Drawing from the literatures on the ethics of nudging and moral bioenhancement, I elaborate sever... more Drawing from the literatures on the ethics of nudging and moral bioenhancement, I elaborate several pairs of cases in which one intervention is classified as an environmental behavioral intervention (EBI) and the other as a neurochemical behavioral intervention (NBI) in order to morally compare them. The intuition held by most is that NBIs are by far the more morally troubling kind of influence. However, if this intuition cannot be vindicated, we should at least entertain the Similarity Thesis, according to which EBIs and NBIs share relevant moral features to the extent that moral conclusions about one are implied about the other in the described pairs of cases. I test this thesis by putting forward a number of possible moral grounds for setting EBIs and NBIs apart, including three of the most promising ones – physical invasiveness, disclosure and avoidance, and inevitability. I conclude that although these promising grounds might not bear the full burden of vindicating the intuition against Similarity by themselves, clustering them together can establish discernible moral separation.
Behavioural techniques or ‘nudges’ can be used for various purposes. In this paper, we shift the ... more Behavioural techniques or ‘nudges’ can be used for various purposes. In this paper, we shift the focus from government nudges to nudges used by for-profit market agents. We argue that potential worries about nudges circumventing the deliberative capacities or diminishing the control of targeted agents are greater when it comes to market nudges, given that these (1) are not constrained by the principles that regulate government nudges (mildness, sensitivity to people’s interests and public justifiability) and (2) are often ‘stacked’ – they come in great numbers that overwhelm agents. In addition, we respond to possible objections and derive several policy suggestions.
Prilozi za istraživanje hrvatske filozofske baštine, 2022
Kruno Krstić poznat je po doprinosima s područja istraživanja hrvatske filozofije i filozofije je... more Kruno Krstić poznat je po doprinosima s područja istraživanja hrvatske filozofije i filozofije jezika, no njegov doprinos političkoj filozofiji nije do sada naišao na veći odjek. U ovom članku razmotrit ćemo neka od stajališta iz njegove rasprave »Narod, država, nacionalizam« objavljene u časopisu Hrvatska smotra 1944. godine i kao posebni otisak 1945. godine. U prvom dijelu pokušat ćemo smjestiti Krstićev ogled u kontekst rasprava o narodu i naciji koje su se u njegovo vrijeme vodile u okviru hrvatske političke misli i utvrditi moguće struje mišljenja koje su utjecale na Krstićeve stavove i na način kako obrađuje tu temu. U drugom dijelu iznijet ćemo njegova shvaćanja o »kriterijima narodne posebnosti«. U trećem dijelu posebno ćemo obrazložiti i etički razmotriti Kristćev pojam »suživljavanja«, koji se u Krstićevoj misli ističe kao normativni temelj i nacionalne države i prisnih odnosa unutar nacije. Nakon što, u četvrtom dijelu, utvrdimo normativno gledište u pozadini Krstićevog sociološkog pristupa, u posljednjem ćemo dijelu usporediti Krstićevu poziciju s nekim istaknutim povijesnim i suvremenim gledištima o naciji i nacionalizmu u političkoj filozofiji.
Pedagogies of Punishment: The Ethics of Discipline in Education, 2023
[PRE-PRINT] Nudges, deliberate tweaks to choice environments that predictably steer decision-maki... more [PRE-PRINT] Nudges, deliberate tweaks to choice environments that predictably steer decision-making, have recently found their way into classrooms. The chapter focuses on whether nudges should be used to facilitate one aspect of moral education, namely school discipline. I argue that the normative approach to school-discipline nudges ought to be attuned to the broad age-related differences of children at various stages of their development. Because children at an earlier school age cannot appreciate reasons regarding the importance of school discipline, or its role in moral education more broadly, there is little controversy in exposing them to nudges and may be helpful for forming good habits. Middle and late adolescents, I argue, require a more sensitive approach. Because of the duty to support adolescents’ developing autonomy, their possible resentment to being nudged, and the interests of classroom trust, educators should utilize nudges carefully and conservatively, and refrain from it altogether when they can.
A particularly strong reason to vaccinate against transmittable diseases, based on considerations... more A particularly strong reason to vaccinate against transmittable diseases, based on considerations of harm, is to contribute to the realization of population-level herd immunity. We argue, however, that herd immunity alone is insufficient for deriving a strong harm-based moral obligation to vaccinate in all circumstances, since the obligation significantly weakens well above and well below the herd immunity threshold. The paper offers two additional harm-based arguments that, together with the herd immunity argument, consolidates our moral obligation. First, we argue that individuals should themselves aim not to expose others to risk of harm, and that this consideration becomes stronger the more non-vaccinated people there are, i.e., the further we are below herd immunity. Second, we elaborate on two pragmatic reasons to vaccinate beyond the realization of herd immunity, pertaining to instability of vaccination rates and population heterogeneity, and argue that vaccinating above the threshold should serve as a precautionary measure for buttressing herd immunity. We also show that considerations of harm have normative primacy in establishing this obligation over considerations of fairness. Although perfectly sound, considerations of fairness are, at worst secondary, or at best complementary to considerations of harm.
Political Philosophy in a Pandemic: Routes to a More Just Future, 2021
[PRE-PRINT] The rampant spreading of COVID-19 has been accompanied by an equally unconstrained sp... more [PRE-PRINT] The rampant spreading of COVID-19 has been accompanied by an equally unconstrained spreading of misinformation about all things that relate to it. In view of the high stakes surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, characteristic of a public health emergency, we argue in this chapter that laypersons should not only defer to experts, but that both laypersons and experts should practice restraint in exercising public speech and deliberation. First, the chapter discusses the difficulties that laypersons may have in recognizing relevant expertise, and it specifies ways of overcoming them. It argues that the restraint laypersons should exercise consists in not meddling in empirical questions regarding the virus. Second, the chapter draws up a list of standards that experts must abide by when communicating evidence and recommendations to laypersons. Among these are being explicit about underlying aims, exercising epistemic humility, and following their own advice.
U članku ispitujemo učinke negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju osoba koje pate od depresij... more U članku ispitujemo učinke negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju osoba koje pate od depresije. U prva dva dijela pokazujemo da učinci upućuju ili na manjak kompetencije kod pacijenata s depresijom za pružanje informiranog pristanka ili na manjkavost samog testa kompetencije. Ovo potkrepljujemo štetnim učincima negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju pacijenta. Pod njihovim utjecajem, pacijenti su iracionalno skloni negativnim predviđanjima koja ih odvraćaju od dostupnih i njima poželjnih opcija. U trećem dijelu tvrdimo da je dopustivo navoditi odlučivanje pacijenata ka započinjanju terapije i razmatramo koje su metode za to moralno najprikladnije. Konkretno, ispitujemo sljedeće metode: izravne preporuke, pozivanje na pacijentove vrijednosti, pozivanje na društvene norme, uokvirivanje sadržaja (tzv. “framing”), poticaje, prijetnje i obmane. Također raspravljamo o tome koliko je moralno poželjno da pacijenti s depresijom prepuste odlučivanje liječniku ili da donose odluke zajedno s njime.
The two distinct levels of representation in gaming – the game-world and the mechanics – bring in... more The two distinct levels of representation in gaming – the game-world and the mechanics – bring into focus the role of audience attention. To engage in deep and rich experiences of direct representations, players must be seduced into the represented world, but that seduction will always to some extent be doing battle with the player’s immersion in system-solving, even in cases without any ludonarrative dissonance. The corollary is that for a game to inspire imitation (including violent imitation) it must be able to engage the player in the represented world as well as the game mechanics – the reason being that when the player is not so engaged, they are effectively interacting with an abstract system rather than acting in the represented world. The ethical ramification of this is that violent games, if we are primarily engaged in their mechanics and not their worlds, are unlikely to inspire imitation. We demonstrate throughout the chapter how opportunities for deep reasoning are effectively diminished when game mechanics “take over”, and what conditions need to obtain for games to become subjects of moral thought for their players.
In their article “When thinking is doing: Responsibility of BCI-mediated action requires special ... more In their article “When thinking is doing: Responsibility of BCI-mediated action requires special attention in terms of controllability and foreseeability of outcomes,” (2019) Stephen Rainey, Hannah Maslen, and Julian Savulescu present a strong case that action carried out via brain-computer interfaces (BCI) is different in morally relevant ways to ‘conventional’ action. The account, however, leaves unexplored the extent to which users can build up mental discipline in BCI-mediated activity, and how this affects the ascription of responsibility. We discuss several ways in which mental discipline seems feasible.
Why aren’t we more worried about behavioral market influences than government nudging?
Original ... more Why aren’t we more worried about behavioral market influences than government nudging?
Nudges have been criticized for working ‘in the dark, ’ influencing people without their full awa... more Nudges have been criticized for working ‘in the dark, ’ influencing people without their full awareness. To assess whether this property renders nudging an illegitimate policy tool in liberal democracies, we argue that in scrutinizing nudge transparency, we should adequately divide our focus between nudging techniques, the nudgers employing them, and the nudgees subjected to them. We develop an account of what it means for nudgees to be ‘watchful,’ a disposition that enables them to resist and circumvent nudges. We argue that such ‘watchfulness’ should be cultivated if we want to implement nudges in legitimate, accountable, and democratic ways.
What limits should there be on the areas of life that are governed by market forces? For many yea... more What limits should there be on the areas of life that are governed by market forces? For many years, no one seriously defended the buying and selling votes for political elections. In recent years, however, this situation has changed, with a number of authors defending the permissibility of vote markets (e.g. Freiman 2014). One popular objection to such markets is that they would lead to a tyranny of wealth, where the poor are politically dominated by the rich. In a recent paper, Taylor (Res Publica 23(3):313–328, 2017. doi:10.1007/s11158-016-9327-0) has argued that this objection can be avoided if certain restrictions are placed on vote markets. In this paper we will argue that this attempt to rebut an argument against vote markets is unsuccessful. Either vote markets secure their purported benefits but then they inevitably lead to a tyranny of wealth, or they are restricted so heavily that they lack the features that have been claimed to make vote markets attractive in the first place. Using Taylor’s proposal as a test case, we make the more general claim that vote markets cannot avoid the tyranny of wealth objection and bring about their supposed benefits at the same time.
The advocates of Integrative Bioethics have insisted that this recently emerging project aspires ... more The advocates of Integrative Bioethics have insisted that this recently emerging project aspires to become a new stage of bioethical development, surpassing both biomedically oriented bioethics and global bioethics. We claim in this paper that if the project wants to successfully replace the two existing paradigms, it at least needs to properly address and surmount the lack of common moral vocabulary problem. This problem points to a semantic incommensurability due to cross-language communication in moral terms. This paper proceeds as follows. In the first part, we provide an overview of Integrative Bioethics and its conceptual building blocks: mutlidisciplinarity, interdisciplinarity, and transdisciplinarity. In the second part, we disclose the problem of semantic incommensurability. The third part gives an overview of various positions on the understanding of interdisciplinarity and integration in interdisciplinary communication, and corresponding attempts at solving the lack of common moral vocabulary problem. Here we lean mostly on Holbrook’s three theses regarding the character of interdisciplinary communication. Finally, in the fourth part, we discuss a particular bioethical case—that of euthanasia—to demonstrate the challenge semantic incommensurability poses to dialogues in Integrative Bioethics. We conclude that Integrative Bioethics does not offer a methodological toolset that would warrant optimism in its advocates’ predictions of surpassing current modes of doing bioethics. Since Integrative Bioethics leaves controversial methodological questions unresolved on almost all counts and shows no attempts at overcoming the critical stumbling points, we argue for its rejection.
Drawing from the literatures on the ethics of nudging and moral bioenhancement, I elaborate sever... more Drawing from the literatures on the ethics of nudging and moral bioenhancement, I elaborate several pairs of cases in which one intervention is classified as an environmental behavioral intervention (EBI) and the other as a neurochemical behavioral intervention (NBI) in order to morally compare them. The intuition held by most is that NBIs are by far the more morally troubling kind of influence. However, if this intuition cannot be vindicated, we should at least entertain the Similarity Thesis, according to which EBIs and NBIs share relevant moral features to the extent that moral conclusions about one are implied about the other in the described pairs of cases. I test this thesis by putting forward a number of possible moral grounds for setting EBIs and NBIs apart, including three of the most promising ones – physical invasiveness, disclosure and avoidance, and inevitability. I conclude that although these promising grounds might not bear the full burden of vindicating the intuition against Similarity by themselves, clustering them together can establish discernible moral separation.
Behavioural techniques or ‘nudges’ can be used for various purposes. In this paper, we shift the ... more Behavioural techniques or ‘nudges’ can be used for various purposes. In this paper, we shift the focus from government nudges to nudges used by for-profit market agents. We argue that potential worries about nudges circumventing the deliberative capacities or diminishing the control of targeted agents are greater when it comes to market nudges, given that these (1) are not constrained by the principles that regulate government nudges (mildness, sensitivity to people’s interests and public justifiability) and (2) are often ‘stacked’ – they come in great numbers that overwhelm agents. In addition, we respond to possible objections and derive several policy suggestions.
Prilozi za istraživanje hrvatske filozofske baštine, 2022
Kruno Krstić poznat je po doprinosima s područja istraživanja hrvatske filozofije i filozofije je... more Kruno Krstić poznat je po doprinosima s područja istraživanja hrvatske filozofije i filozofije jezika, no njegov doprinos političkoj filozofiji nije do sada naišao na veći odjek. U ovom članku razmotrit ćemo neka od stajališta iz njegove rasprave »Narod, država, nacionalizam« objavljene u časopisu Hrvatska smotra 1944. godine i kao posebni otisak 1945. godine. U prvom dijelu pokušat ćemo smjestiti Krstićev ogled u kontekst rasprava o narodu i naciji koje su se u njegovo vrijeme vodile u okviru hrvatske političke misli i utvrditi moguće struje mišljenja koje su utjecale na Krstićeve stavove i na način kako obrađuje tu temu. U drugom dijelu iznijet ćemo njegova shvaćanja o »kriterijima narodne posebnosti«. U trećem dijelu posebno ćemo obrazložiti i etički razmotriti Kristćev pojam »suživljavanja«, koji se u Krstićevoj misli ističe kao normativni temelj i nacionalne države i prisnih odnosa unutar nacije. Nakon što, u četvrtom dijelu, utvrdimo normativno gledište u pozadini Krstićevog sociološkog pristupa, u posljednjem ćemo dijelu usporediti Krstićevu poziciju s nekim istaknutim povijesnim i suvremenim gledištima o naciji i nacionalizmu u političkoj filozofiji.
Pedagogies of Punishment: The Ethics of Discipline in Education, 2023
[PRE-PRINT] Nudges, deliberate tweaks to choice environments that predictably steer decision-maki... more [PRE-PRINT] Nudges, deliberate tweaks to choice environments that predictably steer decision-making, have recently found their way into classrooms. The chapter focuses on whether nudges should be used to facilitate one aspect of moral education, namely school discipline. I argue that the normative approach to school-discipline nudges ought to be attuned to the broad age-related differences of children at various stages of their development. Because children at an earlier school age cannot appreciate reasons regarding the importance of school discipline, or its role in moral education more broadly, there is little controversy in exposing them to nudges and may be helpful for forming good habits. Middle and late adolescents, I argue, require a more sensitive approach. Because of the duty to support adolescents’ developing autonomy, their possible resentment to being nudged, and the interests of classroom trust, educators should utilize nudges carefully and conservatively, and refrain from it altogether when they can.
A particularly strong reason to vaccinate against transmittable diseases, based on considerations... more A particularly strong reason to vaccinate against transmittable diseases, based on considerations of harm, is to contribute to the realization of population-level herd immunity. We argue, however, that herd immunity alone is insufficient for deriving a strong harm-based moral obligation to vaccinate in all circumstances, since the obligation significantly weakens well above and well below the herd immunity threshold. The paper offers two additional harm-based arguments that, together with the herd immunity argument, consolidates our moral obligation. First, we argue that individuals should themselves aim not to expose others to risk of harm, and that this consideration becomes stronger the more non-vaccinated people there are, i.e., the further we are below herd immunity. Second, we elaborate on two pragmatic reasons to vaccinate beyond the realization of herd immunity, pertaining to instability of vaccination rates and population heterogeneity, and argue that vaccinating above the threshold should serve as a precautionary measure for buttressing herd immunity. We also show that considerations of harm have normative primacy in establishing this obligation over considerations of fairness. Although perfectly sound, considerations of fairness are, at worst secondary, or at best complementary to considerations of harm.
Political Philosophy in a Pandemic: Routes to a More Just Future, 2021
[PRE-PRINT] The rampant spreading of COVID-19 has been accompanied by an equally unconstrained sp... more [PRE-PRINT] The rampant spreading of COVID-19 has been accompanied by an equally unconstrained spreading of misinformation about all things that relate to it. In view of the high stakes surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic, characteristic of a public health emergency, we argue in this chapter that laypersons should not only defer to experts, but that both laypersons and experts should practice restraint in exercising public speech and deliberation. First, the chapter discusses the difficulties that laypersons may have in recognizing relevant expertise, and it specifies ways of overcoming them. It argues that the restraint laypersons should exercise consists in not meddling in empirical questions regarding the virus. Second, the chapter draws up a list of standards that experts must abide by when communicating evidence and recommendations to laypersons. Among these are being explicit about underlying aims, exercising epistemic humility, and following their own advice.
U članku ispitujemo učinke negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju osoba koje pate od depresij... more U članku ispitujemo učinke negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju osoba koje pate od depresije. U prva dva dijela pokazujemo da učinci upućuju ili na manjak kompetencije kod pacijenata s depresijom za pružanje informiranog pristanka ili na manjkavost samog testa kompetencije. Ovo potkrepljujemo štetnim učincima negativnih automatskih misli na autonomiju pacijenta. Pod njihovim utjecajem, pacijenti su iracionalno skloni negativnim predviđanjima koja ih odvraćaju od dostupnih i njima poželjnih opcija. U trećem dijelu tvrdimo da je dopustivo navoditi odlučivanje pacijenata ka započinjanju terapije i razmatramo koje su metode za to moralno najprikladnije. Konkretno, ispitujemo sljedeće metode: izravne preporuke, pozivanje na pacijentove vrijednosti, pozivanje na društvene norme, uokvirivanje sadržaja (tzv. “framing”), poticaje, prijetnje i obmane. Također raspravljamo o tome koliko je moralno poželjno da pacijenti s depresijom prepuste odlučivanje liječniku ili da donose odluke zajedno s njime.
The two distinct levels of representation in gaming – the game-world and the mechanics – bring in... more The two distinct levels of representation in gaming – the game-world and the mechanics – bring into focus the role of audience attention. To engage in deep and rich experiences of direct representations, players must be seduced into the represented world, but that seduction will always to some extent be doing battle with the player’s immersion in system-solving, even in cases without any ludonarrative dissonance. The corollary is that for a game to inspire imitation (including violent imitation) it must be able to engage the player in the represented world as well as the game mechanics – the reason being that when the player is not so engaged, they are effectively interacting with an abstract system rather than acting in the represented world. The ethical ramification of this is that violent games, if we are primarily engaged in their mechanics and not their worlds, are unlikely to inspire imitation. We demonstrate throughout the chapter how opportunities for deep reasoning are effectively diminished when game mechanics “take over”, and what conditions need to obtain for games to become subjects of moral thought for their players.
In their article “When thinking is doing: Responsibility of BCI-mediated action requires special ... more In their article “When thinking is doing: Responsibility of BCI-mediated action requires special attention in terms of controllability and foreseeability of outcomes,” (2019) Stephen Rainey, Hannah Maslen, and Julian Savulescu present a strong case that action carried out via brain-computer interfaces (BCI) is different in morally relevant ways to ‘conventional’ action. The account, however, leaves unexplored the extent to which users can build up mental discipline in BCI-mediated activity, and how this affects the ascription of responsibility. We discuss several ways in which mental discipline seems feasible.
Why aren’t we more worried about behavioral market influences than government nudging?
Original ... more Why aren’t we more worried about behavioral market influences than government nudging?
Nudges have been criticized for working ‘in the dark, ’ influencing people without their full awa... more Nudges have been criticized for working ‘in the dark, ’ influencing people without their full awareness. To assess whether this property renders nudging an illegitimate policy tool in liberal democracies, we argue that in scrutinizing nudge transparency, we should adequately divide our focus between nudging techniques, the nudgers employing them, and the nudgees subjected to them. We develop an account of what it means for nudgees to be ‘watchful,’ a disposition that enables them to resist and circumvent nudges. We argue that such ‘watchfulness’ should be cultivated if we want to implement nudges in legitimate, accountable, and democratic ways.
What limits should there be on the areas of life that are governed by market forces? For many yea... more What limits should there be on the areas of life that are governed by market forces? For many years, no one seriously defended the buying and selling votes for political elections. In recent years, however, this situation has changed, with a number of authors defending the permissibility of vote markets (e.g. Freiman 2014). One popular objection to such markets is that they would lead to a tyranny of wealth, where the poor are politically dominated by the rich. In a recent paper, Taylor (Res Publica 23(3):313–328, 2017. doi:10.1007/s11158-016-9327-0) has argued that this objection can be avoided if certain restrictions are placed on vote markets. In this paper we will argue that this attempt to rebut an argument against vote markets is unsuccessful. Either vote markets secure their purported benefits but then they inevitably lead to a tyranny of wealth, or they are restricted so heavily that they lack the features that have been claimed to make vote markets attractive in the first place. Using Taylor’s proposal as a test case, we make the more general claim that vote markets cannot avoid the tyranny of wealth objection and bring about their supposed benefits at the same time.
The advocates of Integrative Bioethics have insisted that this recently emerging project aspires ... more The advocates of Integrative Bioethics have insisted that this recently emerging project aspires to become a new stage of bioethical development, surpassing both biomedically oriented bioethics and global bioethics. We claim in this paper that if the project wants to successfully replace the two existing paradigms, it at least needs to properly address and surmount the lack of common moral vocabulary problem. This problem points to a semantic incommensurability due to cross-language communication in moral terms. This paper proceeds as follows. In the first part, we provide an overview of Integrative Bioethics and its conceptual building blocks: mutlidisciplinarity, interdisciplinarity, and transdisciplinarity. In the second part, we disclose the problem of semantic incommensurability. The third part gives an overview of various positions on the understanding of interdisciplinarity and integration in interdisciplinary communication, and corresponding attempts at solving the lack of common moral vocabulary problem. Here we lean mostly on Holbrook’s three theses regarding the character of interdisciplinary communication. Finally, in the fourth part, we discuss a particular bioethical case—that of euthanasia—to demonstrate the challenge semantic incommensurability poses to dialogues in Integrative Bioethics. We conclude that Integrative Bioethics does not offer a methodological toolset that would warrant optimism in its advocates’ predictions of surpassing current modes of doing bioethics. Since Integrative Bioethics leaves controversial methodological questions unresolved on almost all counts and shows no attempts at overcoming the critical stumbling points, we argue for its rejection.
BOOK REVIEW, José Luis Bermúdez, FRAME IT AGAIN: NEW TOOLS FOR RATIONAL DECISION-MAKING, Cambridg... more BOOK REVIEW, José Luis Bermúdez, FRAME IT AGAIN: NEW TOOLS FOR RATIONAL DECISION-MAKING, Cambridge University Press, 2020, pp. x + 330, ISBN-13: 978-1107192935, ISBN-10: 1107192935, Hardcover $18.22, e-book $15.49
Cilj ovog rada je ponuditi pozitivnu argumentaciju direktne demokracije u prilagođenom obliku i b... more Cilj ovog rada je ponuditi pozitivnu argumentaciju direktne demokracije u prilagođenom obliku i bez obzira na njezinu učestalu isključivost u pogledu prevladavajućeg upravnog političkog mehanizma. U uvodu napominjem kako je pojavnost raznolikih oblika direktne demokracije u svijetu svakako povod dublje razrade tog upravnog oblika. Najavljujem i obogaćenje teorijskog razmatranja detaljnim primjerima vezanima uz oprimjerenje ovog demokratskog oblika za vrijeme blokade Filozofskog fakulteta 2009. godine u Rijeci, Prvi dio rada sastoji se od određenja diskusijskog okvira kojeg zahvaćam baveći se ovom temom, vodeći računa i da je ona vezana uz povijesni i teorijski okvir koji se uz nju uglavnom veže – poglavito atensku demokraciju i teoriju Jeana Jacquesa Rousseau. Završavam ovaj dio navodeći se određenjem položaja direktne demokracije u političkoj teoriji u pogledu rasprave s predstavničkom demokracijom, s kojom pretpostavljeno stoji u opoziciji. U drugom se dijelu bavim obranom direktne demokracije na temelju vrijednosti koje ona ispoljava i na kojima bi njeni djelatnici trebali inzistirati da bi bila funkcionalna i poželjna. Od ključnih vrijednosti ističem: deliberaciju, generativnost, građansku aktivnost, hiperproduktivnost, solidarnost, jednakost i informiranost. Naposljetku, branim se i od učestalih prigovora upućenih direktnoj demokraciji, a neke i anticipiram navodeći se pretpostavkama u kojima bi se sve oblicima direktna demokracija mogla pojaviti. Kritike koje detaljno obrađujem su: tiranija većine, apatija građana, grupna polarizacija i dubinska politika. U završetku se, kao i tijekom rada, osvrćem na potencijalnu sofisticiranost modela direktne demokracije, u slučaju da se navodi predloženim oblikom, a upućujem i na njenu kompatibilnost s predstavničkom demokracijom u širem društvu.
The aims of this thesis are the normative insights we gain from combining the two separate discus... more The aims of this thesis are the normative insights we gain from combining the two separate discussions in political philosophy - on liberal multiculturalism and on the partialities towards relevant political targets (co-nationals, co-citizens, non-citizens). This merge provides a refinement of the notion of partiality, which I believe to be raw in the treatment of many authors, and it opens up significant issues about the scope of justice defended by liberal multiculturalism. The latter provision opens up two central issues of the thesis: 1.) Do the public institutions that follow principles of liberal multiculturalism manifest illegitimate attitudes of co-national partiality?; 2.) Do the public institutions that follow principles of liberal multiculturalism manifest illegitimate attitudes of co-citizen partiality, while ignoring members of disadvantaged societal cultures outside state borders? To the first questions I answer in the negative, while I offer a conditional ‘yes’ for to the second one. The thesis is divided in four parts. The first two sections deal with laying out the terrain and preparing the merging of the relevant concepts. In section 1, I refine the principle of partiality to differentiate between co-nationals and co-citizens, as well as individual and institutional partiality. In section 2, I describe the characteristics of liberal multiculturalism and existing attempts to balance it with models of global justice. Section 3 deals with the first central issue, showing that the institutions of liberal multiculturalism are impartial towards ethnocultural groups by applying group-differentiated rights. Section 4 deals with the second central issue by showing that the scope of justice needs to be extended to societal cultures outside state borders, but also that we should justify prioritizing inner societal cultures on instrumentalist grounds.
U ovom radu detaljnije ću predstaviti nudge tehnike, njihov teorijsko-empirijski okvir i moralnu ... more U ovom radu detaljnije ću predstaviti nudge tehnike, njihov teorijsko-empirijski okvir i moralnu poziciju iz koje ih zagovaraju njihovi izumitelji, Thaler i Sunstein. Nakon toga ću ukazati na razlike između moralističkog i antimoralističkog pristupa manipulaciji. Potom ću pokušati podijeliti različite manipulativne utjecaje prema tipovima, pa zatim objasniti kako se u te podjele uklapaju nudge tehnike, s obzirom na moralna ograničenja uz koja se zagovaraju. Sljedeća dva odjeljka predstavljaju izazove za nudge tehnike – „kvare“ li one ljudsko odlučivanje i jesu li izraz nepoštovanja ako ih država koristi na svojim građanima. Prije zaključka, pozabavit ću se nekim završnim razmatranjima.
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Papers by Viktor Ivanković
Original post here: http://justice-everywhere.org/economics/nudging-and-market-influence-why-the-focus-on-government-nudges/
Original post here: http://justice-everywhere.org/economics/nudging-and-market-influence-why-the-focus-on-government-nudges/
U uvodu napominjem kako je pojavnost raznolikih oblika direktne demokracije u svijetu svakako povod dublje razrade tog upravnog oblika. Najavljujem i obogaćenje teorijskog razmatranja detaljnim primjerima vezanima uz oprimjerenje ovog demokratskog oblika za vrijeme blokade Filozofskog fakulteta 2009. godine u Rijeci,
Prvi dio rada sastoji se od određenja diskusijskog okvira kojeg zahvaćam baveći se ovom temom, vodeći računa i da je ona vezana uz povijesni i teorijski okvir koji se uz nju uglavnom veže – poglavito atensku demokraciju i teoriju Jeana Jacquesa Rousseau. Završavam ovaj dio navodeći se određenjem položaja direktne demokracije u političkoj teoriji u pogledu rasprave s predstavničkom demokracijom, s kojom pretpostavljeno stoji u opoziciji.
U drugom se dijelu bavim obranom direktne demokracije na temelju vrijednosti koje ona ispoljava i na kojima bi njeni djelatnici trebali inzistirati da bi bila funkcionalna i poželjna. Od ključnih vrijednosti ističem: deliberaciju, generativnost, građansku aktivnost, hiperproduktivnost, solidarnost, jednakost i informiranost. Naposljetku, branim se i od učestalih prigovora upućenih direktnoj demokraciji, a neke i anticipiram navodeći se pretpostavkama u kojima bi se sve oblicima direktna demokracija mogla pojaviti. Kritike koje detaljno obrađujem su: tiranija većine, apatija građana, grupna polarizacija i dubinska politika.
U završetku se, kao i tijekom rada, osvrćem na potencijalnu sofisticiranost modela direktne demokracije, u slučaju da se navodi predloženim oblikom, a upućujem i na njenu kompatibilnost s predstavničkom demokracijom u širem društvu.
The latter provision opens up two central issues of the thesis: 1.) Do the public institutions that follow principles of liberal multiculturalism manifest illegitimate attitudes of co-national partiality?; 2.) Do the public institutions that follow principles of liberal multiculturalism manifest illegitimate attitudes of co-citizen partiality, while ignoring members of disadvantaged societal cultures outside state borders? To the first questions I answer in the negative, while I offer a conditional ‘yes’ for to the second one.
The thesis is divided in four parts. The first two sections deal with laying out the terrain and preparing the merging of the relevant concepts. In section 1, I refine the principle of partiality to differentiate between co-nationals and co-citizens, as well as individual and institutional partiality. In section 2, I describe the characteristics of liberal multiculturalism and existing attempts to balance it with models of global justice. Section 3 deals with the first central issue, showing that the institutions of liberal multiculturalism are impartial towards ethnocultural groups by applying group-differentiated rights. Section 4 deals with the second central issue by showing that the scope of justice needs to be extended to societal cultures outside state borders, but also that we should justify prioritizing inner societal cultures on instrumentalist grounds.