Walter J . Fend

calls the establishment of patterns and institutional mechanisms of cooperation one of the five basic conditions for reconciliation. "By establishing crosscutting ties, common interests, and personal relations, cooperative activities can help stabilize and cement a new peaceful relationship and create commitments, habits, and expectations conducive to reconciliation. " (Kelman, 2010) The other four conditions, Kelman says, are mutual acknowledgement of the national identity and humanity of the other, the foreign (which means, among other things, ceasing to negate and exclude the other from one's own identity, and, further, "the acceptance of the other as an authentic nation and its inclusion into one's own moral community"); development of a common moral basis for peace; confrontation with history; and acknowledgement of responsibility. The last condition includes the acknowledgement of one's own wrongdoing, which implies, on the symbolic level, sufficient apologies, and, on the concrete level, the tried and tested steps of compensation, reparation, and restitution (ibid.). One may regard cooperation, as Kelman does, as a precondition for reconciliation, but the reverse is also possible. From a process perspective, the two mutually promote and condition each other. Kelman's five conditions for reconciliation are ultimately questions of truth, justice, and responsibility, as he explains. Even more, they are simultaneously important conditions and impulses for cooperation. This means that successful cooperation may automatically deepen, stimulate, and provide examples for further steps of cooperation, be it between the same conflict parties, or for third parties.

"[...] At two basic points, the potentials for cooperation and, ultimately, reconciliation between the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia at the turn of the millennium were quantitatively and qualitatively strengthened. The first was the demise of the nationalistic option, symbolized by Franjo Tuđman’s death in 1999, and the end of the HDZ (Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica, Croatian Democratic Union) in Croatia in January 2000, as well as the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević and his regime in Serbia as a consequence of mass protests. The second, which was strongly linked in its effect with the first, was the dynamic of European integration [...]"

"Ten years after having declared full independence and six years after the end
of the armed conflict on its territory, Croatia is being confronted with a double challenge. On the one hand, this country, like all other reform countries,
is endeavouring to drive forward the transformation processes of its economic, political and legal system to be able to ultimately meet the requirements for Euro-Atlantic integration. On the other hand, Croatia is still battling with the direct and indirect results of the war. This war not only took
human victims, caused flight and displacement and completely devastated
large areas of the country, but has also impeded necessary reforms in the
state, society and economy. Moreover, against the backdrop of the armed
conflict and the nationalist mood of the country, which stemmed not least
from the policies of the regime, there were regressive developments especially in the legal system. These developments were reflected in legislation
and/or its implementation which led to ethnic discrimination against the
Serbs in Croatia, to be more precise, to all those who were on the "wrong"
side of the conflict. This legal framework and the state policy behind it were
the main impediment for the return of the refugees who had fled in 1995.
Furthermore they hampered reintegration of the Serbian population and thus
obstructed reuniting the country."

"To understand the historical emergence and present role of
Kurdish political parties it is necessary to be aware of the societal
cleavages within Turkey as well as the regional and international
framework." Developments/ Chronological overview of the Kurdish political parties/ Participation in the political process/ H D P/ HÜDA-PAR