Papers by Abdinor Dahir
The prime objectives of this study are to examine the perceptions and attitudes of Somalis toward... more The prime objectives of this study are to examine the perceptions and attitudes of Somalis toward federalism, as well as the challenges related to its adoption. The study gathered data via a self-administered online survey using social media. A total of 1,073 respondents nationwide participated in this study. The major variables studied were: perceptions of federalism adoption; legislative power sharing; executive power sharing; judicial power sharing; and fiscal federalism. According to the research findings, poor knowledge of federalism, considering federalism as a clan-based system, and political corruption are the most challenging factors to federalism adoption in Somalia. Other challenges relate to the provisional Somali constitution, such as power distribution, fiscal management, regional boundary disputes, and the status of Mogadishu. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations to overcome these challenges. The study seeks to contribute new ideas to the current discu...
Turkey's Grand Strategy
Turkish-African relations have consistently exhibited strong growth since Ankara declared 2005 as... more Turkish-African relations have consistently exhibited strong growth since Ankara declared 2005 as ‘the year of Africa.’ Turkey’s growing economic, political, and security involvement in Africa reflects Ankara’s need to establish new markets for its manufactured goods and its defense and armaments industry and present itself as a relevant regional and global actor different from traditional Western players on the continent. African countries have been astute in their engagement with Ankara in terms of exercising leverage in the evolving Turkish-African partnership. They seek to attract Turkish foreign direct investment, diversify economic and political partners to reduce dependency and fuel their state-building projects. Ankara’s domestic economic woes notwithstanding, Turkey’s growing footprint in Africa will likely continue to produce positive results for both sides.
Regional & Federal Studies
In January 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the implementation of a polic... more In January 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the implementation of a policy to deport tens of thousands of African migrants who entered Israel illegally for the past 20 years.
During the last two decades, Israel has been a destination for refugees fleeing conflict, poverty... more During the last two decades, Israel has been a destination for refugees fleeing conflict, poverty and instability from African countries – such as, Sudan and Eritrea. Over the years, tens of thousands of migrants have entered Israel through Egypt’s Sinai border. Israel’s relative stability and its geographical proximity led many refugees to migrate to Israel instead of pursuing the perilous Mediterranean journey to reach the shores of Europe. According to the Israeli Interior Ministry, there are currently 42,000 African refugees in the country – many of whom are children, women or men with families (The Local, 2018).
In January 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the implementation of a policy to deport tens of thousands of African migrants who entered Israel illegally for the past 20 years. The programme gave migrants the following ultimatum: to leave Israel voluntarily by April 1, 2018 or face indefinite imprisonment with eventual forced expulsion. The plan has prompted global outcry with many critics accusing the government of violating its international obligations by deporting refugees to countries where they may face danger or imprisonment. Although earlier reports indicated that Rwanda and Uganda had agreed to accept the migrants from Israel (RCK, 2018), both countries denied the existence of such an agreement. Consequently, the fate of Israel’s African migrants has continued to pose a moral dilemma for a state that was believed to be founded as a haven for the persecuted, with international refugee agencies and rights groups arguing that countries like Rwanda and Uganda are not ready to absorb migrants.
On April 2, a day after the deadline, Israel struck a deal with the United Nations Refugee Agency - UNHCR - to cancel the mass deportation plan (Yaron and Landau, 2018). The agreement stated that Western countries, such as Germany, Canada, and Italy, would host half of the refugees - approximately 16,250 - while Israel would grant the other half with temporary residency status of up to five years. However, Netanyahu changed his mind merely 24 hours after the agreement and on April 3 the deal was formally cancelled.
The Prime Minister reasoned his move by stating: “I have listened carefully to the many comments on the agreement. As a result, and after I again weighed the advantages and disadvantages, I decided to cancel the deal. Despite legal restraints and international difficulties that are piling up, we will continue to act with determination to explore all of the options at our disposal to remove the infiltrators.”(Jeffrey Heller, 2018)
Although the April 1 deadline - which Israel’s Supreme Court suspended on March 15 - has passed and other efforts to resolve the issue yielded no results, the controversial plan continues to be examined, leaving many African refugees in fear of imminent deportation or imprisonment.
The Qatar-GCC diplomatic crisis began when three members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) co... more The Qatar-GCC diplomatic crisis began when three members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries namely Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Bahrain abruptly cut off diplomatic relations with Qatar in June 2017. The ‘Qatar-Gulf Crisis’ is now 10 months old, and has spread to Horn of Africa making it a hotspot for rivalry. Initially, two traditional pro-Saudi countries in the region, Sudan and Somalia, have preferred to stay neutral in the diplomatic spat and urged dialogue. This report argues that Qatar’s diplomatic presence in the region, especially in Sudan and Somalia, contributed to their neutral stance. It also contends that Turkey’s engagements in both these countries and its position in the Qatar-Gulf spat influenced their position.
Books by Abdinor Dahir
This thesis titled “Aid in Foreign Policy: The Turkey-Somalia Relations Case,” which comprises fi... more This thesis titled “Aid in Foreign Policy: The Turkey-Somalia Relations Case,” which comprises five main chapters, describes the role and impact aid, both humanitarian and development, has on foreign policy. It particularly explores two overarching themes: The effectiveness of Turkish assistance to Somalia compared to other international donors; and the impact this aid has on relations of both nations.
The first chapter covers the literature review including the key concepts, the variables of the study, and the emerging profile of Turkey as a donor as well the foreign policies of both Somalia and Turkey. This chapter solely utilizes secondary data relevant to the variable of the research. The second chapter deals with the Turkish-Somalia relations, especially the growing ties between the two countries after 2011 and the Turkish-Africa relations in the context of Somalia. Chapter three, discusses the different forms of Turkish aid to Somalia. In this chapter, the study elaborates the role of Turkish engagements in the rebuilding process of Somalia. In the fourth chapter, the study examines the effectiveness
of Turkish aid to Somalia and uses six NeST indicators in doing so. It also highlights the Turkish aid delivery approach in Somalia. Chapter five, which is the final section of this thesis, focuses on the analysis and discussions of the study and arrives the conclusion and recommendation of the research.
Book Reviews by Abdinor Dahir
Info Packs by Abdinor Dahir
It is election season in Africa’s most populous and economic powerhouse. This info pack provides ... more It is election season in Africa’s most populous and economic powerhouse. This info pack provides essential facts on Nigeria's 2019 general elections, major issues determining voter decisions and the leading contenders for the country’s top office. The info pack further sheds light on the factors affecting the conduct of peaceful, credible polls and the tasks the successful candidate will face.
Discussion Papers by Abdinor Dahir
The revival of this great power competition in the Horn may put the region in the frontline of su... more The revival of this great power competition in the Horn may put the region in the frontline of superpower rivalry, leading to destabilisation. While rivalry from the other shores of the Red Sea may contribute to short-term regional development, it may at the same time exacerbate intra-Horn tensions and result in long-term regional instability. A Horn of Africa regionally coordinated effort could handle the rivalry wisely and reverse the current deeply asymmetric relationship with the Gulf States towards an equal footing.
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Papers by Abdinor Dahir
In January 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the implementation of a policy to deport tens of thousands of African migrants who entered Israel illegally for the past 20 years. The programme gave migrants the following ultimatum: to leave Israel voluntarily by April 1, 2018 or face indefinite imprisonment with eventual forced expulsion. The plan has prompted global outcry with many critics accusing the government of violating its international obligations by deporting refugees to countries where they may face danger or imprisonment. Although earlier reports indicated that Rwanda and Uganda had agreed to accept the migrants from Israel (RCK, 2018), both countries denied the existence of such an agreement. Consequently, the fate of Israel’s African migrants has continued to pose a moral dilemma for a state that was believed to be founded as a haven for the persecuted, with international refugee agencies and rights groups arguing that countries like Rwanda and Uganda are not ready to absorb migrants.
On April 2, a day after the deadline, Israel struck a deal with the United Nations Refugee Agency - UNHCR - to cancel the mass deportation plan (Yaron and Landau, 2018). The agreement stated that Western countries, such as Germany, Canada, and Italy, would host half of the refugees - approximately 16,250 - while Israel would grant the other half with temporary residency status of up to five years. However, Netanyahu changed his mind merely 24 hours after the agreement and on April 3 the deal was formally cancelled.
The Prime Minister reasoned his move by stating: “I have listened carefully to the many comments on the agreement. As a result, and after I again weighed the advantages and disadvantages, I decided to cancel the deal. Despite legal restraints and international difficulties that are piling up, we will continue to act with determination to explore all of the options at our disposal to remove the infiltrators.”(Jeffrey Heller, 2018)
Although the April 1 deadline - which Israel’s Supreme Court suspended on March 15 - has passed and other efforts to resolve the issue yielded no results, the controversial plan continues to be examined, leaving many African refugees in fear of imminent deportation or imprisonment.
Books by Abdinor Dahir
The first chapter covers the literature review including the key concepts, the variables of the study, and the emerging profile of Turkey as a donor as well the foreign policies of both Somalia and Turkey. This chapter solely utilizes secondary data relevant to the variable of the research. The second chapter deals with the Turkish-Somalia relations, especially the growing ties between the two countries after 2011 and the Turkish-Africa relations in the context of Somalia. Chapter three, discusses the different forms of Turkish aid to Somalia. In this chapter, the study elaborates the role of Turkish engagements in the rebuilding process of Somalia. In the fourth chapter, the study examines the effectiveness
of Turkish aid to Somalia and uses six NeST indicators in doing so. It also highlights the Turkish aid delivery approach in Somalia. Chapter five, which is the final section of this thesis, focuses on the analysis and discussions of the study and arrives the conclusion and recommendation of the research.
Book Reviews by Abdinor Dahir
Info Packs by Abdinor Dahir
Discussion Papers by Abdinor Dahir
In January 2018, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the implementation of a policy to deport tens of thousands of African migrants who entered Israel illegally for the past 20 years. The programme gave migrants the following ultimatum: to leave Israel voluntarily by April 1, 2018 or face indefinite imprisonment with eventual forced expulsion. The plan has prompted global outcry with many critics accusing the government of violating its international obligations by deporting refugees to countries where they may face danger or imprisonment. Although earlier reports indicated that Rwanda and Uganda had agreed to accept the migrants from Israel (RCK, 2018), both countries denied the existence of such an agreement. Consequently, the fate of Israel’s African migrants has continued to pose a moral dilemma for a state that was believed to be founded as a haven for the persecuted, with international refugee agencies and rights groups arguing that countries like Rwanda and Uganda are not ready to absorb migrants.
On April 2, a day after the deadline, Israel struck a deal with the United Nations Refugee Agency - UNHCR - to cancel the mass deportation plan (Yaron and Landau, 2018). The agreement stated that Western countries, such as Germany, Canada, and Italy, would host half of the refugees - approximately 16,250 - while Israel would grant the other half with temporary residency status of up to five years. However, Netanyahu changed his mind merely 24 hours after the agreement and on April 3 the deal was formally cancelled.
The Prime Minister reasoned his move by stating: “I have listened carefully to the many comments on the agreement. As a result, and after I again weighed the advantages and disadvantages, I decided to cancel the deal. Despite legal restraints and international difficulties that are piling up, we will continue to act with determination to explore all of the options at our disposal to remove the infiltrators.”(Jeffrey Heller, 2018)
Although the April 1 deadline - which Israel’s Supreme Court suspended on March 15 - has passed and other efforts to resolve the issue yielded no results, the controversial plan continues to be examined, leaving many African refugees in fear of imminent deportation or imprisonment.
The first chapter covers the literature review including the key concepts, the variables of the study, and the emerging profile of Turkey as a donor as well the foreign policies of both Somalia and Turkey. This chapter solely utilizes secondary data relevant to the variable of the research. The second chapter deals with the Turkish-Somalia relations, especially the growing ties between the two countries after 2011 and the Turkish-Africa relations in the context of Somalia. Chapter three, discusses the different forms of Turkish aid to Somalia. In this chapter, the study elaborates the role of Turkish engagements in the rebuilding process of Somalia. In the fourth chapter, the study examines the effectiveness
of Turkish aid to Somalia and uses six NeST indicators in doing so. It also highlights the Turkish aid delivery approach in Somalia. Chapter five, which is the final section of this thesis, focuses on the analysis and discussions of the study and arrives the conclusion and recommendation of the research.