Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
The study aims to emphasize how lexical particles and grammatical constructions express indirect ... more The study aims to emphasize how lexical particles and grammatical constructions express indirect evidentiality and the speaker’s stance in Romanian. As with the other Romance languages, Romanian contains the grammatical means to express the speaker’s knowledge source, such as the Conditional Mood, a prototypical quotative/reportative evidential marking, or the Subjunctive and the Future, which, together with the Presumptive, a modal form specific to this linguistic system alone, function as markers of indirect evidentiality of the inferential type. Additionally, each of these forms can be augmented by a rich lexicalized system of adverbs and particles. For example, pesemne [‘probably’, literally on + signs], poate [‘may be’; a regressive form from the third person singular of the verb a se putea < Late Latin *potere (Classical Latin posse)], probabil [‘probably’, < a borrowing from the Fr. probable and the Lat. probabilis] are lexical particles of inferential evidentiality, an...
"The Expression of Causality in Latin and in Romance Languages: Formal Frames and Intentiona... more "The Expression of Causality in Latin and in Romance Languages: Formal Frames and Intentional Gradation. This approach proposes a reflection on the expression of “causality” in Latin and in Romance languages. First, we will study the ontology and the multiple nature of the notion of “causality”, as well as the formal matrices of the realization of the causal link between two propositions, between two sentences or between two communication situations. We will then take into consideration the relationship between “causality” and “subjectivity” and we will exemplify this relationship by reviewing some causal connectors with an argumentative and/or metadiscursive function. At this point, we will also review the syntactic and semantic functioning of the explicative causal constructions introduced by the prototypical connectors: Lat. NAM, Fr. car and Rom. căci, in order to indicate the similarities and especially the differences in the behaviour of these lexical and grammatical units. Keywords: causality relation, subjectivity, causality markers, cohesion, coherence, Latin and Romance languages "
This paper has a twofold objective: the first is to identify the metadiscursive uses of the Roman... more This paper has a twofold objective: the first is to identify the metadiscursive uses of the Romanian metadiscursive marker gen and those of its French equivalent genre; the second is to compare their pragmatic values in order to highlight common and divergent aspects of their usage. The analysis is based on a corpus consisting of examples provided by previous studies on gen and genre, examples extracted from spontaneous oral interactions available on ORTOLANG, OFROM and CoRoLa, as well as bilingual examples taken from ReversoContext and Linguee online translation dictionaries.
Annals of the University of Craiova. Series Philology. Linguistics
This paper presents a statistical analysis of Romanian lexical borrowings of German origin, with ... more This paper presents a statistical analysis of Romanian lexical borrowings of German origin, with the initials A, B and C, excerpted from the dictionaries DA/DLR, DEX ’98 and DELR, in terms of etymology: single or multiple German etymology, linguistic calques, words with uncertain etymology or words for which German is a wrong etymology.
"Pragmaticalization and Polysemy of the Particle așa in Contemporary Romanian Language. A Ty... more "Pragmaticalization and Polysemy of the Particle așa in Contemporary Romanian Language. A Typological and Contrastive Approach. This article pursues the series of studies we have previously devoted to the pragmaticalization and discursive functioning of (spatial, temporal or modal) adverbs in contemporary Romanian language (atunci, altfel, de altfel, apoi, etc.). This time, our approach aims at outlining the discursive status of the particle așa in contemporary Romanian, in order to emphasize that this lexical item frequently acquires – by itself or in more or less fixed, lexicalized expressions – complex pragmatic and discursive values, often hard to distinguish from one another. This semantic-pragmatic behaviour (which, surprisingly, has not been extensively debated by Romanian linguists) could be explained, from our point of view, by the fact that the deictic and anaphoric core meaning of this lexical item has a much wider abstract content than the temporal or spatial adverbs we have previously analysed, as such a meaning often needs, in the communicative process, a non-verbal informative “addition” (frequently, an indicative gesture). Thus, this core meaning is the one that allows and favours the numerous discursive-pragmatic values of the analysed particle in contemporary Romanian. Keywords: Romanian particle așa, pragmaticalization, discursive and/or pragmatic markers, intradiscursive and interdiscursive analysis"
In the written texts dating from the 16 th–18 th centuries, most of the modal forms seem to be un... more In the written texts dating from the 16 th–18 th centuries, most of the modal forms seem to be underdeveloped. Our attention is also drawn by the large number and the various means of expressing [+ fulfilled] action or [+ anteriority]. More often than not, all the periphrases combine with the Past Participle and the Present Participle, giving rise to an intermediary form known in Romanian as “prezumtiv”, which does not have a clearly defined status: “tense”, “conjugation form”, “epistemic or potential variant” (Iliescu 1999 : 108), but which, under no circumstances, should be considered as a mood in its own right since it borrows forms from some other moods and since, semantically, it is not the only one to express epistemic values. When it was firstrecorded, the periphrase had no modal value but rather aspectual − temporal ones, being marked [+ duration] and having present, future or past time reference. It explains why the form ară fi aflând is the synonym of the conditional form ...
Zeitschrift Fur Franzosische Sprache Und Literatur, 2013
L’objectif de cette approche est de demontrer que la valeur de futur dans le passe (desormais FdP... more L’objectif de cette approche est de demontrer que la valeur de futur dans le passe (desormais FdP) de la forme en -roi(e) repose sur ses aptitudes anaphorisantes, sur son fonctionnement comme ‹ temps correlatif ›. Plus precisement, la forme en -roi(e) exprime dans tous les contextes a lecture de FdP non pas le passe, mais uniquement une certaine relation de posteriorite par rapport a un point de repere situe dans le passe et anterieur a la situation de communication. Autrement dit, c’est le repere qui procure au proces exprime par la forme en -roi(e) le positionnement sur la ligne temporelle. L’absence de repere passe bloque la valeur de FdP (v. Martin/Wilmet 1980, 94, ou bien Korzen/Nolke 2001, 129) et la forme analysee exprime, comme le futur simple, la posteriorite a partir de la Sit0, tout en donnant lieu a de nombreuses valeurs modales. C’est l’appel a la diachronie - plus precisement a l’Ancien Francais et surtout au Moyen Francais - qui rend possible l’elaboration de l’hypoth...
Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția fo... more Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția formelor de viitor din limba franceză din prisma acțiunii procesului de regramatizare, înțeles ca reorganizare a sistemului gramatical al unei limbi (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). În linii foarte generale, acest proces poate fi descris astfel: structura canonică de viitor, care reprezintă inițial rezultatul unui proces anterior de gramaticalizare (în sensul de trecere de la lexical la gramatical), ajunge cu timpul să aibă un comportament morfosintactic și semantic polifuncțional, actualizînd mai mult de o valoare gramaticală. O astfel de situație va antrena selectarea unor noi constituenți în cadrul paradigmei canonice de viitor și va determina în mod inevitabil: (i) concurența dintre forma inițială și cele nou create; (ii) desemantizarea și specializarea pe un anumit segment informațional a formei canonice, respectiv (iii) gramaticalizarea (totală sau parțială) formelor perifrasti...
Deriving from a comprehensive postdoctoral study, this article aims at presenting the evolution o... more Deriving from a comprehensive postdoctoral study, this article aims at presenting the evolution of future tense forms in French from the perspective of the re-grammaticalization process, understood as re-organisation of the grammatical system of a language (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). In very general lines, this process may be described as follows: in time, canonical future forms, originally representing outcomes of previous ‘grammaticalization’ processes (i.e. transition from lexical to gramatical), eventually show a poly-functional morpho-syntactic and semantic behaviour, actualising more than one grammatical value. Such a situation will imply the selection of new constituents in the canonical future paradigm and will inevitably result in: (i) a competition between canonical forms and the newly created ones; (ii) a de-semantization and specialization of canonical forms in a certain informational segment, and (iii) the (total or partial) grammaticalization of the concurre...
Actas Del Xxvi Congreso Internacional De Linguistica Y De Filologia Romanicas 2013 Isbn 978 3 11 029982 3 Pags 351 362, 2013
Le fonds lexical néologique de la langue roumaine est, à la fois, extrêmement riche et hétérogène... more Le fonds lexical néologique de la langue roumaine est, à la fois, extrêmement riche et hétérogène. La littérature de spécialité reconnaît d’une manière unanime que, sur l’ensemble des langues romanes, le français en occupe la première place, car les emprunts français du roumain recouvrent non seulement une longue période en diachronie, mais ils représentent aussi une partie significative du vocabulaire de la langue moderne, ils sont assez récents pour l’histoire du roumain, ils ont pénétré à une époque où la langue roumaine a eu d’autres contacts linguistiques (donc d’autres sources possibles pour les termes néologiques) et cette relation avec la culture et la civilisation française continue se manifester de nos jours. D’autre part, l’étude des emprunts roumains d’origine française du point de vue des critères qui indiquent l’étymologie s’avère une source inépuisable pour les recherches linguistiques, étant donné, d’un côté, les situations étymologiques diverses qu’on peut y rencontrer et, de l’autre côté, les différentes variations diachroniques, diastratiques, diaphasiques qui caractérisent tant la langue source que la langue cible. De ce point de vue, il faut dès le début faire la différence entre a) les mots pénétrés sans aucun doute du français en roumain (quelle que soit leur origine en français) – situation caractéristique pour la plupart des emprunts roumains au français tels : a rambursa du fr. rembourser et b) les mots à « étymologie multiple » sur lesquels portera cette étude. L’étymologie multiple, concept introduit pour la première fois dans la linguistique roumaine par Alexandru Graur (1950 : 22-34) et accepté aujourd’hui par la plupart des linguistes roumains, est centrée sur le principe selon lequel un mot peut avoir en même temps plusieurs étymons possibles (Graur, 1950 : 23). Dans le cas des emprunts roumains d’origine française, l’étymologie multiple s’applique le plus souvent (1) aux néologismes ou (2) aux mots dérivés. Mais, dans les deux cas, on distingue plusieurs situations particulières . Dans notre intervention, nous nous proposons de faire le point sur le traitement des emprunts roumains au français sur les différents types d’étymologie multiple, tout en illustrant notre exposé avec un bon nombre d’exemples tirés d’un corpus établit sur le Dictionnaire explicatif de la langue roumaine, DEX :1998. Une analyse en perspective statistique sur la lettre R de ce corpus montre que la première alternative, abstraction faite du français est le latin, la deuxième l’italien et la troisième l’anglais. Dans le cas (1), il s’agit des mots à étymologie multiple externe, c’est-à-dire des mots dont la filière de pénétration peut être due non seulement au français, mais aussi à d’autres langues où circule le même néologisme (p. ex.: rasist du fr. raciste, cf. rus. rasist ou bien renglotă [variantes : renclodă, ringlotă] du fr. reine-claude, alm. Ringlotte). Dans le cas (2), il s’agit des mots à étymologie multiple interne ou à étymologie multiple mixte / combinée (Sala, 1999 : 67), c’est-à-dire soit des mots qui « proviennent de deux ou plusieurs primitifs qui appartiennent à la même famille lexicale » (Hristea, 1973 : 4), soit des mots qui ont une double étymologie, externe et interne à la fois (p. ex. : revoltat du a revolta, cf. le fr. révolté ou bien a redacta du fr. rédiger, lat. redigere, selon redacţie, redactor a pour dérivés redactare ou tehnoredacta).
Cet article se propose de faire le point sur les aspects constitutifs et évolutifs des moyens dis... more Cet article se propose de faire le point sur les aspects constitutifs et évolutifs des moyens discursifs d'actualisation du potentiel (sigle dans le texte POT) et, respectivement, de l'irréel (sigle dans le texte IR) au niveau des trois systèmes linguistiques apparentés. Il s'agit plus ...
Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția fo... more Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția formelor de viitor din limba franceză din prisma acțiunii procesului de regramatizare, înțeles ca reorganizare a sistemului gramatical al unei limbi (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). În linii foarte generale, acest proces poate fi descris astfel: structura canonică de viitor, care reprezintă inițial rezultatul unui proces anterior de gramaticalizare (în sensul de trecere de la lexical la gramatical), ajunge cu timpul să aibă un comportament morfosintactic și semantic polifuncțional, actualizînd mai mult de o valoare gramaticală. O astfel de situație va antrena selectarea unor noi constituenți în cadrul paradigmei canonice de viitor și va determina în mod inevitabil: (i) concurența dintre forma inițială și cele nou create; (ii) desemantizarea și specializarea pe un anumit segment informațional a formei canonice, respectiv (iii) gramaticalizarea (totală sau parțială) formelor perifrasti...
Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis
The study aims to emphasize how lexical particles and grammatical constructions express indirect ... more The study aims to emphasize how lexical particles and grammatical constructions express indirect evidentiality and the speaker’s stance in Romanian. As with the other Romance languages, Romanian contains the grammatical means to express the speaker’s knowledge source, such as the Conditional Mood, a prototypical quotative/reportative evidential marking, or the Subjunctive and the Future, which, together with the Presumptive, a modal form specific to this linguistic system alone, function as markers of indirect evidentiality of the inferential type. Additionally, each of these forms can be augmented by a rich lexicalized system of adverbs and particles. For example, pesemne [‘probably’, literally on + signs], poate [‘may be’; a regressive form from the third person singular of the verb a se putea < Late Latin *potere (Classical Latin posse)], probabil [‘probably’, < a borrowing from the Fr. probable and the Lat. probabilis] are lexical particles of inferential evidentiality, an...
"The Expression of Causality in Latin and in Romance Languages: Formal Frames and Intentiona... more "The Expression of Causality in Latin and in Romance Languages: Formal Frames and Intentional Gradation. This approach proposes a reflection on the expression of “causality” in Latin and in Romance languages. First, we will study the ontology and the multiple nature of the notion of “causality”, as well as the formal matrices of the realization of the causal link between two propositions, between two sentences or between two communication situations. We will then take into consideration the relationship between “causality” and “subjectivity” and we will exemplify this relationship by reviewing some causal connectors with an argumentative and/or metadiscursive function. At this point, we will also review the syntactic and semantic functioning of the explicative causal constructions introduced by the prototypical connectors: Lat. NAM, Fr. car and Rom. căci, in order to indicate the similarities and especially the differences in the behaviour of these lexical and grammatical units. Keywords: causality relation, subjectivity, causality markers, cohesion, coherence, Latin and Romance languages "
This paper has a twofold objective: the first is to identify the metadiscursive uses of the Roman... more This paper has a twofold objective: the first is to identify the metadiscursive uses of the Romanian metadiscursive marker gen and those of its French equivalent genre; the second is to compare their pragmatic values in order to highlight common and divergent aspects of their usage. The analysis is based on a corpus consisting of examples provided by previous studies on gen and genre, examples extracted from spontaneous oral interactions available on ORTOLANG, OFROM and CoRoLa, as well as bilingual examples taken from ReversoContext and Linguee online translation dictionaries.
Annals of the University of Craiova. Series Philology. Linguistics
This paper presents a statistical analysis of Romanian lexical borrowings of German origin, with ... more This paper presents a statistical analysis of Romanian lexical borrowings of German origin, with the initials A, B and C, excerpted from the dictionaries DA/DLR, DEX ’98 and DELR, in terms of etymology: single or multiple German etymology, linguistic calques, words with uncertain etymology or words for which German is a wrong etymology.
"Pragmaticalization and Polysemy of the Particle așa in Contemporary Romanian Language. A Ty... more "Pragmaticalization and Polysemy of the Particle așa in Contemporary Romanian Language. A Typological and Contrastive Approach. This article pursues the series of studies we have previously devoted to the pragmaticalization and discursive functioning of (spatial, temporal or modal) adverbs in contemporary Romanian language (atunci, altfel, de altfel, apoi, etc.). This time, our approach aims at outlining the discursive status of the particle așa in contemporary Romanian, in order to emphasize that this lexical item frequently acquires – by itself or in more or less fixed, lexicalized expressions – complex pragmatic and discursive values, often hard to distinguish from one another. This semantic-pragmatic behaviour (which, surprisingly, has not been extensively debated by Romanian linguists) could be explained, from our point of view, by the fact that the deictic and anaphoric core meaning of this lexical item has a much wider abstract content than the temporal or spatial adverbs we have previously analysed, as such a meaning often needs, in the communicative process, a non-verbal informative “addition” (frequently, an indicative gesture). Thus, this core meaning is the one that allows and favours the numerous discursive-pragmatic values of the analysed particle in contemporary Romanian. Keywords: Romanian particle așa, pragmaticalization, discursive and/or pragmatic markers, intradiscursive and interdiscursive analysis"
In the written texts dating from the 16 th–18 th centuries, most of the modal forms seem to be un... more In the written texts dating from the 16 th–18 th centuries, most of the modal forms seem to be underdeveloped. Our attention is also drawn by the large number and the various means of expressing [+ fulfilled] action or [+ anteriority]. More often than not, all the periphrases combine with the Past Participle and the Present Participle, giving rise to an intermediary form known in Romanian as “prezumtiv”, which does not have a clearly defined status: “tense”, “conjugation form”, “epistemic or potential variant” (Iliescu 1999 : 108), but which, under no circumstances, should be considered as a mood in its own right since it borrows forms from some other moods and since, semantically, it is not the only one to express epistemic values. When it was firstrecorded, the periphrase had no modal value but rather aspectual − temporal ones, being marked [+ duration] and having present, future or past time reference. It explains why the form ară fi aflând is the synonym of the conditional form ...
Zeitschrift Fur Franzosische Sprache Und Literatur, 2013
L’objectif de cette approche est de demontrer que la valeur de futur dans le passe (desormais FdP... more L’objectif de cette approche est de demontrer que la valeur de futur dans le passe (desormais FdP) de la forme en -roi(e) repose sur ses aptitudes anaphorisantes, sur son fonctionnement comme ‹ temps correlatif ›. Plus precisement, la forme en -roi(e) exprime dans tous les contextes a lecture de FdP non pas le passe, mais uniquement une certaine relation de posteriorite par rapport a un point de repere situe dans le passe et anterieur a la situation de communication. Autrement dit, c’est le repere qui procure au proces exprime par la forme en -roi(e) le positionnement sur la ligne temporelle. L’absence de repere passe bloque la valeur de FdP (v. Martin/Wilmet 1980, 94, ou bien Korzen/Nolke 2001, 129) et la forme analysee exprime, comme le futur simple, la posteriorite a partir de la Sit0, tout en donnant lieu a de nombreuses valeurs modales. C’est l’appel a la diachronie - plus precisement a l’Ancien Francais et surtout au Moyen Francais - qui rend possible l’elaboration de l’hypoth...
Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția fo... more Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția formelor de viitor din limba franceză din prisma acțiunii procesului de regramatizare, înțeles ca reorganizare a sistemului gramatical al unei limbi (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). În linii foarte generale, acest proces poate fi descris astfel: structura canonică de viitor, care reprezintă inițial rezultatul unui proces anterior de gramaticalizare (în sensul de trecere de la lexical la gramatical), ajunge cu timpul să aibă un comportament morfosintactic și semantic polifuncțional, actualizînd mai mult de o valoare gramaticală. O astfel de situație va antrena selectarea unor noi constituenți în cadrul paradigmei canonice de viitor și va determina în mod inevitabil: (i) concurența dintre forma inițială și cele nou create; (ii) desemantizarea și specializarea pe un anumit segment informațional a formei canonice, respectiv (iii) gramaticalizarea (totală sau parțială) formelor perifrasti...
Deriving from a comprehensive postdoctoral study, this article aims at presenting the evolution o... more Deriving from a comprehensive postdoctoral study, this article aims at presenting the evolution of future tense forms in French from the perspective of the re-grammaticalization process, understood as re-organisation of the grammatical system of a language (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). In very general lines, this process may be described as follows: in time, canonical future forms, originally representing outcomes of previous ‘grammaticalization’ processes (i.e. transition from lexical to gramatical), eventually show a poly-functional morpho-syntactic and semantic behaviour, actualising more than one grammatical value. Such a situation will imply the selection of new constituents in the canonical future paradigm and will inevitably result in: (i) a competition between canonical forms and the newly created ones; (ii) a de-semantization and specialization of canonical forms in a certain informational segment, and (iii) the (total or partial) grammaticalization of the concurre...
Actas Del Xxvi Congreso Internacional De Linguistica Y De Filologia Romanicas 2013 Isbn 978 3 11 029982 3 Pags 351 362, 2013
Le fonds lexical néologique de la langue roumaine est, à la fois, extrêmement riche et hétérogène... more Le fonds lexical néologique de la langue roumaine est, à la fois, extrêmement riche et hétérogène. La littérature de spécialité reconnaît d’une manière unanime que, sur l’ensemble des langues romanes, le français en occupe la première place, car les emprunts français du roumain recouvrent non seulement une longue période en diachronie, mais ils représentent aussi une partie significative du vocabulaire de la langue moderne, ils sont assez récents pour l’histoire du roumain, ils ont pénétré à une époque où la langue roumaine a eu d’autres contacts linguistiques (donc d’autres sources possibles pour les termes néologiques) et cette relation avec la culture et la civilisation française continue se manifester de nos jours. D’autre part, l’étude des emprunts roumains d’origine française du point de vue des critères qui indiquent l’étymologie s’avère une source inépuisable pour les recherches linguistiques, étant donné, d’un côté, les situations étymologiques diverses qu’on peut y rencontrer et, de l’autre côté, les différentes variations diachroniques, diastratiques, diaphasiques qui caractérisent tant la langue source que la langue cible. De ce point de vue, il faut dès le début faire la différence entre a) les mots pénétrés sans aucun doute du français en roumain (quelle que soit leur origine en français) – situation caractéristique pour la plupart des emprunts roumains au français tels : a rambursa du fr. rembourser et b) les mots à « étymologie multiple » sur lesquels portera cette étude. L’étymologie multiple, concept introduit pour la première fois dans la linguistique roumaine par Alexandru Graur (1950 : 22-34) et accepté aujourd’hui par la plupart des linguistes roumains, est centrée sur le principe selon lequel un mot peut avoir en même temps plusieurs étymons possibles (Graur, 1950 : 23). Dans le cas des emprunts roumains d’origine française, l’étymologie multiple s’applique le plus souvent (1) aux néologismes ou (2) aux mots dérivés. Mais, dans les deux cas, on distingue plusieurs situations particulières . Dans notre intervention, nous nous proposons de faire le point sur le traitement des emprunts roumains au français sur les différents types d’étymologie multiple, tout en illustrant notre exposé avec un bon nombre d’exemples tirés d’un corpus établit sur le Dictionnaire explicatif de la langue roumaine, DEX :1998. Une analyse en perspective statistique sur la lettre R de ce corpus montre que la première alternative, abstraction faite du français est le latin, la deuxième l’italien et la troisième l’anglais. Dans le cas (1), il s’agit des mots à étymologie multiple externe, c’est-à-dire des mots dont la filière de pénétration peut être due non seulement au français, mais aussi à d’autres langues où circule le même néologisme (p. ex.: rasist du fr. raciste, cf. rus. rasist ou bien renglotă [variantes : renclodă, ringlotă] du fr. reine-claude, alm. Ringlotte). Dans le cas (2), il s’agit des mots à étymologie multiple interne ou à étymologie multiple mixte / combinée (Sala, 1999 : 67), c’est-à-dire soit des mots qui « proviennent de deux ou plusieurs primitifs qui appartiennent à la même famille lexicale » (Hristea, 1973 : 4), soit des mots qui ont une double étymologie, externe et interne à la fois (p. ex. : revoltat du a revolta, cf. le fr. révolté ou bien a redacta du fr. rédiger, lat. redigere, selon redacţie, redactor a pour dérivés redactare ou tehnoredacta).
Cet article se propose de faire le point sur les aspects constitutifs et évolutifs des moyens dis... more Cet article se propose de faire le point sur les aspects constitutifs et évolutifs des moyens discursifs d'actualisation du potentiel (sigle dans le texte POT) et, respectivement, de l'irréel (sigle dans le texte IR) au niveau des trois systèmes linguistiques apparentés. Il s'agit plus ...
Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția fo... more Derivat dintr-un amplu studiu postdoctoral, articolul de față își propune să prezinte evoluția formelor de viitor din limba franceză din prisma acțiunii procesului de regramatizare, înțeles ca reorganizare a sistemului gramatical al unei limbi (v. Andersen, 2006; Lindschouw, 2011). În linii foarte generale, acest proces poate fi descris astfel: structura canonică de viitor, care reprezintă inițial rezultatul unui proces anterior de gramaticalizare (în sensul de trecere de la lexical la gramatical), ajunge cu timpul să aibă un comportament morfosintactic și semantic polifuncțional, actualizînd mai mult de o valoare gramaticală. O astfel de situație va antrena selectarea unor noi constituenți în cadrul paradigmei canonice de viitor și va determina în mod inevitabil: (i) concurența dintre forma inițială și cele nou create; (ii) desemantizarea și specializarea pe un anumit segment informațional a formei canonice, respectiv (iii) gramaticalizarea (totală sau parțială) formelor perifrasti...
Cette approche se propose de faire le point sur l'évolution des formes du Futur roumain, vue dans... more Cette approche se propose de faire le point sur l'évolution des formes du Futur roumain, vue dans la perspective extensive de la grammaticalisation. Ce processus (appelé dans la littérature, régrammation) qui affecte tout d'abord la forme canonique de Futur, s'est réalisé (ou il est en train de se réaliser) par rapport à d'autres constituants du paradigme verbal analysé, à savoir les structures périphrastiques, plus ou moins grammaticalisées. Autrement dit, l'évolution des formes du Futur roumain pourrait être analysée par rapport aux tendances suivantes: (i) la réduction du fonctionnement de la forme canonique de Futur au style littéraire et au registre soigné de la langue, où celui-ci est utilisé seulement avec des valeurs temporelles ou modalo-temporelles; (ii) la création d'un système d'actualisation du prospectif déictique, qui contient le Futur de Type 1 (voi cânta), le Futur de Type 3 (am să cânt) et le Futur de Type 4 (o să cânt), respectivement, la spécialisation des formes gérondives (oi fi cântând) et du Futur de Type 2 (oi cânta) pour l'expression de l'épistémique probable, tous ces deux morphèmes verbaux étant dépossédés de la valeur déictique prospective, à partir du XVIIe siècle. En effet, ce repositionnement méthodologique reprend la discussion sur l'histoire de la création d'une forme verbale nouvelle, connue dans la linguistique roumaine sous le nom de présomptif.
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