Rethinking Japan: The Politics of Contested Nationalism

Rethinking Japan: The Politics of Contested Nationalism by Arthur Stockwin and Kweku Ampiah (review) Chris Winkler The Journal of Japanese Studies, Volume 46, Number 2, Summer 2020, pp. 444-447 (Review) Published by Society for Japanese Studies DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2020.0051 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/761149 [ Access provided at 13 Aug 2020 07:11 GMT from University of Wollongong Library ] 444 Journal of Japanese Studies 46:2 (2020) Rethinking Japan: The Politics of Contested Nationalism. By Arthur Stockwin and Kweku Ampiah. Lexington Books, Lanham MD, 2017. xii, 299 pages. $116.00, cloth; $42.99, paper; $40.50, E-book. Reviewed by Chris Winkler Seinan Gakuin University Rethinking Japan provides an easy-to-read overview of postwar politics and what—according to the authors—has changed in Japan since the 1990s, particularly since 2012. Arthur Stockwin and Kweku Ampiah argue that the “new” Japan that has emerged is “more controlled, less democratic, less oriented toward peace, more internationally assertive, more inclined to confront neighboring countries, more unequal . . . [and] more concerned to flaunt national traditions” (p. 268). In tracing the steps that led to this brave new world, the authors first review the early postwar regime up to the 1980s and 1990s (chapter 1), before discussing the various political and socioeconomic changes that occurred in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s (chapters 2 and 3) and finally what they call the advent of the “2012 political system.” This last part includes chapters on the debate about “Abenomics” (chapter 5), the revision of the Constitution of Japan (chapter 6), the Designated State Secrets Law and freedom of the press (chapter 7), historical revisionism and national identity (chapter 8), collective self-defense legislation (chapter 9), and Japan’s foreign relations (chapters 10 and 11). The book’s main story is no doubt the transition toward the aforementioned 2012 system. The authors strive to convey a realistic image of Japan during a period that has seen the country undergo substantial change. Thus, it is fitting for the book to begin and end with brief discussions of the changing images of Japan in the West and how most of them had little to do with the realities of Japanese society and politics (pp. 3–5). For instance, the authors spend quite a few pages convincingly arguing that postwar Japanese governments have been far more proactive than widely assumed in the West (p. 272). This is the key argument of chapter 12, where the authors show that as far back as the Bandung Peace Conference in 1955 (in other words, just three years after the end of the Allied Occupation of Japan), the government did not yield to U.S. pressure (pp. 251–54). Seeing how Japan was experiencing “fundamental change in the politics, political economy, and conduct of foreign policy” (p. 2) and a democracy that was not “dead,” “but rather [had] its character . . . being twisted into new shapes” (p. 2), the country was “moving into uncharted waters, and this means that assumptions about Japan need careful rethinking” (p. 7). After introducing the basic framework of postwar politics such as the 1955 regime centered on the single-party dominance of the Liberal Demo- Review Section 445 cratic Party (LDP) (pp. 23–31), Japan’s high economic growth period, and the mercantilist foreign policy based on the Yoshida Doctrine (p. 22), the authors examine what has changed and how since the 1980s and 1990s. They introduce readers to electoral reforms and the start of the single member district (SMD) system (pp. 44–45); the bursting of the speculation bubble economy in 1993, the resulting halt of high economic growth, and the subsequent neoliberal reform attempts to end the economic stagnation of the lost decade(s) (pp. 36–37); the effects of these reforms on the labor market such as an increase in workers without permanent employment (p. 39); and the post–cold war geopolitical order and the challenges the Japanese government faced in dealing with the first Gulf War, which provided the impetus for more proactive participation in international peacekeeping (p. 37). According to Stockwin and Ampiah, one more important impetus for the rise of the “2012 regime” is the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)-led government, which temporarily replaced the LDP-Clean Government Party (Kōmeitō) government from 2009 through 2012. They argue that the backlash against the inexperienced new government would eventually pave the way for the LDP’s return to power. They focus on the inexperience of most DPJ parliamentarians in running the national government. This proved a major obstacle: when the party concluded it could not realize the social welfare policies it had promised, because cutting back on public works construction and other expenses proved more complicated than expected, Prime Minister Kan Naoto and his supporters proposed to hike the consumption tax (p. 70). This proposal, however, was met with strong resistance from within the DPJ, especially from Ozawa Ichirō, who argued that only policies outlined in the party’s election manifesto should be put on the agenda. This internal strife in combination with the inexperience of many DPJ members and the entrenched nature of Japan’s political economy eventually led to the DPJ government’s collapse in 2012 (pp. 56–62, 70–72). With its most formidable rival blamed for the alleged failures of the outgoing government, the path to reclaim the keys to the government opened for the LDP and Abe Shinzō. Abe benefited from a side effect of the introduction of the SMD two decades previously. In this “first pass the post” system, only one successful candidate is elected in each Lower House district. While factions would field multiple candidates during the days of the multimember district systems, the party leadership has controlled nominations since the introduction of the SMD system, making it harder for dissenters to toe the party line (pp. 80–81). “Shocked” by its temporary loss of power, the LDP became more ideologically cohesive in rallying around increasingly right-wing ideology (p. 77). Unfortunately, the authors do not elaborate on how or why this drift to the right happened. In contrast, they are very clear about what has happened since then: Japan has become more autocratic as the Abe government has sought to curb rights and freedoms 446 Journal of Japanese Studies 46:2 (2020) via the Designated State Secrets Law (p. 154), attempting to force its will on media outlets and journalists (pp. 150–54), and seeking future amendment of the constitution (pp. 129–32). Chapter 7, which discusses the background and potential impact of the Designated State Secrets Law, is a good example of the authors giving consideration to different opinions, by introducing voices strongly opposed to the law and those who have positive things to say about it, albeit not necessarily about its implementation (pp. 139–47). This is just one of the book’s commendable attempts to present complex issues and their background stories in a concise manner. That being said, Rethinking Japan’s greatest strength is also its greatest weakness. Because it covers so much ground, it is sometimes difficult to see how it all ties together. For instance, in the conclusion, the authors mention that Japan has become “more unequal” (p. 268), yet it is not clear how income inequality might have been impacted by “Abenomics,” as there is no discussion of this particular issue in chapter 5. Moreover, the book often ends up condensing into comparatively short chapters very complex issues that others have treated in lengthy volumes. This in some cases leads to simplifications. For instance, the complicated issue of religion and politics is treated on five pages (pp. 86–90), with a conclusion that “religious nationalism” had moved to the “center of Japanese policymaking” under the second Abe administration (p. 90). While the authors like others before them point to the power and influence on Japanese politics of the Nippon Kaigi and the Shintō Association of Spiritual Leadership, one has to wonder why Prime Minister Abe has visited Yasukuni Shrine only once during his second term in office, despite these organizations calling for annual visits by the prime minister. Given these circumstances, one might think the religious vote is perhaps not that influential after all. Another example can be found on pages 97–98, where the authors discuss the influence of Kishi Nobusuke and Satō Eisaku on a young Abe, noting that their achievements in the political sphere “must have further instilled in him the confidence that he was going to carry on his grandfather’s mantle to make Japan the most powerful country in East Asia” (p. 98). However, Abe himself has noted that he was perfectly happy living his salaryman life and initially wanted to go on with that life. Eventually, he gave in to his father’s request to become his secretary in the early 1980s.1 Similarly, when discussing Abe’s return to power, the book suggests the LDP yearned for “strong and determined leadership”; on this occasion, “the ambitious radicalism of Abe seemed attractive” (p. 77). In fact, Abe only beat his closest competitor Ishiba Shigeru in the runners-up election because local rank-and-file (who had strongly favored Ishiba during the first 1. Abe Shinzō, Utsukushii kuni e (Tokyo: Bungei Shunjū, 2006), p. 32. Review Section 447 round of voting) could not vote during this decisive vote. Abe, in 2012, was thus hardly the logical choice to lead the LDP back into government. Furthermore, the constitution’s “stringent” (p. 119) amendment hurdle is cited as one reason for a lack of revisions to Japan’s supreme law. However, two-thirds majorities are the rule rather than the exception, and in the German case, for instance, the same two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament has not prevented the passing of almost one amendment per year. This issue is related to a second problem, concerning the selection of sources. While I understand the constraints imposed by time and publishers’ word limits, I feel the book would have benefited from incorporating more recent academic literature on matters such as the debate on amending the 1946 Constitution of Japan. For instance, multiple recent publications have detailed the role the flexible constitution has played in allowing the LDP to shape postwar politics without ever having to rely on formal amendments.2 These publications would have provided another, important answer to the question of “what were the factors that made this system of flexible stability possible?” (p. 26). Using these and other sources would have enabled the authors to paint a more nuanced picture of changes and continuities in postwar Japan. Who is Rethinking Japan written for? An interested wider audience, undergraduate students, or scholars? The book’s discussion of the—as the authors correctly note—often too simplistic images of Japan in the West seems to suggest the former rather than the latter, even though the amount of information might be a bit overwhelming for a reader without prior knowledge of Japanese political history. For those researching and teaching Japanese politics, as well as more advanced students of the subject, Rethinking Japan will not offer many new facts or groundbreaking theoretical models but a well-researched, knowledgeable analysis of developments in Japan’s domestic and international politics. Hence, as a serious and critical reflection on long-term trends in Japanese politics, Rethinking Japan certainly does have its merits and therefore a place on many old-school book shelves, hard disks, or cloud spaces. 2. See, for example, Komamura Keigo and Satoshi Machidori, “Kenpō kaisei” no hikaku seijigaku (Tokyo: Kōbundō, 2016), and Kenneth McElwain and Christian G. Winkler, “What’s Unique about the Japanese Constitution? A Comparative and Historical Analysis,” Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2 (2015), pp. 249–80.