PhD on Byzantine History Thesis' title : Iran and the Sasanians in Byzantine literary sources (330-650A.D.) Supervisors: Evangelos Chrysos and Panagiotis Antonopoulos
INTER/NAL SYMPOSIUM IN HONOUR OF EMERITUS PROFESSOR GEORGE VELENIS, 2017
“Brother” and “Son”. Family Ties and their Significance
in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-65... more “Brother” and “Son”. Family Ties and their Significance in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-650 AD) Ioanna Zouberi Τhe military conflicts between the two great empires of the early Middle Ages, Byzantium and Iran, are not so interesting as are their diplomatic relations, especially the protocol of receiving embassies which substantiated respect between equal partners. For almost three centuries, the Byzantine emperor and the Iranian shah exchanged more than ten letters on different occasions, mainly to announce their accession to the throne. Byzantium and Iran were fully aware of the differences between them, but both wished peaceful coexistence. This was clearly highlighted in the courteous contacts of both emperors claiming to be relatives. The first attested instance of the locution “brotherhood” is in the biography of Constantine by Eusebius of Caesarea, who cited a letter to the emperor Shapur II. We found the word “brother” later, in the diplomatic language developed in the 6th century, during the reign of the emperor Justinian I. At the end of the 6th and during the early 7th century, alleged family ties became father-son relations, as in the letter of Khusrau II to the emperor Maurice, and of the emperor Heraclius to Kavad - Seroe. For the Byzantines, it is obvious that the use of these particular family ties depended in essence, on the current political situation, and allowed their interpretation as signs of interdependence. But it is important to point out that these words of diplomatic courtesy were not understood in the same way by the Iranians. According the Iranian mythical tradition, the Byzantine emperors were descendants of the first Kayanid King Fereidun and therefore, a bond of blood united the dynasts of Persia and those of Byzantium. That is why in Oriental literature Alexander the Great is considered the brother of king Darius III. Also, in the Persian and Arabic medieval sources the word “son” is not perceived as a metaphor, but it is literally interpreted instead. In the Shahnameh, we find a romantic episode regarding Khusrau II’s marriage to Maria, a daughter of the emperor Maurice. The latter became Khusrau’s father-in-law and called him son. This story, obviously a tale, had a great popularity in the East, but we find no trace of it in Byzantine literature.
From the 4th century A.D onwards Christian missionaries and Persian Magi became rivals . Christia... more From the 4th century A.D onwards Christian missionaries and Persian Magi became rivals . Christian church fathers and historians demonized the Magi and accused them for persecutions and torture against Christians of Persia. On the contrary secular historians as Ammianus Marcellinus, Procopius and Agathias considered them as philosophers who followed a moral life although their customs were peculiar
Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων. Σχολή Φιλοσοφική. Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας, 2015
Όπως αποδείχθηκε από την εξέλιξη των ιστορικών γεγονότων, η Σασανιδική
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε... more Όπως αποδείχθηκε από την εξέλιξη των ιστορικών γεγονότων, η Σασανιδική
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε ανά τους αιώνες ως ασπίδα προστασίας για τη Δύση από τις εισβολές βαρβάρων και αυτό φαίνεται πως είχαν συνειδητοποιήσει σχεδόν όλοι οι Βυζαντινοί αυτοκράτορες, μετά τον Ιουλιανό. Στο τέλος του έκτου αιώνα γίνεται φανερό πως μια καινούργια εποχή ξεκινούσε για τις σχέσεις των δύο μεγάλων δυνάμεων του τότε κόσμου. Ο πόλεμος που ξεκίνησε ο Χοσρόης Β΄, με πρόσχημα τη δολοφονία του αυτοκράτορα Μαυρικίου και της οικογενείας του, "λυτήριος γέγονε τῆς Ρωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν εὐπραγἰας".
Μετά το θάνατο του Χοσρόη Β΄ όμως και το τέλος του μεγάλου βυζαντινοπερσικού πολέμου, είναι φανερή η ικανοποίηση των Βυζαντινών, όχι τόσο για τη νίκη, όσο για το γεγονός ότι επανήλθε η προτέρα μεταξύ των δύο δυνάμεων ισορροπία. Αυτή η ικανοποίηση εμφανίζεται στην επιστολή του υιού του Χοσρόη Β΄, Σειρόη, προς τον
αυτοκράτορα Ηράκλειο, η οποία ασφαλώς εκφράζει τις κοινές απόψεις για την
παγκόσμια πολιτική τάξη και κυριαρχία της οικουμένης: «…ἵνα μεθ’ὑμῶν τοῦ βασιλέως Ρωμαίων καὶ ἀδελφοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ ἑτέρων βασιλίσκων τῶν κύκλῳ ὄντων τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγάπῃ διάγωμεν».
Ο κόσμος μοιράζεται και πάλι μεταξύ των δύο αυτών μεγάλων δυνάμεων (πολιτειῶν),όλοι δε οι υπόλοιποι ηγεμόνες (βασιλίσκοι) και τα κράτη, οφείλουν να περιβάλλουν ως δορυφόροι τη δική τους παγκόσμια τάξη και ηγεμονία.
Δυστυχώς για το Βυζάντιο η παγκόσμια αυτή τάξη έμελλε σύντομα να καταρρεύσει.
The objective of this thesis is to examine a subject that up to this day has not beenthoroughly r... more The objective of this thesis is to examine a subject that up to this day has not beenthoroughly researched by scholars. That is the image of Ιran and the Sasanians in Byzantineliterary sources from the 4th to the 6th century A.D”, specifically from the foundation ofConstantinople (330) to the death of the emperor Maurice (602).Although the byzantine written sources were mainly examined, it became obvious from thebeginning of the research, that the examination of the medieval Persian and Arabic sourcesas well as the archaeological evidence from coins, inscriptions and reliefs of the Sasanianera was required, in order to cross-check the latter’s information with those of theByzantines.The subject was structured thematically and not chronologically. This allowed the easierconcentration of the references about the Persians and made feasible the presentation oftheir image. The research focused on the period from the 4th to the 6th century. The reasonfor this is that the death of the Empe...
The role of religion in the bilateral relations of Sasanian Persia and Byzantium was dominant. Bo... more The role of religion in the bilateral relations of Sasanian Persia and Byzantium was dominant. Both countries adopted a hard line in their religious policy, so that Zoroastrianism as well as Christianity became a strong element of national identity. At the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th, historical reality and political and religious propaganda through myth making created the literary effect which served the interests of both empires.
INTER/NAL SYMPOSIUM IN HONOUR OF EMERITUS PROFESSOR GEORGE VELENIS, 2017
“Brother” and “Son”. Family Ties and their Significance
in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-65... more “Brother” and “Son”. Family Ties and their Significance in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-650 AD) Ioanna Zouberi Τhe military conflicts between the two great empires of the early Middle Ages, Byzantium and Iran, are not so interesting as are their diplomatic relations, especially the protocol of receiving embassies which substantiated respect between equal partners. For almost three centuries, the Byzantine emperor and the Iranian shah exchanged more than ten letters on different occasions, mainly to announce their accession to the throne. Byzantium and Iran were fully aware of the differences between them, but both wished peaceful coexistence. This was clearly highlighted in the courteous contacts of both emperors claiming to be relatives. The first attested instance of the locution “brotherhood” is in the biography of Constantine by Eusebius of Caesarea, who cited a letter to the emperor Shapur II. We found the word “brother” later, in the diplomatic language developed in the 6th century, during the reign of the emperor Justinian I. At the end of the 6th and during the early 7th century, alleged family ties became father-son relations, as in the letter of Khusrau II to the emperor Maurice, and of the emperor Heraclius to Kavad - Seroe. For the Byzantines, it is obvious that the use of these particular family ties depended in essence, on the current political situation, and allowed their interpretation as signs of interdependence. But it is important to point out that these words of diplomatic courtesy were not understood in the same way by the Iranians. According the Iranian mythical tradition, the Byzantine emperors were descendants of the first Kayanid King Fereidun and therefore, a bond of blood united the dynasts of Persia and those of Byzantium. That is why in Oriental literature Alexander the Great is considered the brother of king Darius III. Also, in the Persian and Arabic medieval sources the word “son” is not perceived as a metaphor, but it is literally interpreted instead. In the Shahnameh, we find a romantic episode regarding Khusrau II’s marriage to Maria, a daughter of the emperor Maurice. The latter became Khusrau’s father-in-law and called him son. This story, obviously a tale, had a great popularity in the East, but we find no trace of it in Byzantine literature.
From the 4th century A.D onwards Christian missionaries and Persian Magi became rivals . Christia... more From the 4th century A.D onwards Christian missionaries and Persian Magi became rivals . Christian church fathers and historians demonized the Magi and accused them for persecutions and torture against Christians of Persia. On the contrary secular historians as Ammianus Marcellinus, Procopius and Agathias considered them as philosophers who followed a moral life although their customs were peculiar
Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων. Σχολή Φιλοσοφική. Τμήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας, 2015
Όπως αποδείχθηκε από την εξέλιξη των ιστορικών γεγονότων, η Σασανιδική
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε... more Όπως αποδείχθηκε από την εξέλιξη των ιστορικών γεγονότων, η Σασανιδική
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε ανά τους αιώνες ως ασπίδα προστασίας για τη Δύση από τις εισβολές βαρβάρων και αυτό φαίνεται πως είχαν συνειδητοποιήσει σχεδόν όλοι οι Βυζαντινοί αυτοκράτορες, μετά τον Ιουλιανό. Στο τέλος του έκτου αιώνα γίνεται φανερό πως μια καινούργια εποχή ξεκινούσε για τις σχέσεις των δύο μεγάλων δυνάμεων του τότε κόσμου. Ο πόλεμος που ξεκίνησε ο Χοσρόης Β΄, με πρόσχημα τη δολοφονία του αυτοκράτορα Μαυρικίου και της οικογενείας του, "λυτήριος γέγονε τῆς Ρωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν εὐπραγἰας".
Μετά το θάνατο του Χοσρόη Β΄ όμως και το τέλος του μεγάλου βυζαντινοπερσικού πολέμου, είναι φανερή η ικανοποίηση των Βυζαντινών, όχι τόσο για τη νίκη, όσο για το γεγονός ότι επανήλθε η προτέρα μεταξύ των δύο δυνάμεων ισορροπία. Αυτή η ικανοποίηση εμφανίζεται στην επιστολή του υιού του Χοσρόη Β΄, Σειρόη, προς τον
αυτοκράτορα Ηράκλειο, η οποία ασφαλώς εκφράζει τις κοινές απόψεις για την
παγκόσμια πολιτική τάξη και κυριαρχία της οικουμένης: «…ἵνα μεθ’ὑμῶν τοῦ βασιλέως Ρωμαίων καὶ ἀδελφοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ ἑτέρων βασιλίσκων τῶν κύκλῳ ὄντων τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγάπῃ διάγωμεν».
Ο κόσμος μοιράζεται και πάλι μεταξύ των δύο αυτών μεγάλων δυνάμεων (πολιτειῶν),όλοι δε οι υπόλοιποι ηγεμόνες (βασιλίσκοι) και τα κράτη, οφείλουν να περιβάλλουν ως δορυφόροι τη δική τους παγκόσμια τάξη και ηγεμονία.
Δυστυχώς για το Βυζάντιο η παγκόσμια αυτή τάξη έμελλε σύντομα να καταρρεύσει.
The objective of this thesis is to examine a subject that up to this day has not beenthoroughly r... more The objective of this thesis is to examine a subject that up to this day has not beenthoroughly researched by scholars. That is the image of Ιran and the Sasanians in Byzantineliterary sources from the 4th to the 6th century A.D”, specifically from the foundation ofConstantinople (330) to the death of the emperor Maurice (602).Although the byzantine written sources were mainly examined, it became obvious from thebeginning of the research, that the examination of the medieval Persian and Arabic sourcesas well as the archaeological evidence from coins, inscriptions and reliefs of the Sasanianera was required, in order to cross-check the latter’s information with those of theByzantines.The subject was structured thematically and not chronologically. This allowed the easierconcentration of the references about the Persians and made feasible the presentation oftheir image. The research focused on the period from the 4th to the 6th century. The reasonfor this is that the death of the Empe...
The role of religion in the bilateral relations of Sasanian Persia and Byzantium was dominant. Bo... more The role of religion in the bilateral relations of Sasanian Persia and Byzantium was dominant. Both countries adopted a hard line in their religious policy, so that Zoroastrianism as well as Christianity became a strong element of national identity. At the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th, historical reality and political and religious propaganda through myth making created the literary effect which served the interests of both empires.
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in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-650 AD)
Ioanna Zouberi
Τhe military conflicts between the two great empires of the early Middle Ages, Byzantium and Iran, are not so interesting as are their diplomatic relations, especially the
protocol of receiving embassies which substantiated respect between equal partners.
For almost three centuries, the Byzantine emperor and the Iranian shah exchanged
more than ten letters on different occasions, mainly to announce their accession to
the throne. Byzantium and Iran were fully aware of the differences between them,
but both wished peaceful coexistence. This was clearly highlighted in the courteous
contacts of both emperors claiming to be relatives. The first attested instance of the
locution “brotherhood” is in the biography of Constantine by Eusebius of Caesarea,
who cited a letter to the emperor Shapur II. We found the word “brother” later, in the
diplomatic language developed in the 6th century, during the reign of the emperor
Justinian I. At the end of the 6th and during the early 7th century, alleged family ties
became father-son relations, as in the letter of Khusrau II to the emperor Maurice, and
of the emperor Heraclius to Kavad - Seroe. For the Byzantines, it is obvious that the use
of these particular family ties depended in essence, on the current political situation,
and allowed their interpretation as signs of interdependence. But it is important to
point out that these words of diplomatic courtesy were not understood in the same
way by the Iranians. According the Iranian mythical tradition, the Byzantine emperors
were descendants of the first Kayanid King Fereidun and therefore, a bond of blood
united the dynasts of Persia and those of Byzantium. That is why in Oriental literature
Alexander the Great is considered the brother of king Darius III. Also, in the Persian
and Arabic medieval sources the word “son” is not perceived as a metaphor, but it is
literally interpreted instead. In the Shahnameh, we find a romantic episode regarding
Khusrau II’s marriage to Maria, a daughter of the emperor Maurice. The latter became
Khusrau’s father-in-law and called him son. This story, obviously a tale, had a great
popularity in the East, but we find no trace of it in Byzantine literature.
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε ανά τους αιώνες ως ασπίδα προστασίας για τη Δύση από τις εισβολές βαρβάρων και αυτό φαίνεται πως είχαν συνειδητοποιήσει σχεδόν όλοι οι Βυζαντινοί αυτοκράτορες, μετά τον Ιουλιανό. Στο τέλος του έκτου αιώνα γίνεται φανερό πως μια καινούργια εποχή ξεκινούσε για τις σχέσεις των δύο μεγάλων δυνάμεων του τότε κόσμου. Ο πόλεμος που ξεκίνησε ο Χοσρόης Β΄, με πρόσχημα τη δολοφονία του αυτοκράτορα Μαυρικίου και της οικογενείας του, "λυτήριος γέγονε τῆς Ρωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν εὐπραγἰας".
Μετά το θάνατο του Χοσρόη Β΄ όμως και το τέλος του μεγάλου βυζαντινοπερσικού πολέμου, είναι φανερή η ικανοποίηση των Βυζαντινών, όχι τόσο για τη νίκη, όσο για το γεγονός ότι επανήλθε η προτέρα μεταξύ των δύο δυνάμεων ισορροπία. Αυτή η ικανοποίηση εμφανίζεται στην επιστολή του υιού του Χοσρόη Β΄, Σειρόη, προς τον
αυτοκράτορα Ηράκλειο, η οποία ασφαλώς εκφράζει τις κοινές απόψεις για την
παγκόσμια πολιτική τάξη και κυριαρχία της οικουμένης: «…ἵνα μεθ’ὑμῶν τοῦ βασιλέως Ρωμαίων καὶ ἀδελφοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ ἑτέρων βασιλίσκων τῶν κύκλῳ ὄντων τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγάπῃ διάγωμεν».
Ο κόσμος μοιράζεται και πάλι μεταξύ των δύο αυτών μεγάλων δυνάμεων (πολιτειῶν),όλοι δε οι υπόλοιποι ηγεμόνες (βασιλίσκοι) και τα κράτη, οφείλουν να περιβάλλουν ως δορυφόροι τη δική τους παγκόσμια τάξη και ηγεμονία.
Δυστυχώς για το Βυζάντιο η παγκόσμια αυτή τάξη έμελλε σύντομα να καταρρεύσει.
At the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th, historical reality and political and religious propaganda through myth making created the literary effect which served the interests of both empires.
in Byzantine - Iranian Diplomacy (330-650 AD)
Ioanna Zouberi
Τhe military conflicts between the two great empires of the early Middle Ages, Byzantium and Iran, are not so interesting as are their diplomatic relations, especially the
protocol of receiving embassies which substantiated respect between equal partners.
For almost three centuries, the Byzantine emperor and the Iranian shah exchanged
more than ten letters on different occasions, mainly to announce their accession to
the throne. Byzantium and Iran were fully aware of the differences between them,
but both wished peaceful coexistence. This was clearly highlighted in the courteous
contacts of both emperors claiming to be relatives. The first attested instance of the
locution “brotherhood” is in the biography of Constantine by Eusebius of Caesarea,
who cited a letter to the emperor Shapur II. We found the word “brother” later, in the
diplomatic language developed in the 6th century, during the reign of the emperor
Justinian I. At the end of the 6th and during the early 7th century, alleged family ties
became father-son relations, as in the letter of Khusrau II to the emperor Maurice, and
of the emperor Heraclius to Kavad - Seroe. For the Byzantines, it is obvious that the use
of these particular family ties depended in essence, on the current political situation,
and allowed their interpretation as signs of interdependence. But it is important to
point out that these words of diplomatic courtesy were not understood in the same
way by the Iranians. According the Iranian mythical tradition, the Byzantine emperors
were descendants of the first Kayanid King Fereidun and therefore, a bond of blood
united the dynasts of Persia and those of Byzantium. That is why in Oriental literature
Alexander the Great is considered the brother of king Darius III. Also, in the Persian
and Arabic medieval sources the word “son” is not perceived as a metaphor, but it is
literally interpreted instead. In the Shahnameh, we find a romantic episode regarding
Khusrau II’s marriage to Maria, a daughter of the emperor Maurice. The latter became
Khusrau’s father-in-law and called him son. This story, obviously a tale, had a great
popularity in the East, but we find no trace of it in Byzantine literature.
αυτοκρατορία λειτούργησε ανά τους αιώνες ως ασπίδα προστασίας για τη Δύση από τις εισβολές βαρβάρων και αυτό φαίνεται πως είχαν συνειδητοποιήσει σχεδόν όλοι οι Βυζαντινοί αυτοκράτορες, μετά τον Ιουλιανό. Στο τέλος του έκτου αιώνα γίνεται φανερό πως μια καινούργια εποχή ξεκινούσε για τις σχέσεις των δύο μεγάλων δυνάμεων του τότε κόσμου. Ο πόλεμος που ξεκίνησε ο Χοσρόης Β΄, με πρόσχημα τη δολοφονία του αυτοκράτορα Μαυρικίου και της οικογενείας του, "λυτήριος γέγονε τῆς Ρωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν εὐπραγἰας".
Μετά το θάνατο του Χοσρόη Β΄ όμως και το τέλος του μεγάλου βυζαντινοπερσικού πολέμου, είναι φανερή η ικανοποίηση των Βυζαντινών, όχι τόσο για τη νίκη, όσο για το γεγονός ότι επανήλθε η προτέρα μεταξύ των δύο δυνάμεων ισορροπία. Αυτή η ικανοποίηση εμφανίζεται στην επιστολή του υιού του Χοσρόη Β΄, Σειρόη, προς τον
αυτοκράτορα Ηράκλειο, η οποία ασφαλώς εκφράζει τις κοινές απόψεις για την
παγκόσμια πολιτική τάξη και κυριαρχία της οικουμένης: «…ἵνα μεθ’ὑμῶν τοῦ βασιλέως Ρωμαίων καὶ ἀδελφοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ ἑτέρων βασιλίσκων τῶν κύκλῳ ὄντων τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἀγάπῃ διάγωμεν».
Ο κόσμος μοιράζεται και πάλι μεταξύ των δύο αυτών μεγάλων δυνάμεων (πολιτειῶν),όλοι δε οι υπόλοιποι ηγεμόνες (βασιλίσκοι) και τα κράτη, οφείλουν να περιβάλλουν ως δορυφόροι τη δική τους παγκόσμια τάξη και ηγεμονία.
Δυστυχώς για το Βυζάντιο η παγκόσμια αυτή τάξη έμελλε σύντομα να καταρρεύσει.
At the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th, historical reality and political and religious propaganda through myth making created the literary effect which served the interests of both empires.