the Twitter interactions of the 25 o cial and uno cial state apparatuses, with very few exceptions, constitute a network well-connected to the core, mostly represented by Erdoğan.
In June 2013, during the Gezi protests against the Turkish Government, football fans in Istanbul ... more In June 2013, during the Gezi protests against the Turkish Government, football fans in Istanbul appeared to be key elements in the movement, challenging common opinion which qualified them as a passive social element. Another major factor in the movement was the use of social media, especially Twitter, by mostly middle-class people with anti-government views. This paper examines a sample of independent, Istanbul-based match-going football fans’ political expressions on Twitter between 2012 and 2015 to attempt to uncover whether their online political expression hints at an organized and durable politicization or rather a spontaneous reaction against the government’s attempt to replace the core values, or ‘doxa’ of the republic, with Islamist principles. The findings of the research suggest that the fans’ lack of political engagement or experience prevented their involvement from having a serious political impact, a feature shared by most layers of the middle classes in Turkey, which may have blocked the Gezi Movement from making further political gains.
Authoritarian Politics in Turkey: Elections, Resistance and the AKP
Turkey has been under the spotlight regarding its social media use since the 2010s. The country h... more Turkey has been under the spotlight regarding its social media use since the 2010s. The country has 41 million Facebook users, which corresponds to a penetration rate of 52.8 per cent, 15 points higher than the European average. According to a 2015 survey by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, among 18 developed nations, urban Turkey ranks first in using social media as a news source (67 per cent), using Facebook as a news source (69 per cent), and using Twitter as a news source (33 per cent) while it ranks last in trust of the media. Meanwhile, the Turkish government led by Recep Tayyip Erdog˘an, following the 2013 Gezi Park protests (where the number of retweeted messages skyrocketed over 15 million)3, caught the eyes of the international community with its repeated ban attempts and content removal requests on Twitter and Facebook, as well as lawsuits against social media users.
Le 31 mai 2013, des milliers de supporters de trois clubs sportifs majeurs d'Istanbul (Beşiktaş, ... more Le 31 mai 2013, des milliers de supporters de trois clubs sportifs majeurs d'Istanbul (Beşiktaş, Galatasaray et Fenerbahçe) se sont réunis à la suite d'un appel sur les réseaux sociaux qui les avait invités à rallier la place Taksim pour se joindre au mouvement de défense du parc Gezi, qui était menacé par un projet urbanistique du gouvernement de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. La participation active de ces supporters et des groupes ultras a permis de repousser les forces policières hors de la place et de prendre le contrôle du lieu pendant deux semaines. Inédite, cette coalition des supporters, surnommée Istanbul United dès les premiers jours de la résistance, a été largement glorifiée en tant qu'union capable d'effacer, autour d'une cause citoyenne, les différences entre les groupes rivaux. Cette action collective ou cet agir-ensemble peuvent être considérés comme un mouvement dans la mesure où ils se développent dans une logique de revendication et de défense d'une cause par des membres dotés d'une identité commune qui utilisent un répertoire d'action collective (Tilly 1985) lié au supportérisme (techniques d'affrontement, utilisation des réseaux sociaux, etc.). Dans la présente contribution, nous nous proposons de revenir sur les conditions sociales et idéologiques de l'engagement des supporters en retraçant la genèse sociopolitique du supportérisme en Turquie. Ce dernier s'est en effet développé comme un instrument du nationalisme et a, de ce fait, subi l'influence des transformations de la société turque, en particulier après le tournant néolibéral des années 1980. Par ailleurs, l'analyse des échanges entre les supporters via les réseaux sociaux à l'occasion du mouvement de Gezi permettra de comprendre le sens de la mobilisation des supporters dans le contexte actuel.
Routledge - Critical Research in Football Series, 2019
Football Fandom, Protest and Democracy offers an in-depth and inside approach to the socio-politi... more Football Fandom, Protest and Democracy offers an in-depth and inside approach to the socio-political history of football in Turkey, where fandom is often revered as part of the national identity, presenting the historical context for football events in the country.
Based on original research, the book explores the complex political processes at play in modern Turkey and deepens our understanding of fandom, fan activism and protest movements, questioning all presuppositions about the society and football fandom in Turkey. In particular, it examines the role of football fans in the pro-democracy Gezi Protests of 2013, the history of football in Turkey, the sociology of middle-classes and the transformation of football in the country.
Interdisciplinary in nature, this book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of sports sociology, popular culture studies, Turkish studies and media studies.
In May and June of 2013, an encampment protesting against the privatisation of an historic public... more In May and June of 2013, an encampment protesting against the privatisation of an historic public space in a commercially vibrant square of Istanbul began as a typical urban social movement for individual rights and freedoms, with no particular political affiliation. Thanks to the brutality of the police and the Turkish Prime Minister's reactions, the mobilisation soon snowballed into mass opposition to the regime. This volume puts together an excellent collection of field research, qualitative and quantitative data, theoretical approaches and international comparative contributions in order to reveal the significance of the Gezi Protests in
“Hükmen Yenik!” (Lost by Default!) by Dağhan Irak, explores the reactions of football fans in Tur... more “Hükmen Yenik!” (Lost by Default!) by Dağhan Irak, explores the reactions of football fans in Turkey to the social, political and football related events onwards the 1970s. Introducing the events that effect the public life and search for their repercussions in football fan groups, the book takes England, where football was born as a working-class game, as a reference point on how football fans react on the “hypercommodification” process of football in four decades.
The commodification of football took a new turn with the television broadcasts and the expansion of football to a wider public in the 1970s and finally it reached a climax of “hyper-commodification” with the neo-liberal economic tendencies of the post-Cold War 1990s. The hyper-commodification of football rendered the game
economically unaffordable for most traditional football fans of lower classes. These fans faced a confusion between resistance and disillusionment. The lack of a distinctive fan identity in Turkey aggravated this confusion.
En 2013, dans le parc Gezi d’Istanbul, plus d’un million de personnes ont spontanément déclenché ... more En 2013, dans le parc Gezi d’Istanbul, plus d’un million de personnes ont spontanément déclenché le plus grand mouvement protestataire que la Turquie a connu. Les supporters des trois clubs de football les plus populaires d’Istanbul y ont joué un rôle inédit tant par la forme de leur engagement que par leur mode d’action. Le terrain d’expression de cette contestation était essentiellement constitué par les réseaux sociaux en ligne. La thèse propose de comprendre les raisons de l’implication des supporters et interroge la forme politique de cette mobilisation. Au-delà du football, cet engagement est étroitement dépendant d’un ensemble de conditions historiques et sociales, et de représentations liées à une « doxa républicaine ». L’analyse cyber-ethnographique sur Twitter (qui englobe les messages des supporters) nous a permis de repérer les traces de l’identité urbaine, laïque et « moderne » de ces participants de Gezi, leur rapport au politique et leur adhésion aux valeurs républicaines.
Review of "Football fandom and migration: an ethnography of transnational practices and narrative... more Review of "Football fandom and migration: an ethnography of transnational practices and narratives in Vienna and Istanbul" by Nina Szogs
Uploads
Papers by Dağhan Irak
political field, since there has been an ongoing cultural battle between
the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his dissidents. The country is
divided into two, not only between social and cultural capital owners;
two sets of ideological elements, namely ‘doxas’ in reference to
Bourdieusian sociology, also define the political faultlines in Turkey.
Football, imported in the final years of the Ottoman Empire by the mod-
ern elite, has been intertwined with Turkish modernism and its core
elements, such as nationalism. The Erdoğan regime, while dismantling
the old rule, has also tried to create cultural hegemony, which has been
met with dissidence. This paper analyses the role of an old military song
called the ‘Izmir March’, sung in the football stands against the Erdoğan
regime, discussing the elements of the two doxas in Turkey, old and
new.
removal requests on Twitter and Facebook, as well as lawsuits against social media users.
political field, since there has been an ongoing cultural battle between
the President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his dissidents. The country is
divided into two, not only between social and cultural capital owners;
two sets of ideological elements, namely ‘doxas’ in reference to
Bourdieusian sociology, also define the political faultlines in Turkey.
Football, imported in the final years of the Ottoman Empire by the mod-
ern elite, has been intertwined with Turkish modernism and its core
elements, such as nationalism. The Erdoğan regime, while dismantling
the old rule, has also tried to create cultural hegemony, which has been
met with dissidence. This paper analyses the role of an old military song
called the ‘Izmir March’, sung in the football stands against the Erdoğan
regime, discussing the elements of the two doxas in Turkey, old and
new.
removal requests on Twitter and Facebook, as well as lawsuits against social media users.
Based on original research, the book explores the complex political processes at play in modern Turkey and deepens our understanding of fandom, fan activism and protest movements, questioning all presuppositions about the society and football fandom in Turkey. In particular, it examines the role of football fans in the pro-democracy Gezi Protests of 2013, the history of football in Turkey, the sociology of middle-classes and the transformation of football in the country.
Interdisciplinary in nature, this book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of sports sociology, popular culture studies, Turkish studies and media studies.
The commodification of football took a new turn with the television broadcasts and the expansion of football to a wider public in the 1970s and finally it reached a climax of “hyper-commodification” with the neo-liberal economic tendencies of the post-Cold War 1990s. The hyper-commodification of football rendered the game
economically unaffordable for most traditional football fans of lower classes. These fans faced a confusion between resistance and disillusionment. The lack of a distinctive fan identity in Turkey aggravated this confusion.