“The design of any building should answer the purpose for which it is intended” . The corollary ... more “The design of any building should answer the purpose for which it is intended” . The corollary of this statement by Derek Renn, that we should be able to deduce the purpose of a building from its design, is fundamental to all our analyses of historic buildings, but with two caveats. The first is that we have as complete an inventory of the buildings as possible; the statement comes from his catalogue of Norman castles. It is only when we have this that we can proceed to identify the rules which we can try to apply. Secondly, we need a yardstick or model, based on individual examples, such as his analyses of the firing diagrams of Framlingham or White castle . They not only demonstrated how defensive systems in castles might work, but if a castle failed to reach this standard, we can then argue, from the design, that defence was not as high a priority as it might have been. The same procedure, of working from analysis of examples of castles, has enabled us to develop ideas about the defining features for judging the use of domestic accommodation or public functions of castles. This tribute to Derek Renn is one such study of the design and function of an individual castle, one which has seen little attention in the last hundred years.
“The design of any building should answer the purpose for which it is intended” . The corollary ... more “The design of any building should answer the purpose for which it is intended” . The corollary of this statement by Derek Renn, that we should be able to deduce the purpose of a building from its design, is fundamental to all our analyses of historic buildings, but with two caveats. The first is that we have as complete an inventory of the buildings as possible; the statement comes from his catalogue of Norman castles. It is only when we have this that we can proceed to identify the rules which we can try to apply. Secondly, we need a yardstick or model, based on individual examples, such as his analyses of the firing diagrams of Framlingham or White castle . They not only demonstrated how defensive systems in castles might work, but if a castle failed to reach this standard, we can then argue, from the design, that defence was not as high a priority as it might have been. The same procedure, of working from analysis of examples of castles, has enabled us to develop ideas about the defining features for judging the use of domestic accommodation or public functions of castles. This tribute to Derek Renn is one such study of the design and function of an individual castle, one which has seen little attention in the last hundred years.
The term ‘tower house’ was first used to describe the late-medieval architecture of Ireland by th... more The term ‘tower house’ was first used to describe the late-medieval architecture of Ireland by the English antiquarian, John Henry Parker, in 1860. The tower house was presented as an isolated structure with the term ‘tower house’ combining the distinguishing feature of the building, the ‘tower’, and its function, ‘a house’. This creates several problems. Leaving aside the fact that the ‘tower’ is actually only one part of the ‘house’, as they would seldom have existed as isolated structures; there is the larger problem of function and purpose to consider. If all tower houses aren’t serving the same purpose is it still appropriate to view these structures as a defined group?
This paper examines how useful the term ‘tower house’ is when discussing the small castles of the late Middle Ages and questions whether typological classification of buildings is still an effective tool in archaeology.
The main considerations in producing a typological classification are regionalism, form; however these features are more representative of the building industry than they are of the desires of the people who lived in these buildings. On the other hand, if we analyse the function and the balance of priorities behind construction we can see that, even though tower houses are instantly recognisable, they are serving different purposes from one site to the next.
So what is more important to our understanding of past cultures? Is it developments and changes in the architectural form, as the present mode of classification dictates? Or is it developments and changes in the purpose and agenda? Grouping structures according to agenda might allow us to demonstrate continuity in lifestyle across much longer time periods or geographical areas than our current typological viewpoint allows.
"The proliferation of thousands of small castles and towers, known as tower houses, across the Ir... more "The proliferation of thousands of small castles and towers, known as tower houses, across the Irish landscape between c.1350 and c.1650 has for a long time been viewed as a consequence of years of incessant petty warfare, cultural segregation and oppression. Only ever partially colonised by the Anglo-Normans, Ireland has been presented as a divided, unruly country where private fortification was the only means to secure the safety of one’s family and possessions. Whilst security was obviously a significant priority, this paper seeks to reassess the role of towers in late-medieval Ireland with a particular focus on the indiscriminate nature of their uptake; by communities of both Anglo-Norman and Gaelic descent alike.
Tower houses were the first stone castles to be built in any great numbers by the native Gaelic Irish people and as such they offer the opportunity to compare the priorities of different groups within late-medieval Irish society. Viewing each tower as the product of a considered balance of differing priorities in the minds of their patrons, this paper draws on evidence from over fifty structures across Ireland to assess what these priorities actually were and whether we can see differences in the role of towers across any perceived cultural or political divide.
The results suggest that whilst the widespread adoption of the tower house can be viewed as a form of cultural assimilation c.170 years post-colonisation, the towers themselves also bear tantalising evidence of differing priorities and differing functions across Ireland’s multifaceted borders. Whilst other, more mundane, needs also influenced these differences in the architectural record, the significance of cultural difference, and the purposeful demonstration of that difference, cannot be overlooked as a possible motivating factor.
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"Focusing on Irish Tower Houses, this paper sets out to investigate the gentry household in late-... more "Focusing on Irish Tower Houses, this paper sets out to investigate the gentry household in late-medieval Ireland. This can be a difficult undertaking for several reasons. Foremost in Ireland is the lack of detailed documentary evidence for the period, but the buildings themselves also present problems. Not only are there differences in size from one tower to the next, but there are also differences in sophistication and both of these factors with have profound impacts upon the size and hierarchical organisation of the household.
Using a survey of the available evidence for late-medieval household organisation, this paper attempts to scale this towards the gentry level and estimate the numbers and organisation of servants within an Irish tower house. This finds that as many as eighteen people may need to be accommodated either in, or around, the tower and also shows that the gentry level household lacks the complex departmental organisation of higher status medieval households. This gives the household a much more familial character.
In Middle English, the word ‘family’ actually comes from the Latin words ‘familia’, meaning ‘household or ‘clan’ and ‘famulus’, meaning servant (Thompson 1995, 487). It was not solely immediate kin, as it is in the modern definition.
The model household presented is then tested against evidence from over fifty towers across Ireland, in an attempt to refine our understanding and locate these individuals within the tower. The results show some regional variation, but generally suggest that, although class divisions would surely have been apparent to all concerned, there was little evidence within these structures of the desire to segregate service areas from the main body of the living space. Again this presents the tower house as the private inner reserve of the familia, here defined as the lord, his kin, and his loyal and trusted servants.
"
"This paper presents a new approach to identifying the agenda behind the construction of castles.... more "This paper presents a new approach to identifying the agenda behind the construction of castles. Focusing on Irish Tower Houses, it takes as its basis the key activities that these buildings are most commonly said to serve, and moves to refine our definition of these activities and the likely traces that they should leave on the architecture. It therefore sets an agenda for the study of these structures that is focused on the provision for security, domesticity and ostentation and how this differs on a regional and intra-regional basis. Differences in the level of importance placed on one activity over another, tell us about the priorities, or agenda, behind construction.
The results present a view of the tower house as the inner, private reserve of the owner and the familia and this stands in contrast to previous views of the tower, that saw them act more as scaled-down versions of larger royal and baronial castles. The results suggest that the lifestyle of the gentry, whilst clearly imitating the lifestyle of those above them, was something distinct and different. The level of variation in the priorities behind construction shows, that despite being instantly recognisable as tower houses, these building were regionally and individually serving different purposes. Tower houses were built to a common set of ‘ideas’ rather than a set ‘ideal’ and although the difference may seem a detail, it is fundamental to our understanding of the role of the tower house and what it meant to their owners. In this view, no tower house can be seen as ‘better’ or ‘worse’ than another, they are all simply a reflection of the various desires and ambitions of their owners, and, as such, they offer us the exciting opportunity of investigating what those ambitions actually were.
"
This paper presents the current state of archaeological studies of privacy within medieval buildi... more This paper presents the current state of archaeological studies of privacy within medieval buildings. Thoughts, emotions and individuality are the most difficult concepts to detect archaeologically and for these reasons ideas of privacy, decency, disgust and morality have largely been ignored or ill understood in past works.
The word ‘private’ comes from the Latin words privatus, meaning ‘withdrawn from public life’ and privus meaning ‘single or individual’. Modern definitions of the word private, however, contain ideas related to property, space, emotion, politics, business and the physical state as well as the inherent opposition to ‘public’.
The link between public and private has produced several problems in studies seeking to identify the origin of privacy. These studies link the emergence of privacy to what they see as the emergence of public and private spheres. Privacy has therefore been seen to emerge in any one of the 11th, 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. Other studies link privacy to the emergence of either the individual or private property. The problem is that each study investigates only one of the several embodiments of the term private. In this narrow view, privacy becomes a tangible item which can be viewed to be present or absent; spaces are either ‘public’ or ‘private’.
Contrary to this, it is proposed that using an analysis of medieval notions of privacy, we can begin to identify certain activities which will need to take place in private spaces. These will be related to business, family life and bodily functions. In this view, private activities will be seen to take place along a sliding scale of areas which are ‘more public’ or ‘more private’. It is hoped that by viewing privacy in this way we can begin to counteract the narrow absolutism of past studies of this intriguing topic.
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This paper examines how useful the term ‘tower house’ is when discussing the small castles of the late Middle Ages and questions whether typological classification of buildings is still an effective tool in archaeology.
The main considerations in producing a typological classification are regionalism, form; however these features are more representative of the building industry than they are of the desires of the people who lived in these buildings. On the other hand, if we analyse the function and the balance of priorities behind construction we can see that, even though tower houses are instantly recognisable, they are serving different purposes from one site to the next.
So what is more important to our understanding of past cultures? Is it developments and changes in the architectural form, as the present mode of classification dictates? Or is it developments and changes in the purpose and agenda? Grouping structures according to agenda might allow us to demonstrate continuity in lifestyle across much longer time periods or geographical areas than our current typological viewpoint allows.
Tower houses were the first stone castles to be built in any great numbers by the native Gaelic Irish people and as such they offer the opportunity to compare the priorities of different groups within late-medieval Irish society. Viewing each tower as the product of a considered balance of differing priorities in the minds of their patrons, this paper draws on evidence from over fifty structures across Ireland to assess what these priorities actually were and whether we can see differences in the role of towers across any perceived cultural or political divide.
The results suggest that whilst the widespread adoption of the tower house can be viewed as a form of cultural assimilation c.170 years post-colonisation, the towers themselves also bear tantalising evidence of differing priorities and differing functions across Ireland’s multifaceted borders. Whilst other, more mundane, needs also influenced these differences in the architectural record, the significance of cultural difference, and the purposeful demonstration of that difference, cannot be overlooked as a possible motivating factor.
"
Using a survey of the available evidence for late-medieval household organisation, this paper attempts to scale this towards the gentry level and estimate the numbers and organisation of servants within an Irish tower house. This finds that as many as eighteen people may need to be accommodated either in, or around, the tower and also shows that the gentry level household lacks the complex departmental organisation of higher status medieval households. This gives the household a much more familial character.
In Middle English, the word ‘family’ actually comes from the Latin words ‘familia’, meaning ‘household or ‘clan’ and ‘famulus’, meaning servant (Thompson 1995, 487). It was not solely immediate kin, as it is in the modern definition.
The model household presented is then tested against evidence from over fifty towers across Ireland, in an attempt to refine our understanding and locate these individuals within the tower. The results show some regional variation, but generally suggest that, although class divisions would surely have been apparent to all concerned, there was little evidence within these structures of the desire to segregate service areas from the main body of the living space. Again this presents the tower house as the private inner reserve of the familia, here defined as the lord, his kin, and his loyal and trusted servants.
"
The results present a view of the tower house as the inner, private reserve of the owner and the familia and this stands in contrast to previous views of the tower, that saw them act more as scaled-down versions of larger royal and baronial castles. The results suggest that the lifestyle of the gentry, whilst clearly imitating the lifestyle of those above them, was something distinct and different. The level of variation in the priorities behind construction shows, that despite being instantly recognisable as tower houses, these building were regionally and individually serving different purposes. Tower houses were built to a common set of ‘ideas’ rather than a set ‘ideal’ and although the difference may seem a detail, it is fundamental to our understanding of the role of the tower house and what it meant to their owners. In this view, no tower house can be seen as ‘better’ or ‘worse’ than another, they are all simply a reflection of the various desires and ambitions of their owners, and, as such, they offer us the exciting opportunity of investigating what those ambitions actually were.
"
The word ‘private’ comes from the Latin words privatus, meaning ‘withdrawn from public life’ and privus meaning ‘single or individual’. Modern definitions of the word private, however, contain ideas related to property, space, emotion, politics, business and the physical state as well as the inherent opposition to ‘public’.
The link between public and private has produced several problems in studies seeking to identify the origin of privacy. These studies link the emergence of privacy to what they see as the emergence of public and private spheres. Privacy has therefore been seen to emerge in any one of the 11th, 16th, 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. Other studies link privacy to the emergence of either the individual or private property. The problem is that each study investigates only one of the several embodiments of the term private. In this narrow view, privacy becomes a tangible item which can be viewed to be present or absent; spaces are either ‘public’ or ‘private’.
Contrary to this, it is proposed that using an analysis of medieval notions of privacy, we can begin to identify certain activities which will need to take place in private spaces. These will be related to business, family life and bodily functions. In this view, private activities will be seen to take place along a sliding scale of areas which are ‘more public’ or ‘more private’. It is hoped that by viewing privacy in this way we can begin to counteract the narrow absolutism of past studies of this intriguing topic.