A székelyföldi rovásfeliratok egy része tartalmaz olyan írásjeleket, melyek a normál rovásábécébe... more A székelyföldi rovásfeliratok egy része tartalmaz olyan írásjeleket, melyek a normál rovásábécében ismeretlenek; mi több, olyan felirat sem példátlan, amely a rovásábécétől teljesen eltérő betűsorral készült, és így nem tudjuk kiolvasni. A csíkmadarasi katolikus templomban levő, másodlagosan beépített (eredetileg feltehetőleg 1500 körül készült) rovásfelirat három részből áll: két figurális ábra és egy alfabetikusnak tűnő szó. A helyi hagyomány rovásírásnak tartja, de elfogadhatatlan értelmezését adja. Néhány jelnek van párhuzama a székely betűsorban, de az értelmezéshez ez nem elég. Az ismert székely írástól független, de azzal rokon hagyomány terméke lehet. A gyergyószentmiklósi örmény katolikus templom kerítőfalába falazott gerenda feliratát 1938-ban mint székely rovásírást, 2020-ban mint ismeretlen írásrendszert említették. A gerenda 1637-es, jól olvasható latin felirata alatt két régebbi, nagyon kopott felirat maradványai azonosíthatók. A legrégebbi szövegből csupán három biztos betű maradt, de ez szabályos székely írásnak tűnik, nincs akadálya, hogy magyar nyelvű építési feliratnak értelmezzük. Az időrendben második felirat azonban két sor teljesen egyedülálló, semmilyen ábécével nem közeli rokon jelből áll, amely azonban valaha koherens szöveget alkotott, mert egy szekvencia (szó?) különböző pontokon többször ismétlődik. Csíkban és Gyergyóban tehát egy vagy több olyan íráshagyomány is létezett, amely az általunk ismert székely rovásírástól eltér, de azzal távolabbi kapcsolatban állhat.
A 16 th-century textual variant of the Lord's Prayer in Hungarian runiform script The Lord's Pray... more A 16 th-century textual variant of the Lord's Prayer in Hungarian runiform script The Lord's Prayer was frequently used as a sample text in works treating writing history. A Hungarian sample text was preserved as an appendix to János Thelegdi's treatise Rudimenta priscae Hunnorum linguae from 1598. This appendix appears only in the minor part of the Rudimenta manuscripts. These manuscripts go back to a German copyist, but the Lord's Prayer is earlier, because it must have been the work of a Hungarian native speaker. Yet probably it was not part of the original work but a later addition, since it differs in the use of the grapheme <h> with a double phonetic value /ë/h/. The reconstructed Urtext of the Lord's Prayer is a variant of Tamás Félegyházi's Calvinist translation (printed 1586) with several inclusions from different sources. It contains archaisms from Gábor Pesti's translation (1536) but shows the acquaintance with Károli's translation (1590) too. The writer must have been a well-educated Calvinist person who began his learning before Félegyházi's work was published. Thus he cannot be the only copyist we know before the existence of the German mss., László M. Sanchi; on the contrary, it is possible that he was János Baranyai Decsi, who wrote the preface to Thelegdi's work. In the existing manuscripts, there is a lacuna before the doxology, which can be filled in different ways (according to Félegyházi or Pesti), but which was filled in a recentior ms. in a third, unexpected way, showing that probably there was another chain of transmission of the text. After the lacuna, the form of the grapheme <r> is changed. It was supposed that this was because an original Catholic version was adapted by a Protestant copyist, but the use of Félegyházi's translation in the whole text speaks against it. Probably the differences are only due to the use of another transmission chain, to refill the missing text after an accidental lacuna. Az egész koraújkorra jellemző szokás volt, hogy nyelvészeti munkákban egy nyelv vagy írás mintaszövegéül az Úr imádságát mutatják be. Ennek köszönhetünk néhány magyar nyelvű Miatyánk-lejegyzést is, amelyek székely-magyar rovásírással
A latin nyelv a kora újkori Magyarország és Erdély kultúrájában és művelődésében, 2023
Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli’s Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus is an unparalleled source for the history ... more Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli’s Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus is an unparalleled source for the history of natural sciences, and far less exploited as a source for the history of archaeology and philology, in spite of the great amount of data given in its Book II. His epigraphic descriptions are well known and certainly important, but the chief importance of his archaeological oeuvre lies in the descriptions of military objects, where often he claims the absolute priority. A very interesting enterprise of his was an attempt for reconstructing the route of Trajan’s 2nd Dacian War, mostly without written sources, based on his knowledge of the scene, which he had gained while warfaring on the very spot. He did several observations on the late antique wall systems of the Great Hungarian Plain and of Muntenia too, which are not quite out of date even today. But sometimes he erred, because he took practically everything as the vestiges of Roman military activities: thus e.g. the mammouth finds of South Hungary, which he thought to be the remnants of antique elephant warfare.
From a combinatorial analysis of the Avar inscriptions written in the Nagyszentmiklós-Szarvas alp... more From a combinatorial analysis of the Avar inscriptions written in the Nagyszentmiklós-Szarvas alphabet, it appears that they were generally written in the same language, and in the case of five inscriptions we can roughly guess the structure of the sentence. This suggests that several signs are likely to have played a role in declension: one of them ( > ) is probably an ending indicating accusative case.Last year, new inscriptions were found in the Avar cemetery in Zamárdi, at least four of which seem to have used the Nagyszentmiklós set of signs. Three of them are very short, probably owner’s markings, but one is a complete sentence of two words. The ending of the second word > confirms that it could be in accusative, and the ending of the first word ) has parallels, possibly as a sign of imperative, but there are several other possibilities for the latter: it is not yet certain which is the correct one, or whether only one letter or several letters were used as a sign of imperative.
CARMINA LATINA EPIGRAPHICA – DEVELOPMENTS, DYNAMICS, PREFERENCES, 2023
This article deals with regional differences in verse epitaphs, using Pannonia as an example. Two... more This article deals with regional differences in verse epitaphs, using Pannonia as an example. Two regional types can be distinguished. Verse epitaphs from Carnuntum, mostly from the 1st century, have a certain elementary structure, formularism, and a regular language. The persons concerned in these texts have a certain social position, but the relatives and related men or women mentioned in the poems are not their social equals. The type from Aquincum, mostly dating from the 3rd century, shows a different structure, more individual formulations, and often irregular language. The persons named there have a clearly different social position, in cases the epitaphs were erected by the husbands, children, or parents. Different social pressures in Carnuntum (1st century) and Aquincum (3rd century) seemingly influenced contemporaries to follow certain patterns that fitted into the local tradition. Thus, the funerary poems also provide information about how the respective local communities wanted to honour their dead.
Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekle... more Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekler land. The article discusses an inscription on a pilaster of the medieval abbey of Dombó (Szerém County) from the end of the 11th c., which was found in Bánmonostor. It is dubious whether the inscription is contemporaneous with the pilaster or whether it is a graffito from the 12th-14th centuries, or possibly from a secondary usage (15th c.-beginning of the 16th c.). It contains the following letter sequence in a mirrored Hungarian runiform script: ZBTÜT IRVN (or IRVK 1) ++D (or ++ †).
Publications of the Institute of Hungarian Research
A significant portion of the Szekler runiform church inscriptions must be classified as hic fuit ... more A significant portion of the Szekler runiform church inscriptions must be classified as hic fuit inscriptions, that is, graffiti by visitors. Such an example is the inscription on the lower edge of the outer wall fresco of the Unitarian church of Sepsikilyén, which was inscribed among several Latin hic fuit graffiti. This inscription can be divided into a Latin part in fraktur letters and a Hungarian part in runiform script: Scribsit (!) BNDK2 I[[L]]`Ly´ES. The Latin word and the orthographic emendation show that the author, named Benedek Illyés, was a man of higher education than the average: a fact which is also justified in several other inscriptions. This graffito probably erased the signo of the painters, but nevertheless belongs to a layer older than the later graffiti in capital letters and must therefore date to the 2nd part of the 15th century or to the beginning of the 16th century.
Bíborbanszületett Konstantin De administrando imperio-ja a X. századi magyar nyelvtörténet páratl... more Bíborbanszületett Konstantin De administrando imperio-ja a X. századi magyar nyelvtörténet páratlan forrása, egy szempontból azonban nincs feldolgozva: a görög betűs glosszák hangsúlyjeleinek értelmezése hiányzik. Ehhez vissza kell nyúlni a kéziratos hagyomány eredeti jeleihez, a kétes kiadói emendációkat visszaállítva. A glosszákat végignézve kiderül, hogy nagyobb részükben végéles a hangsúly. Ez tudatos lejegyzői döntés, nem a görög nyelvhasználat hatása, viszont ellentétben áll a magyar nyelv várható tulajdonságaival is. Valószínűtlen az is, hogy a hangsúlyjel egyszerűen hosszúságot jelölne. Alighanem valóban véghangsúlyról van szó, erre pedig háromféle magyarázat lehetséges. Vagy idegen (valószínűleg török) nyelvű tolmács közvetítette a szavakat, vagy a Bulcsú–Termacsúküldöttség anyanyelve nem magyar volt, vagy pedig a X. századi magyar nyelv szubsztrátumhatás következtében átmenetileg véghangsúlyos irányba tolódott el. Mindegyik lehetőség erősíti Konstantin adatát a magyarok ké...
Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekle... more Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekler land. The article discusses an inscription on a pilaster of the medieval abbey of Dombó (Szerém County) from the end of the 11th c., which was found in Bánmonostor. It is dubious whether the inscription is contemporaneous with the pilaster or whether it is a graffito from the 12th-14th centuries, or possibly from a secondary usage (15th c.-beginning of the 16th c.). It contains the following letter sequence in a mirrored Hungarian runiform script: ZBTÜT IRVN (or IRVK 1) ++D (or ++ †).
The De administrando imperio of Constantine Porphyrogennetus is an
unparalleled source of the 10t... more The De administrando imperio of Constantine Porphyrogennetus is an unparalleled source of the 10th century history of the Hungarian language, but there is one aspect of it that has not been studied: the interpretation of the accentuation of Greek-lettered glosses is missing. This requires going back to the original signs of the manuscript tradition, restoring the dubious publisher’s emendations. A perusal of the glosses reveals that most of them have an oxytone stress. This is a conscious decision of the transcriber, not an effect of the use of Greek, but it is also contrary to the expected characteristics of the Hungarian language. It is also unlikely that the stress mark simply indicates length. It is probably indeed oxytone stress, and there are three possible explanations. Either a foreign (probably Turkish) interpreter conveyed the words, or the native language of the Bulcsú-Termacsú delegation was not Hungarian, or the 10th-century Hungarian language was temporarily shifted towards oxytone stress due to a substrate effect. Each of these possibilities confirms Constantine’s data on the bilingualism of the Hungarians. The phonetic structure and accent of some names also differ from the majority, corresponding to the expected Hungarian accent, and these are concentrated in certain passages of the text. These were probably taken by Constantine from other, independent and, as we understand it, Hungarian-language sources: such as the Levédia and the Liuntika episodes. In addition, the analysis of the stress of some words makes it probable that the text has been corrupted, or even confirms that the word is indeed part of the Hungarian language (e.g. βοέβοδος).
Publications of the Institute of Hungarian Research
In 1971, two potsherds containing written characters in the Szekler runiform script were found in... more In 1971, two potsherds containing written characters in the Szekler runiform script were found in Káposztásmegyer (Budapest, District IV) while moving earth. Although they were identified as medieval products, the sherds have been regarded as forgeries ever since. However, the larger fragment was written before firing and is thus an original specimen. Although its exact origins are unknown, it is reasonable to assume that it is an artefact from the 15th or the early part of the 16th century. The first verse of the inscription is not intelligible, the second one says [- - -]+uk rótt am [- - -?]. As it is a domestic product of inferior quality, the existence of the runiform characters is hard to explain (in all likelihood, it was made locally); most probably it can be linked to the cult of Szekler runes in the era of King Mátyás; it may have been the product of a potter who worked for an aristocratic or clerical landowner.
Recenzió: Benkő Elek - Sándor Klára - Vásáry István: A székely írás emlékei, ELKH BTK, Budapest 2... more Recenzió: Benkő Elek - Sándor Klára - Vásáry István: A székely írás emlékei, ELKH BTK, Budapest 2021.
It is generally accepted that vexillations of the legio I Adiutrix and legio II Adiutrix were sen... more It is generally accepted that vexillations of the legio I Adiutrix and legio II Adiutrix were sent to Judaea for the repression of the Bar Kokhba revolt, although epigraphic testimonies are missing. We did not know anything about a possible participation of Pannonian auxiliary units. A military diploma from 135 AD shows the lack of a cohort and the presence of another cohort, cohors I Brittonum, but probably in a different garrison. The article discusses of the possibility the cohors I Brittonum was brought here as a substitution, and the exact identity of this troop. It may have been either the cohors I Ulpia, dislocated from Dacia for cca. two years, or the cohors I Aelia, which was most likely constituted for the occasion. The probable garrison of this unit was Albertfalva in these two years, where it might substitute a vexillation of the legio II Adiutrix; an epigraphic relic of this short period is a little altar in Aquincum dedicated to Mithras for the common welfare of a cert...
Mindezidáig nem ismertünk római feliratokat Désről, bár Samum municipium a város közvetlen közelé... more Mindezidáig nem ismertünk római feliratokat Désről, bár Samum municipium a város közvetlen közelében terült el. Azonban Dés középkori temploma kerítésfalába van egy kőtömb beépítve, amelyet kőfaragójegyes címerpajzs díszít. Ez valójában egy átfaragott római szarkofág, és tisztán látszanak rajta egy verses felirat maradványai, derékszögben elfordítva az óramutató járása szerint: 10 hexameter vagy pedig 5 disztichon néhány kezdő betűje. A középkornál későbbi bevéséseket is lehet rajta találni, amelyek alapján az a téves hír is elterjedt, hogy ez egy rovásírásos felirat.
A székelyföldi rovásfeliratok egy része tartalmaz olyan írásjeleket, melyek a normál rovásábécébe... more A székelyföldi rovásfeliratok egy része tartalmaz olyan írásjeleket, melyek a normál rovásábécében ismeretlenek; mi több, olyan felirat sem példátlan, amely a rovásábécétől teljesen eltérő betűsorral készült, és így nem tudjuk kiolvasni. A csíkmadarasi katolikus templomban levő, másodlagosan beépített (eredetileg feltehetőleg 1500 körül készült) rovásfelirat három részből áll: két figurális ábra és egy alfabetikusnak tűnő szó. A helyi hagyomány rovásírásnak tartja, de elfogadhatatlan értelmezését adja. Néhány jelnek van párhuzama a székely betűsorban, de az értelmezéshez ez nem elég. Az ismert székely írástól független, de azzal rokon hagyomány terméke lehet. A gyergyószentmiklósi örmény katolikus templom kerítőfalába falazott gerenda feliratát 1938-ban mint székely rovásírást, 2020-ban mint ismeretlen írásrendszert említették. A gerenda 1637-es, jól olvasható latin felirata alatt két régebbi, nagyon kopott felirat maradványai azonosíthatók. A legrégebbi szövegből csupán három biztos betű maradt, de ez szabályos székely írásnak tűnik, nincs akadálya, hogy magyar nyelvű építési feliratnak értelmezzük. Az időrendben második felirat azonban két sor teljesen egyedülálló, semmilyen ábécével nem közeli rokon jelből áll, amely azonban valaha koherens szöveget alkotott, mert egy szekvencia (szó?) különböző pontokon többször ismétlődik. Csíkban és Gyergyóban tehát egy vagy több olyan íráshagyomány is létezett, amely az általunk ismert székely rovásírástól eltér, de azzal távolabbi kapcsolatban állhat.
A 16 th-century textual variant of the Lord's Prayer in Hungarian runiform script The Lord's Pray... more A 16 th-century textual variant of the Lord's Prayer in Hungarian runiform script The Lord's Prayer was frequently used as a sample text in works treating writing history. A Hungarian sample text was preserved as an appendix to János Thelegdi's treatise Rudimenta priscae Hunnorum linguae from 1598. This appendix appears only in the minor part of the Rudimenta manuscripts. These manuscripts go back to a German copyist, but the Lord's Prayer is earlier, because it must have been the work of a Hungarian native speaker. Yet probably it was not part of the original work but a later addition, since it differs in the use of the grapheme <h> with a double phonetic value /ë/h/. The reconstructed Urtext of the Lord's Prayer is a variant of Tamás Félegyházi's Calvinist translation (printed 1586) with several inclusions from different sources. It contains archaisms from Gábor Pesti's translation (1536) but shows the acquaintance with Károli's translation (1590) too. The writer must have been a well-educated Calvinist person who began his learning before Félegyházi's work was published. Thus he cannot be the only copyist we know before the existence of the German mss., László M. Sanchi; on the contrary, it is possible that he was János Baranyai Decsi, who wrote the preface to Thelegdi's work. In the existing manuscripts, there is a lacuna before the doxology, which can be filled in different ways (according to Félegyházi or Pesti), but which was filled in a recentior ms. in a third, unexpected way, showing that probably there was another chain of transmission of the text. After the lacuna, the form of the grapheme <r> is changed. It was supposed that this was because an original Catholic version was adapted by a Protestant copyist, but the use of Félegyházi's translation in the whole text speaks against it. Probably the differences are only due to the use of another transmission chain, to refill the missing text after an accidental lacuna. Az egész koraújkorra jellemző szokás volt, hogy nyelvészeti munkákban egy nyelv vagy írás mintaszövegéül az Úr imádságát mutatják be. Ennek köszönhetünk néhány magyar nyelvű Miatyánk-lejegyzést is, amelyek székely-magyar rovásírással
A latin nyelv a kora újkori Magyarország és Erdély kultúrájában és művelődésében, 2023
Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli’s Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus is an unparalleled source for the history ... more Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli’s Danubius Pannonico-Mysicus is an unparalleled source for the history of natural sciences, and far less exploited as a source for the history of archaeology and philology, in spite of the great amount of data given in its Book II. His epigraphic descriptions are well known and certainly important, but the chief importance of his archaeological oeuvre lies in the descriptions of military objects, where often he claims the absolute priority. A very interesting enterprise of his was an attempt for reconstructing the route of Trajan’s 2nd Dacian War, mostly without written sources, based on his knowledge of the scene, which he had gained while warfaring on the very spot. He did several observations on the late antique wall systems of the Great Hungarian Plain and of Muntenia too, which are not quite out of date even today. But sometimes he erred, because he took practically everything as the vestiges of Roman military activities: thus e.g. the mammouth finds of South Hungary, which he thought to be the remnants of antique elephant warfare.
From a combinatorial analysis of the Avar inscriptions written in the Nagyszentmiklós-Szarvas alp... more From a combinatorial analysis of the Avar inscriptions written in the Nagyszentmiklós-Szarvas alphabet, it appears that they were generally written in the same language, and in the case of five inscriptions we can roughly guess the structure of the sentence. This suggests that several signs are likely to have played a role in declension: one of them ( > ) is probably an ending indicating accusative case.Last year, new inscriptions were found in the Avar cemetery in Zamárdi, at least four of which seem to have used the Nagyszentmiklós set of signs. Three of them are very short, probably owner’s markings, but one is a complete sentence of two words. The ending of the second word > confirms that it could be in accusative, and the ending of the first word ) has parallels, possibly as a sign of imperative, but there are several other possibilities for the latter: it is not yet certain which is the correct one, or whether only one letter or several letters were used as a sign of imperative.
CARMINA LATINA EPIGRAPHICA – DEVELOPMENTS, DYNAMICS, PREFERENCES, 2023
This article deals with regional differences in verse epitaphs, using Pannonia as an example. Two... more This article deals with regional differences in verse epitaphs, using Pannonia as an example. Two regional types can be distinguished. Verse epitaphs from Carnuntum, mostly from the 1st century, have a certain elementary structure, formularism, and a regular language. The persons concerned in these texts have a certain social position, but the relatives and related men or women mentioned in the poems are not their social equals. The type from Aquincum, mostly dating from the 3rd century, shows a different structure, more individual formulations, and often irregular language. The persons named there have a clearly different social position, in cases the epitaphs were erected by the husbands, children, or parents. Different social pressures in Carnuntum (1st century) and Aquincum (3rd century) seemingly influenced contemporaries to follow certain patterns that fitted into the local tradition. Thus, the funerary poems also provide information about how the respective local communities wanted to honour their dead.
Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekle... more Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekler land. The article discusses an inscription on a pilaster of the medieval abbey of Dombó (Szerém County) from the end of the 11th c., which was found in Bánmonostor. It is dubious whether the inscription is contemporaneous with the pilaster or whether it is a graffito from the 12th-14th centuries, or possibly from a secondary usage (15th c.-beginning of the 16th c.). It contains the following letter sequence in a mirrored Hungarian runiform script: ZBTÜT IRVN (or IRVK 1) ++D (or ++ †).
Publications of the Institute of Hungarian Research
A significant portion of the Szekler runiform church inscriptions must be classified as hic fuit ... more A significant portion of the Szekler runiform church inscriptions must be classified as hic fuit inscriptions, that is, graffiti by visitors. Such an example is the inscription on the lower edge of the outer wall fresco of the Unitarian church of Sepsikilyén, which was inscribed among several Latin hic fuit graffiti. This inscription can be divided into a Latin part in fraktur letters and a Hungarian part in runiform script: Scribsit (!) BNDK2 I[[L]]`Ly´ES. The Latin word and the orthographic emendation show that the author, named Benedek Illyés, was a man of higher education than the average: a fact which is also justified in several other inscriptions. This graffito probably erased the signo of the painters, but nevertheless belongs to a layer older than the later graffiti in capital letters and must therefore date to the 2nd part of the 15th century or to the beginning of the 16th century.
Bíborbanszületett Konstantin De administrando imperio-ja a X. századi magyar nyelvtörténet páratl... more Bíborbanszületett Konstantin De administrando imperio-ja a X. századi magyar nyelvtörténet páratlan forrása, egy szempontból azonban nincs feldolgozva: a görög betűs glosszák hangsúlyjeleinek értelmezése hiányzik. Ehhez vissza kell nyúlni a kéziratos hagyomány eredeti jeleihez, a kétes kiadói emendációkat visszaállítva. A glosszákat végignézve kiderül, hogy nagyobb részükben végéles a hangsúly. Ez tudatos lejegyzői döntés, nem a görög nyelvhasználat hatása, viszont ellentétben áll a magyar nyelv várható tulajdonságaival is. Valószínűtlen az is, hogy a hangsúlyjel egyszerűen hosszúságot jelölne. Alighanem valóban véghangsúlyról van szó, erre pedig háromféle magyarázat lehetséges. Vagy idegen (valószínűleg török) nyelvű tolmács közvetítette a szavakat, vagy a Bulcsú–Termacsúküldöttség anyanyelve nem magyar volt, vagy pedig a X. századi magyar nyelv szubsztrátumhatás következtében átmenetileg véghangsúlyos irányba tolódott el. Mindegyik lehetőség erősíti Konstantin adatát a magyarok ké...
Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekle... more Until now, medieval Hungarian runiform inscriptions were known almost exclusively from the Szekler land. The article discusses an inscription on a pilaster of the medieval abbey of Dombó (Szerém County) from the end of the 11th c., which was found in Bánmonostor. It is dubious whether the inscription is contemporaneous with the pilaster or whether it is a graffito from the 12th-14th centuries, or possibly from a secondary usage (15th c.-beginning of the 16th c.). It contains the following letter sequence in a mirrored Hungarian runiform script: ZBTÜT IRVN (or IRVK 1) ++D (or ++ †).
The De administrando imperio of Constantine Porphyrogennetus is an
unparalleled source of the 10t... more The De administrando imperio of Constantine Porphyrogennetus is an unparalleled source of the 10th century history of the Hungarian language, but there is one aspect of it that has not been studied: the interpretation of the accentuation of Greek-lettered glosses is missing. This requires going back to the original signs of the manuscript tradition, restoring the dubious publisher’s emendations. A perusal of the glosses reveals that most of them have an oxytone stress. This is a conscious decision of the transcriber, not an effect of the use of Greek, but it is also contrary to the expected characteristics of the Hungarian language. It is also unlikely that the stress mark simply indicates length. It is probably indeed oxytone stress, and there are three possible explanations. Either a foreign (probably Turkish) interpreter conveyed the words, or the native language of the Bulcsú-Termacsú delegation was not Hungarian, or the 10th-century Hungarian language was temporarily shifted towards oxytone stress due to a substrate effect. Each of these possibilities confirms Constantine’s data on the bilingualism of the Hungarians. The phonetic structure and accent of some names also differ from the majority, corresponding to the expected Hungarian accent, and these are concentrated in certain passages of the text. These were probably taken by Constantine from other, independent and, as we understand it, Hungarian-language sources: such as the Levédia and the Liuntika episodes. In addition, the analysis of the stress of some words makes it probable that the text has been corrupted, or even confirms that the word is indeed part of the Hungarian language (e.g. βοέβοδος).
Publications of the Institute of Hungarian Research
In 1971, two potsherds containing written characters in the Szekler runiform script were found in... more In 1971, two potsherds containing written characters in the Szekler runiform script were found in Káposztásmegyer (Budapest, District IV) while moving earth. Although they were identified as medieval products, the sherds have been regarded as forgeries ever since. However, the larger fragment was written before firing and is thus an original specimen. Although its exact origins are unknown, it is reasonable to assume that it is an artefact from the 15th or the early part of the 16th century. The first verse of the inscription is not intelligible, the second one says [- - -]+uk rótt am [- - -?]. As it is a domestic product of inferior quality, the existence of the runiform characters is hard to explain (in all likelihood, it was made locally); most probably it can be linked to the cult of Szekler runes in the era of King Mátyás; it may have been the product of a potter who worked for an aristocratic or clerical landowner.
Recenzió: Benkő Elek - Sándor Klára - Vásáry István: A székely írás emlékei, ELKH BTK, Budapest 2... more Recenzió: Benkő Elek - Sándor Klára - Vásáry István: A székely írás emlékei, ELKH BTK, Budapest 2021.
It is generally accepted that vexillations of the legio I Adiutrix and legio II Adiutrix were sen... more It is generally accepted that vexillations of the legio I Adiutrix and legio II Adiutrix were sent to Judaea for the repression of the Bar Kokhba revolt, although epigraphic testimonies are missing. We did not know anything about a possible participation of Pannonian auxiliary units. A military diploma from 135 AD shows the lack of a cohort and the presence of another cohort, cohors I Brittonum, but probably in a different garrison. The article discusses of the possibility the cohors I Brittonum was brought here as a substitution, and the exact identity of this troop. It may have been either the cohors I Ulpia, dislocated from Dacia for cca. two years, or the cohors I Aelia, which was most likely constituted for the occasion. The probable garrison of this unit was Albertfalva in these two years, where it might substitute a vexillation of the legio II Adiutrix; an epigraphic relic of this short period is a little altar in Aquincum dedicated to Mithras for the common welfare of a cert...
Mindezidáig nem ismertünk római feliratokat Désről, bár Samum municipium a város közvetlen közelé... more Mindezidáig nem ismertünk római feliratokat Désről, bár Samum municipium a város közvetlen közelében terült el. Azonban Dés középkori temploma kerítésfalába van egy kőtömb beépítve, amelyet kőfaragójegyes címerpajzs díszít. Ez valójában egy átfaragott római szarkofág, és tisztán látszanak rajta egy verses felirat maradványai, derékszögben elfordítva az óramutató járása szerint: 10 hexameter vagy pedig 5 disztichon néhány kezdő betűje. A középkornál későbbi bevéséseket is lehet rajta találni, amelyek alapján az a téves hír is elterjedt, hogy ez egy rovásírásos felirat.
TITULI AQUINCENSES Volumen IV, PARS SEPTENTRIONALIS AGRI AQUINCENSIS
PRAEFATIO
Bonae memoriae G... more TITULI AQUINCENSES Volumen IV, PARS SEPTENTRIONALIS AGRI AQUINCENSIS
PRAEFATIO
Bonae memoriae Géza Alföldy et Barnabás Lőrincz
Post annos decem continuamus editionem titulorum Romanorum in Hungaria repertorum. Hic liber est tomus quartus seriei Titulorum Aquincensium, qui continet titulos sacros, operum publicorum, sepulcrales et incerti generis, in parte septentrionali agri Aquincensis repertos, et falsos. Tituli eduntur in ordine alphabetico personarum.
Volumen edendum curaverunt Géza Alföldy, Péter Kovács et Ádám Szabó adiuvante Benedicto Fehér. Editores huius voluminis sunt: Géza Alföldy(†), Bence Fehér, Péter Kovács, Barnabás Lőrincz(†), Zsolt Mráv, Ádám Szabó et Endre Tóth. Indices epigraphicos et tabulas synopticas Bence Fehér, conspectus auctorum Géza Alföldy, Péter Kovács et Ádám Szabó composuerunt. Imagines photographicas plurimas sumpserunt Ortolfius et Friderica Harl. Mappa agri Aquincensis a András Bödöcs facta est, cui pro contributione sua gratias maximas agimus. Manuscriptum ad edendum typographicum curavit Ádám Szabó.
Paene omnes schedas ante a. 2010 scriptas Géza Alföldy correxit, quamombrem nomen professoris optimi nostri a. 2011 mortui editoribus huius fasciculi addidimus.
Tituli ex parte meridionali agri Aquincensis (et Sopianarum) edentur in volumine sexto. Sua quisque auctorum pro lectione spondet. Nonnullas schedas corrigere vel multa addere vel denuo describere coacti sumus. In his casibus monogrammata nostra addidimus.
Restat ut agamus gratias domui editoriae cuius nomen est Pytheas et domino Eörs Kelemen pro libris nostris in lucem editis.
Now Behold My Spacious Kingdom. Studies Presented to Zoltán Imre Fábián On the Occasion of His 63rd Birthday, 2017
Papers presented with love and appreciation to Zoltán Imre Fábián by several authors, colleagues ... more Papers presented with love and appreciation to Zoltán Imre Fábián by several authors, colleagues and friends from various university/Theban excavational/museum, etc. backgrounds. The papers focus mainly on Ancient Egypt, the Theban necropolis, with a dashing of miscellaneous subjects. A special section portrays graphic artwork from colleagues of the excavation team of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission in Thebes, in TT 184 and the south slope of el-Khokha; as well as other friends working in Thebes.
Published by L'Harmattan, Budapest, 2017/2019. ISBN 978-2-343-13743-8
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Papers by Fehér Bence
A gyergyószentmiklósi örmény katolikus templom kerítőfalába falazott gerenda feliratát 1938-ban mint székely rovásírást, 2020-ban mint ismeretlen írásrendszert említették. A gerenda 1637-es, jól olvasható latin felirata alatt két régebbi, nagyon kopott felirat maradványai azonosíthatók. A legrégebbi szövegből csupán három biztos betű maradt, de ez szabályos székely írásnak tűnik, nincs akadálya, hogy magyar nyelvű építési feliratnak értelmezzük. Az időrendben második felirat azonban két sor teljesen egyedülálló, semmilyen ábécével nem közeli rokon jelből áll, amely azonban valaha koherens szöveget alkotott, mert egy szekvencia (szó?) különböző pontokon többször ismétlődik. Csíkban és Gyergyóban tehát egy vagy több olyan íráshagyomány is létezett, amely az általunk ismert székely rovásírástól eltér, de azzal távolabbi kapcsolatban állhat.
unparalleled source of the 10th century history of the Hungarian language, but there is one aspect of it that has not been studied: the interpretation of the accentuation of Greek-lettered glosses is missing. This requires going back to the original signs of the manuscript tradition, restoring the dubious publisher’s emendations. A perusal of the glosses reveals that most of them have an oxytone stress. This is a conscious decision of the transcriber, not an effect of the use of Greek, but it is also contrary to the expected characteristics of the Hungarian language. It is also unlikely that the stress mark simply indicates length. It is probably indeed oxytone stress, and there are three possible explanations. Either a foreign (probably Turkish) interpreter conveyed the words, or the native language of the Bulcsú-Termacsú delegation was not Hungarian, or the 10th-century Hungarian language was temporarily shifted towards oxytone stress due to a substrate effect. Each of these possibilities confirms Constantine’s data on the bilingualism of the Hungarians. The phonetic structure and accent of some names also differ from the majority, corresponding to the expected Hungarian accent, and these are concentrated in certain passages of the text. These were probably taken by Constantine from other, independent and, as we understand it, Hungarian-language sources: such as the Levédia and the Liuntika episodes. In addition, the analysis of the stress of some words makes it probable that the text has been corrupted, or even confirms that the word is indeed part of the Hungarian language (e.g. βοέβοδος).
A gyergyószentmiklósi örmény katolikus templom kerítőfalába falazott gerenda feliratát 1938-ban mint székely rovásírást, 2020-ban mint ismeretlen írásrendszert említették. A gerenda 1637-es, jól olvasható latin felirata alatt két régebbi, nagyon kopott felirat maradványai azonosíthatók. A legrégebbi szövegből csupán három biztos betű maradt, de ez szabályos székely írásnak tűnik, nincs akadálya, hogy magyar nyelvű építési feliratnak értelmezzük. Az időrendben második felirat azonban két sor teljesen egyedülálló, semmilyen ábécével nem közeli rokon jelből áll, amely azonban valaha koherens szöveget alkotott, mert egy szekvencia (szó?) különböző pontokon többször ismétlődik. Csíkban és Gyergyóban tehát egy vagy több olyan íráshagyomány is létezett, amely az általunk ismert székely rovásírástól eltér, de azzal távolabbi kapcsolatban állhat.
unparalleled source of the 10th century history of the Hungarian language, but there is one aspect of it that has not been studied: the interpretation of the accentuation of Greek-lettered glosses is missing. This requires going back to the original signs of the manuscript tradition, restoring the dubious publisher’s emendations. A perusal of the glosses reveals that most of them have an oxytone stress. This is a conscious decision of the transcriber, not an effect of the use of Greek, but it is also contrary to the expected characteristics of the Hungarian language. It is also unlikely that the stress mark simply indicates length. It is probably indeed oxytone stress, and there are three possible explanations. Either a foreign (probably Turkish) interpreter conveyed the words, or the native language of the Bulcsú-Termacsú delegation was not Hungarian, or the 10th-century Hungarian language was temporarily shifted towards oxytone stress due to a substrate effect. Each of these possibilities confirms Constantine’s data on the bilingualism of the Hungarians. The phonetic structure and accent of some names also differ from the majority, corresponding to the expected Hungarian accent, and these are concentrated in certain passages of the text. These were probably taken by Constantine from other, independent and, as we understand it, Hungarian-language sources: such as the Levédia and the Liuntika episodes. In addition, the analysis of the stress of some words makes it probable that the text has been corrupted, or even confirms that the word is indeed part of the Hungarian language (e.g. βοέβοδος).
PRAEFATIO
Bonae memoriae Géza Alföldy et Barnabás Lőrincz
Post annos decem continuamus editionem titulorum Romanorum in Hungaria repertorum. Hic liber est tomus quartus seriei Titulorum Aquincensium, qui continet titulos sacros, operum publicorum, sepulcrales et incerti generis, in parte septentrionali agri Aquincensis repertos, et falsos. Tituli eduntur in ordine alphabetico personarum.
Volumen edendum curaverunt Géza Alföldy, Péter Kovács et Ádám Szabó adiuvante Benedicto Fehér. Editores huius voluminis sunt: Géza Alföldy(†), Bence Fehér, Péter Kovács, Barnabás Lőrincz(†), Zsolt Mráv, Ádám Szabó et Endre Tóth. Indices epigraphicos et tabulas synopticas Bence Fehér, conspectus auctorum Géza Alföldy, Péter Kovács et Ádám Szabó composuerunt. Imagines photographicas plurimas sumpserunt Ortolfius et Friderica Harl. Mappa agri Aquincensis a András Bödöcs facta est, cui pro contributione sua gratias maximas agimus. Manuscriptum ad edendum typographicum curavit Ádám Szabó.
Paene omnes schedas ante a. 2010 scriptas Géza Alföldy correxit, quamombrem nomen professoris optimi nostri a. 2011 mortui editoribus huius fasciculi addidimus.
Volumen quintum propositum continebit titulos Intercisae (hodie: Dunaújváros) repertos a Zsolt Visy editos.
Tituli ex parte meridionali agri Aquincensis (et Sopianarum) edentur in volumine sexto. Sua quisque auctorum pro lectione spondet. Nonnullas schedas corrigere vel multa addere vel denuo describere coacti sumus. In his casibus monogrammata nostra addidimus.
Restat ut agamus gratias domui editoriae cuius nomen est Pytheas et domino Eörs Kelemen pro libris nostris in lucem editis.
Péter Kovács
The papers focus mainly on Ancient Egypt, the Theban necropolis, with a dashing of miscellaneous subjects.
A special section portrays graphic artwork from colleagues of the excavation team of the Hungarian Archaeological Mission in Thebes, in TT 184 and the south slope of el-Khokha; as well as other friends working in Thebes.
Published by L'Harmattan, Budapest, 2017/2019.
ISBN 978-2-343-13743-8