An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Kar... more An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimo...
Based on internal reconstruction and new analysis of the data from Novelli (1985), it is shown th... more Based on internal reconstruction and new analysis of the data from Novelli (1985), it is shown that ATR harmony processes have a reciprocal relationship with diachronic change in Karimojong, and that three morphophonological levels are necessary to account for surface forms. On the one hand, vowel mergers and reinterpretations by the speech community have generated greater variety in the affix types and harmony processes in the language. On the other hand, affix behavior under harmony processes brings to light transitional phases of affix incorporation. Comparative reconstruction by Dimmendaal (2002) indicates that the original [+ATR] variant of the low vowel [a] merged with [], [o] and []. One result is the [/o] alternating affix, which under root controlled harmony, appears with [] in the [-ATR] case, and with [o] in the [+ATR] case, as seen in Level 1 of examples (1-a,b). Subsequent affixation of a [+ATR] TAM marker and a suffix –controlled [+ATR] spreading on Level 2 generates d...
Optimality theoretic analyses of Eastern Nilotic (EN) vowel harmony originate from two distinct r... more Optimality theoretic analyses of Eastern Nilotic (EN) vowel harmony originate from two distinct research traditions. The first comprises theoreticians from outside of the sub-family specialization who seek to develop proposals with universal validity, while linguists respectful of the Africanist descriptivist tradition comprise the second. Some proposals have emphasized the systematicity of spreading processes over the irregularities generally found in surface forms of vowel harmony systems. These irregularities, products of historical change, are deemed here to be part of the grammars of their respective languages and to constitute phenomena to be accounted for theoretically. This minimally entails explanation for the existence of two or more harmony processes within a single grammar, disharmonic domains generated by consonant-generated features and dissimilation rules, variation in harmony set membership according to harmony process type, members of the harmony set doubling as neutral vowels in specific morphemic environments while the morphemes themselves also vary in their status as neutral or active. Contrast is offered between those proposals emphasizing Richness of the Base with those that argue for under-specification and account for surface form irregularities within their constraint-based hierarchies. Models that explain the phonetics-phonology and morphology-phonology interfaces are considered to be the future direction in the theoretical analysis of EN phonology, and should model the historical changes generating phonological phenomena.
An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Ka... more An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimojong affixes exhibit behaviors characteristic of two different levels, depending on context; these affixes are proposed to be in transition between levels. The three levels are proposed to result from diachronic evolution, and their relative chronological development can be established by (1) correspondences to landmarks within the cross-linguistically attested agreement system grammaticalization cline, which groups affixes according to ordering universals, and (2) the existence of successive evolutionary cycles of frequentive morphology. A model of the morphology-phonology interface is proposed in which linguistic structure internal to the morpheme channels the spread of [ATR] features. The model provides an explanation for surface irregularities that originated at the time of areal vowel mergers in Nilotic languages (Dimmendaal, 2002).
An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Kar... more An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimo...
Based on internal reconstruction and new analysis of the data from Novelli (1985), it is shown th... more Based on internal reconstruction and new analysis of the data from Novelli (1985), it is shown that ATR harmony processes have a reciprocal relationship with diachronic change in Karimojong, and that three morphophonological levels are necessary to account for surface forms. On the one hand, vowel mergers and reinterpretations by the speech community have generated greater variety in the affix types and harmony processes in the language. On the other hand, affix behavior under harmony processes brings to light transitional phases of affix incorporation. Comparative reconstruction by Dimmendaal (2002) indicates that the original [+ATR] variant of the low vowel [a] merged with [], [o] and []. One result is the [/o] alternating affix, which under root controlled harmony, appears with [] in the [-ATR] case, and with [o] in the [+ATR] case, as seen in Level 1 of examples (1-a,b). Subsequent affixation of a [+ATR] TAM marker and a suffix –controlled [+ATR] spreading on Level 2 generates d...
Optimality theoretic analyses of Eastern Nilotic (EN) vowel harmony originate from two distinct r... more Optimality theoretic analyses of Eastern Nilotic (EN) vowel harmony originate from two distinct research traditions. The first comprises theoreticians from outside of the sub-family specialization who seek to develop proposals with universal validity, while linguists respectful of the Africanist descriptivist tradition comprise the second. Some proposals have emphasized the systematicity of spreading processes over the irregularities generally found in surface forms of vowel harmony systems. These irregularities, products of historical change, are deemed here to be part of the grammars of their respective languages and to constitute phenomena to be accounted for theoretically. This minimally entails explanation for the existence of two or more harmony processes within a single grammar, disharmonic domains generated by consonant-generated features and dissimilation rules, variation in harmony set membership according to harmony process type, members of the harmony set doubling as neutral vowels in specific morphemic environments while the morphemes themselves also vary in their status as neutral or active. Contrast is offered between those proposals emphasizing Richness of the Base with those that argue for under-specification and account for surface form irregularities within their constraint-based hierarchies. Models that explain the phonetics-phonology and morphology-phonology interfaces are considered to be the future direction in the theoretical analysis of EN phonology, and should model the historical changes generating phonological phenomena.
An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Ka... more An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimojong affixes exhibit behaviors characteristic of two different levels, depending on context; these affixes are proposed to be in transition between levels. The three levels are proposed to result from diachronic evolution, and their relative chronological development can be established by (1) correspondences to landmarks within the cross-linguistically attested agreement system grammaticalization cline, which groups affixes according to ordering universals, and (2) the existence of successive evolutionary cycles of frequentive morphology. A model of the morphology-phonology interface is proposed in which linguistic structure internal to the morpheme channels the spread of [ATR] features. The model provides an explanation for surface irregularities that originated at the time of areal vowel mergers in Nilotic languages (Dimmendaal, 2002).
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respective languages and to constitute phenomena to be accounted for theoretically. This minimally entails explanation for the existence of two or more harmony processes within a single grammar, disharmonic domains generated by consonant-generated features and dissimilation rules, variation in harmony set membership according to harmony process type, members of the harmony set doubling as neutral vowels in specific morphemic environments while the morphemes themselves also vary in their status as neutral or active. Contrast is offered between those proposals emphasizing Richness of the Base with those that argue for under-specification and account for surface form irregularities within their constraint-based hierarchies. Models that explain the phonetics-phonology and morphology-phonology interfaces are considered to be the future direction in the theoretical analysis of EN phonology, and should model the historical changes generating phonological phenomena.
respective languages and to constitute phenomena to be accounted for theoretically. This minimally entails explanation for the existence of two or more harmony processes within a single grammar, disharmonic domains generated by consonant-generated features and dissimilation rules, variation in harmony set membership according to harmony process type, members of the harmony set doubling as neutral vowels in specific morphemic environments while the morphemes themselves also vary in their status as neutral or active. Contrast is offered between those proposals emphasizing Richness of the Base with those that argue for under-specification and account for surface form irregularities within their constraint-based hierarchies. Models that explain the phonetics-phonology and morphology-phonology interfaces are considered to be the future direction in the theoretical analysis of EN phonology, and should model the historical changes generating phonological phenomena.