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Wilhelm M Vosse
Wilhelm is a Professor of Political Science and International Relations and Chair of the Department of Politics and International Studies at the International Christian University (ICU) in Tokyo.
He held visiting researcher positions at the University of Warwick (UK), St. Antony's College, University of Oxford (UK), and the Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies at Harvard University (USA). Before joining ICU in 2000, he was a lecturer in the Department of Policy Management at Keio University (SFC), Japan, and the Institute of Political Science of the University of Hanover, Germany.
His research interests are Japanese foreign and security policy and the public discourse and opinions about security and defense issues. He is just finished a research project on EU-Japan security cooperation in the counter-piracy mission. Since 2017, he became principal investigator of a government-funded research project on cyberspace and international relations, which looks into Japan's cyber diplomacy and international cooperation in the area of cybersecurity.
Phone: +81 422 33-3124
Address: International Christian University (ICU)
Department of Politics and International Studies
Graduate Program of Public Policy & Social Research
Osawa 3-10-2, Mitaka, Tokyo 181-8585, Japan
He held visiting researcher positions at the University of Warwick (UK), St. Antony's College, University of Oxford (UK), and the Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies at Harvard University (USA). Before joining ICU in 2000, he was a lecturer in the Department of Policy Management at Keio University (SFC), Japan, and the Institute of Political Science of the University of Hanover, Germany.
His research interests are Japanese foreign and security policy and the public discourse and opinions about security and defense issues. He is just finished a research project on EU-Japan security cooperation in the counter-piracy mission. Since 2017, he became principal investigator of a government-funded research project on cyberspace and international relations, which looks into Japan's cyber diplomacy and international cooperation in the area of cybersecurity.
Phone: +81 422 33-3124
Address: International Christian University (ICU)
Department of Politics and International Studies
Graduate Program of Public Policy & Social Research
Osawa 3-10-2, Mitaka, Tokyo 181-8585, Japan
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This book is for those interested in Japan's security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, and non-US centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation. It is an ideal textbook for undergraduate and graduate level courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.
This book focuses on the domestic discourse on insecurity in Japan and goes beyond military security. The chapters cover issues such as Japan’s growing perception of regional and global insecurity; the changing role of military forces; the perceived risk of Chinese foreign investment; societal, cultural and labour insecurity and how it is affected by demographic changes and migration; as well as food insecurity and its challenges on health and public policy. In turn, each chapter asks how the Japanese public perceives these insecurities; how these perceptions influence the public discourse, the main stakeholders of this discourse, and how this affects state-society relations and government policies.
Governing Insecurity in Japan provides new insights into Japanese and international discourses on security and insecurity, and the ways in which security is conceptualized in Japan. As such, it will be of interest to students and scholars working on Japanese politics, security studies and international relations.
Wilhelm Vosse is Professor in the Department of Politics and International Studies at the International Christian University, Japan.
Reinhard Drifte is Emeritus Professor of Japanese Politics at Newcastle University, UK.
Verena Blechinger-Talcott is Professor in the Department of Japanese Studies at Berlin Free University, Germany. "
This book is for those interested in Japan's security policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, and non-US centred bilateral and multilateral security cooperation. It is an ideal textbook for undergraduate and graduate level courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships, and Japanese foreign and security policy.
This book focuses on the domestic discourse on insecurity in Japan and goes beyond military security. The chapters cover issues such as Japan’s growing perception of regional and global insecurity; the changing role of military forces; the perceived risk of Chinese foreign investment; societal, cultural and labour insecurity and how it is affected by demographic changes and migration; as well as food insecurity and its challenges on health and public policy. In turn, each chapter asks how the Japanese public perceives these insecurities; how these perceptions influence the public discourse, the main stakeholders of this discourse, and how this affects state-society relations and government policies.
Governing Insecurity in Japan provides new insights into Japanese and international discourses on security and insecurity, and the ways in which security is conceptualized in Japan. As such, it will be of interest to students and scholars working on Japanese politics, security studies and international relations.
Wilhelm Vosse is Professor in the Department of Politics and International Studies at the International Christian University, Japan.
Reinhard Drifte is Emeritus Professor of Japanese Politics at Newcastle University, UK.
Verena Blechinger-Talcott is Professor in the Department of Japanese Studies at Berlin Free University, Germany. "
Despite a strong common interest between post-3/11 Japan and many European countries and the European Union in regard to energy policy and a joint development of new energy policy and R&D in the field of nuclear safety and renewable energy resources, one year after the triple disaster and the ongoing crisis around the Fukushima nuclear reactor and debate about a new energy policy in Japan, the cooperation between Japan and European countries considering these issues remains far behind its possibilities. The last year has demonstrated that it is less national government initiatives, but the initiatives of (some) businesses and research and development interests that provide first evidence that the relationship between Europe (the European Union (EU) and/or its member states) might become more prominent in the face of a global energy crisis. This paper will introduce the cooperative activities of the EU and some European countries, and ask the question whether 3/11 can become a trigger for the development of a joint energy strategy of Japan and Europe. It identifies obstacles of Japan-European relations for a long time, namely that Europe does not always speak with one voice. In the case of nuclear power, Germany and France seem to pull in diverse direction when it comes to the use of nuclear power and the urge for an energy shift in Japan.""
However, it seems that this development did not survive the Koizumi administration. His three successors so far, were unable to keep the momentum of the Koizumi-type “normalization” and returned their focus back to domestic issues. Does this mean that this kind of normalization was not sustainable? Is Japan ready for a different type of normalization, perhaps one that resembles the one of Germany after 1990, one with a regional and a transcontinental dimension?
This paper argues that Japan, despite of some differences in terms of its alliance obligations as well as the actual working of the political system, has many commonalities with Germany. While Germany has relatively quickly become more internationally engaged and has gradually abandoned its overly strong unwillingness to send troops abroad after the end of the Cold War, Japan has taken much longer and is still at the stage Germany might have been in the mid 1990s, hence before the Kosovo War, the large number of similarities in terms of public support for its armed forces in general and its achievements over the last ten to fifteen years, indicate an increased willingness to play a more active international role, without giving up its still strong preference for non-military and diplomatic solutions in both Germany and Japan. In the end, Japan might become the Germany of Asia, rather than the Britain of Asia."
The Post-Cold War period brought a significant increase in the perception of insecurity among the Japanese public and the Japanese government. While the Japanese government has been concerned about abandonment and the future of the US-Japan Security Treaty, the Japanese public had to come to terms with declining job security and other negative effects of the globalizing economy, as well as increased perception of an attack on Japan.
This paper will ask whether increased perceptions of insecurity in the socioeconomic as well as military area have increased the public acceptance of a larger military role of Japan. If public constraints were at the core of Japanese security policy in the postwar period, does this mean a waning of anti-militarist norms in Japan? And does this mean that the Japanese public is willing to accept Japan taking up a larger military role or becoming a “normal state”?
In 2009, the Japanese government decided to deploy the JMSDF and the JCG half way around the world to fight the then increasing problem of maritime piracy off the coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden. For the first time, the ultimate justification for this mission is Japan’s national security.
While Japan’s dependence on maritime trade in general and energy supplies from the Middle East in particular make it vulnerable to any disruption of its SLCs, the fact that China, Russia, South Korea and India have also deployed their forces, its competitive interest in Africa and its energy reserves, and the fact that a long-term maritime mission, the running of the first out-of-area base in Djibouti, the close cooperation with over 30 other military forces in a complex security environment, and Japan’s experience in setting up the ReCAAP provides valuable lessons for Japan’s own defense capability and global strategy, and a “proof of concept” that ‘Japan is back’ in global security affairs.
This presentation will introduce the decision for this mission and its development over the last five years, the types of cooperation especially with European and NATO forces, and will ask whether this also provides Prime Minister Abe with more arguments for his re-interpretation of the Japanese Constitution.
Despite a strong common interest between post-3/11 Japan and many European countries and the European Union in regard to energy policy and a joint development of new energy policy and R&D in the field of nuclear safety and renewable energy resources, one year after the triple disaster and the ongoing crisis around the Fukushima nuclear reactor and debate about a new energy policy in Japan, the cooperation between Japan and European countries considering these issues remains far behind its possibilities. The last year has demonstrated that it is less national government initiatives, but the initiatives of (some) businesses and research and development interests that provide first evidence that the relationship between Europe (the European Union (EU) and/or its member states) might become more prominent in the face of a global energy crisis. This paper will introduce the cooperative activities of the EU and some European countries, and ask the question whether 3/11 can become a trigger for the development of a joint energy strategy of Japan and Europe. It identifies one obstacles that has been a problem of Japan-European relations for a long time, namely that Europe does not always speak with one voice. In the case of nuclear power, Germany and France seem to pull in diverse direction when it comes to the use of nuclear power and the urge for an energy shift in Japan.