This chapter deals with the period of military build-up and preparation for war against Turkey. A... more This chapter deals with the period of military build-up and preparation for war against Turkey. An important factor was the outbreak of war between Italy and the Ottoman empire in autumn 1911, which weakened Turkey and was seen by the Balkan states as creating a new opportunity. Bulgaria and Serbia signed a treaty and military convention in March 1912. Venizelos, helped by Bourchier of The Times, proposed a similar treaty with Bulgaria, which following lengthy negotiations was signed in May 1912. The main issue to be resolved concerned the division of territory in the event of a successful war. Here Venizelos insisted that there should be no prior agreement on territory. In parallel with these developments the French continued the work of their military mission, and Venizelos and Metaxas had to resolve an awkward problem when the Crown Prince spoke disparagingly about the French mission. Naval procurements and ministerial appointments furthered the preparations for war.
After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso ... more After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso uprising on 10 March 1905 with declarations of Union, the Greek flag, and the trimmings of a Cretan uprising. The place was chosen for its inaccessibility, the timing to preempt the assembly elections of March 1905 which would favor the prince and his regime. Venizelos set the aim as union of Crete with Greece, or as near as possible convergence of Cretan government with Greek. At this stage the departure of the prince was not announced as an aim though it soon became clear that it was. The weakness of Venizelos's case was that the prince still represented Crete's quest for union, and was still popular. The uprising was a gamble but Venizelos had calculated the odds. He believed that the liberal Powers would not use force to suppress his movement. His aim was to undermine the prince's regime of 'despotism' and force the Powers to treat with the insurgent leaders, and strengthen the regime of autonomy. This was a battle for opinions, of the Cretans, the Greeks and the Powers. The most difficult target was the Greek king and government. The Powers however were already beginning to lose confidence in the prince.
The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance... more The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key ministries.
In summer and autumn 1905 the deadlock was broken, by a series of moves on the part of Venizelos,... more In summer and autumn 1905 the deadlock was broken, by a series of moves on the part of Venizelos, Howard and his colleagues, with help from Sfakianakis. Since there could be no concession of union, a solution had to be built around the need for internal reforms. The result was an agreed proposal that an International Commission of experts should visit Crete to report on administrative and economic reforms. This solution met the main needs of all parties except the prince, though the details concerning how to deal with gendarmes who had gone over to the insurgents, and the surrender of arms, were resolved only with difficulty. Venizelos saw the proposal as a justified step back from the insurgency's demand for full union to something in substance and practice close to union. In reaching this solution the prince, who had tried the patience of the consuls, was virtually shut out. The International Commission under the respected Edward Law swiftly formed its views in February 1906 and reported, recommending administrative and financial changes. Still more important, in a confidential letter Law stated that Union with Greece was the only viable solution for Crete. Venizelos's calculation that the commission would advance his agenda was thus justified.
This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed th... more This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed that he was determined to secure a solid majority, enabling him to implement his program, starting with constitutional revision. Rebutting the hostility of the Ottomans, for whom as the architect of enosis he was deeply suspect, he appointed a government of five ministers of whom only two had served in previous parliaments. This was new blood. Action on the constitution was held up by a major row in parliament (itself with constitutional implications) over the question of dissolution of the assembly, which Venizelos requested. The King granted this, leading to new elections which the old political parties boycotted, thus cutting their own throats. The old party leaders, Theotokis, Rallis and others, had underestimated the new prime minister, who secured an impressive majority. Young deputies such as Kafandaris, elected on Rallis's ticket, soon followed Venizelos, joining the liberal party.
April 1889 elections to the Cretan Assembly, to which Venizelos was elected, gave the liberals (&... more April 1889 elections to the Cretan Assembly, to which Venizelos was elected, gave the liberals ('barefoot ones') a majority. A small group of conservatives objected, boycotted the Assembly, and demonstrated in favor of union with Greece, leading a number of politicians including Venizelos to leave Crete for Athens, fearing Ottoman sanctions. The premature 'revolution' was suppressed and the Halepa Pact concessions revoked. Venizelos used the months of exile partly to write a long essay analyzing the causes of the dismal Cretan situation. His diagnosis located the problems in Ottoman misgovernment and the immature state of Cretan politics; whereas Biliotti, the British consul general, saw the issue as one of crisis management, since the Ottomans needed the Christians' cooperation but would never have it. Venizelos identified the problems, but the premature uprising and Ottoman counter measures only postponed reform and recovery.
The chapter describes the transition between disturbances in Crete and Greek-Turkish war in Thess... more The chapter describes the transition between disturbances in Crete and Greek-Turkish war in Thessaly, and the birth of Cretan autonomy with the arrival of Prince George of Greece as High Commissioner of the Powers. The autonomy was still not 'full and genuine' (Venizelos's phrase) and union (enosis) was still distant. In this transition Venizelos was engaged in consulting widely in Crete and at revolutionary assemblies, first arguing for early union (which put him in danger at an assembly at Archanes) then accepting that autonomy was the right answer, to be strengthened progressively until union became feasible. The main players at this stage were Venizelos, the Cretan elder statesman Sfakianakis and the representatives of the Powers. Their common interest was to agree a settlement that would restore peace and good government including in the interior of the island, and assure the protection of the Muslim minority. Ottoman official involvement in Crete, already diminishe...
Another important debate in the constitutional revision was about the Greek language - Venizelos&... more Another important debate in the constitutional revision was about the Greek language - Venizelos's aim being to find in time a single national language fit for all purposes. By 1911 the disputed status of katharevousa (the purist form of Greek used in education, the public services, legislation etc) and dimotiki (demotic Greek, the language of poetry and much literature) had become an acute issue. It was brought into the constitutional debate by the so-called language defenders who opposed the so-called 'hairy ones', the proponents of extreme forms of demotic, and wished to entrench katharevousa as the official language of the state. The debate spread as much heat as light. Venizelos was sympathetic to demotic Greek but used katharevousa in official contexts. His speech set out the issues well. He accepted that the language of Holy Writ should be protected by the constitution. He was forced to disappoint some of the demoticists, his natural allies, by accepting a clause ...
Don Dunstan Oral History Project transcripts. No conditions are imposed on the reuse of this tran... more Don Dunstan Oral History Project transcripts. No conditions are imposed on the reuse of this transcript by the interviewee.
This chapter examines the events that led to Venizelos's arrival in Athens to sort out the me... more This chapter examines the events that led to Venizelos's arrival in Athens to sort out the mess in which the government and military league, engineers of the 'Goudi revolution', found themselves. The Goudi movement of August 1909, conducted by a military league of Greek officers under Colonel Zorbas, opened the way for Venizelos. They called for revival (anorthosis), a more vigorous foreign policy and reforms favoring the armed services, including removing the privileges of the royal princes. But they and the government of Mavromichalis proved ineffective. From Crete Venizelos supported their aims, calling what was a movement of a group of officers an 'uprising of the Greek people'. In his journalism he recommended that they proclaim a temporary dictatorship, rule by decree, and if the king would not agree, appoint the Crown Prince king in his place. In the face of imminent chaos the league invited Venizelos effectively to take over. He agreed to come to Athens, ...
The end of the insurgency left the Great Powers to deal with the aftermath. A visit to Greece by ... more The end of the insurgency left the Great Powers to deal with the aftermath. A visit to Greece by King Edward VII and the permanent secretary at the Foreign Office, Hardinge, was the setting of the coup de grace delivered to Prince George. All parties were told he must leave. With great reluctance, he left Crete. His successor Zaimis received a new constitution drafted by Venizelos and others. A new gendarmerie staffed by retired Greek officers was appointed in 1907, and Sir Edward Grey consented to the withdrawal of the foreign troops provided stability was maintained - which it was. Following the Young Turk revolution and Bulgarian annexation of Eastern Rumelia, Crete declared union with Greece, a 'virtual union' since it was not recognized by Greece, let alone Turkey. This sparked what was to be a long running crisis over deputies to the Cretan parliament who claimed entry to the Greek parliament, the most serious of the various crises over the flying of the Greek flag and...
The chapter analyses the reasons for Venizelos's confrontation with the prince, from their re... more The chapter analyses the reasons for Venizelos's confrontation with the prince, from their respective points of view. A reason for Venizelos was his restless desire for progress towards union with Greece, through a more genuine autonomy. There was also a personal element. He was not someone to sit down meekly in face of the sharp attacks of the prince's advisers who set out to stop his mouth. The fundamental reason was dispute over union, reflecting two different political philosophies, popular sovereignty for Venizelos, the interests of the Glücksburg dynasty for prince George. The clash pushed the prince into more arbitrary measures, the closure of Venizelos's newspaper, and his short imprisonment. His rallies and island-wide visits before the assembly elections of March 1903 showed that he was still a popular figure. But though Venizelos was cold shouldered when he visited Athens to explain his position, it would be wrong to see him as isolated. Politically aware Cret...
After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso ... more After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso uprising on 10 March 1905 with declarations of Union, the Greek flag, and the trimmings of a Cretan uprising. The place was chosen for its inaccessibility, the timing to preempt the assembly elections of March 1905 which would favor the prince and his regime. Venizelos set the aim as union of Crete with Greece, or as near as possible convergence of Cretan government with Greek. At this stage the departure of the prince was not announced as an aim though it soon became clear that it was. The weakness of Venizelos's case was that the prince still represented Crete's quest for union, and was still popular. The uprising was a gamble but Venizelos had calculated the odds. He believed that the liberal Powers would not use force to suppress his movement. His aim was to undermine the prince's regime of 'despotism' and force the Powers to treat with the insurgent leaders, and ...
This chapter describes Venizelos's family life and connections, and his early upbringing. His... more This chapter describes Venizelos's family life and connections, and his early upbringing. His mother Styliani was illiterate, from Therisso, a mountain village in western Crete involved in Cretan uprisings against the Ottomans. His father Kyriakos was a Greek nationalist tested by quarrels with Ottoman authorities and successive exiles in Greece, during which he acquired Greek nationality. They had four daughters, one disabled boy, and Eleftherios (Lefteris) Venizelos. the only healthy boy of the family. The 1866 uprising, in which the destruction of Arkadi monastery aroused sympathy in liberal quarters of Western Europe (Victor Hugo), forced the family to leave for the Greek islands, Kythera then Syros. This was Venizelos's first exile in a lifetime of travel. His education began on Syros and continued in Chania, where his father established a glass and china shop. He carried his impressions of the Cretan landscape and soundscape with him throughout his life: a 'yearnin...
This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed th... more This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed that he was determined to secure a solid majority, enabling him to implement his program, starting with constitutional revision. Rebutting the hostility of the Ottomans, for whom as the architect of enosis he was deeply suspect, he appointed a government of five ministers of whom only two had served in previous parliaments. This was new blood. Action on the constitution was held up by a major row in parliament (itself with constitutional implications) over the question of dissolution of the assembly, which Venizelos requested. The King granted this, leading to new elections which the old political parties boycotted, thus cutting their own throats. The old party leaders, Theotokis, Rallis and others, had underestimated the new prime minister, who secured an impressive majority. Young deputies such as Kafandaris, elected on Rallis's ticket, soon followed Venizelos, joining the liberal pa...
The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance... more The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key...
Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art and Belief, 2008
the emergence or development of a certain type. In particular, the enigma of the Orans of the cat... more the emergence or development of a certain type. In particular, the enigma of the Orans of the catacombs and the famous medieval icon type “Our Lady of the Sign,” characterized by Pentcheva as “the Orans Virgin with the hovering medallion,” calls for further reflection. After all, the popularity and use of a particular image should not be completely merged with the origins, emergence, and existence of the same object. As is well known, even peripheral and rare images have their existence. As far as this dilemma of the “Orans Virgin” is concerned, Belting’s remarks and analysis on the evolving use of the imperial portrait shield (clipeus) is still enlightening. Moreover, surviving paintings such as the famous fourthcentury Orans Virgin with Child (Catacombs of the “Cimitero Maggiore,” Via Nomentana, Rome) could even be regarded as challenging if the Blachernitissa is characterized merely as a “new image type” in the context of the eleventh century. Yet, prudently, Pentcheva also characterizes this icon as one that “conflates two pre-existing types.” Within the Orthodox theological discourse concerning the emperor as the earthly representative of the divine Logos, Pentcheva’s approach remains—probably deliberately— focused on the material and visual realizations of the different forms of the imperial cult. Nevertheless, even if theological, religious, and cultic aspects are scrutinized in the study, a more in-depth view of the Caesareopapist ideology of the Byzantine court could have been helpful and informative for the reader. Particularly in comparison with the status of the emperor in the West, consideration of the extraordinarily sacred and cultic position of the porphyrogennetos could have given a useful additional perspective. In itself, the title “Icons and Power” calls for reflection upon the nature and manifestations of power particularly in and as related to the sphere of religion. Even if Pentcheva only touches the surface of the concept, her examination reveals an understanding that comprises the supremacy of the civic state and its head, the significance of shared religious myths, rituals and beliefs, the use of violence, and the rejection of heterodox otherness. Moreover, in an agreeable manner she discusses the meaning of the paradoxical merging together of virginity and motherhood in the image of the Mother of God. All in all, Pentcheva’s book may be characterized as significant and innovative. It is a welcome contribution and a delightful new opening into the long-gone and fascinating cultural and religious amalgamation we refer to as Byzantium. This volume is compulsory reading for any scholar or connoisseur of Byzantine icons, and an illustrative and beautifully illustrated scholarly work for all those fascinated by the different manifestations of the eastern Christian tradition.
This chapter describes Helena Schilizzi, a London-based member of the widespread and prosperous S... more This chapter describes Helena Schilizzi, a London-based member of the widespread and prosperous Schilizzi family, who met Venizelos during the peace negotiations of late 1912-1913 and became devoted to him. It is based in part on her memoir A l'Ombre de Veniselos. The Schilizzis originated in the Byzantine empire, spread to Chios and later to London and other European cities. Helena, troubled for a period by Grave's disease, came across Venizelos by reading his 1910 speech in Athens, and was captivated. She took every opportunity to get close to him, starting with his contacts with the London Greek community during the peace negotiations. She realized that the way to attach herself to him was to devote herself to the cause of Greece. With her money she was able to do so.
Venizelos's reputation was by now panhellenic as a result of the Akrotiri uprising and still ... more Venizelos's reputation was by now panhellenic as a result of the Akrotiri uprising and still more the Therisso insurgency which showed he could confront a member of the royal family and move forward on the path towards union with Greece. He was still seen by the Greek royal family as dangerous, and he was suspect to established politicians in Athens such as Theotokis. During this period he made new and significant contacts: with the journalist and future academician Spyros Melas and with his future chief of security Pavlos Gyparis. His sentimental life changed, as after the death of his close collaborator Thanasis Vloum he entered on an intimate relationship with Vloum's widow Paraskevoula. As full union with Greece remained blocked, it may have seemed that given the right opportunity Athens would be a better field for his talents, and for pursuing union, than Crete.
The death of Kyriakos left Venizelos head of the family. The granting by the Ottomans of the Hale... more The death of Kyriakos left Venizelos head of the family. The granting by the Ottomans of the Halepa pact and the development of civil society created conditions in which, with help from Mitsotakis, he could exploit openings in the law and journalism, and eventually politics. With young friends he took over Mitsotakis's journal White Mountains (lefka ori), in which he commented on political issues concerning Crete, Greece, Turkey and the Balkans. In parallel he developed his legal practice, representing clients from all confessions. He stood for restraint in the pursuit of union with Greece, recognizing the need for Crete to move in step with Greece. He argued in his journalism for responsibility in public life, meaning an end to rousfeti (corruption) and the abuse of the freedoms introduced by the Halepa pact. He developed early a political philosophy based on the general interest.
This chapter deals with the period of military build-up and preparation for war against Turkey. A... more This chapter deals with the period of military build-up and preparation for war against Turkey. An important factor was the outbreak of war between Italy and the Ottoman empire in autumn 1911, which weakened Turkey and was seen by the Balkan states as creating a new opportunity. Bulgaria and Serbia signed a treaty and military convention in March 1912. Venizelos, helped by Bourchier of The Times, proposed a similar treaty with Bulgaria, which following lengthy negotiations was signed in May 1912. The main issue to be resolved concerned the division of territory in the event of a successful war. Here Venizelos insisted that there should be no prior agreement on territory. In parallel with these developments the French continued the work of their military mission, and Venizelos and Metaxas had to resolve an awkward problem when the Crown Prince spoke disparagingly about the French mission. Naval procurements and ministerial appointments furthered the preparations for war.
After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso ... more After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso uprising on 10 March 1905 with declarations of Union, the Greek flag, and the trimmings of a Cretan uprising. The place was chosen for its inaccessibility, the timing to preempt the assembly elections of March 1905 which would favor the prince and his regime. Venizelos set the aim as union of Crete with Greece, or as near as possible convergence of Cretan government with Greek. At this stage the departure of the prince was not announced as an aim though it soon became clear that it was. The weakness of Venizelos's case was that the prince still represented Crete's quest for union, and was still popular. The uprising was a gamble but Venizelos had calculated the odds. He believed that the liberal Powers would not use force to suppress his movement. His aim was to undermine the prince's regime of 'despotism' and force the Powers to treat with the insurgent leaders, and strengthen the regime of autonomy. This was a battle for opinions, of the Cretans, the Greeks and the Powers. The most difficult target was the Greek king and government. The Powers however were already beginning to lose confidence in the prince.
The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance... more The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key ministries.
In summer and autumn 1905 the deadlock was broken, by a series of moves on the part of Venizelos,... more In summer and autumn 1905 the deadlock was broken, by a series of moves on the part of Venizelos, Howard and his colleagues, with help from Sfakianakis. Since there could be no concession of union, a solution had to be built around the need for internal reforms. The result was an agreed proposal that an International Commission of experts should visit Crete to report on administrative and economic reforms. This solution met the main needs of all parties except the prince, though the details concerning how to deal with gendarmes who had gone over to the insurgents, and the surrender of arms, were resolved only with difficulty. Venizelos saw the proposal as a justified step back from the insurgency's demand for full union to something in substance and practice close to union. In reaching this solution the prince, who had tried the patience of the consuls, was virtually shut out. The International Commission under the respected Edward Law swiftly formed its views in February 1906 and reported, recommending administrative and financial changes. Still more important, in a confidential letter Law stated that Union with Greece was the only viable solution for Crete. Venizelos's calculation that the commission would advance his agenda was thus justified.
This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed th... more This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed that he was determined to secure a solid majority, enabling him to implement his program, starting with constitutional revision. Rebutting the hostility of the Ottomans, for whom as the architect of enosis he was deeply suspect, he appointed a government of five ministers of whom only two had served in previous parliaments. This was new blood. Action on the constitution was held up by a major row in parliament (itself with constitutional implications) over the question of dissolution of the assembly, which Venizelos requested. The King granted this, leading to new elections which the old political parties boycotted, thus cutting their own throats. The old party leaders, Theotokis, Rallis and others, had underestimated the new prime minister, who secured an impressive majority. Young deputies such as Kafandaris, elected on Rallis's ticket, soon followed Venizelos, joining the liberal party.
April 1889 elections to the Cretan Assembly, to which Venizelos was elected, gave the liberals (&... more April 1889 elections to the Cretan Assembly, to which Venizelos was elected, gave the liberals ('barefoot ones') a majority. A small group of conservatives objected, boycotted the Assembly, and demonstrated in favor of union with Greece, leading a number of politicians including Venizelos to leave Crete for Athens, fearing Ottoman sanctions. The premature 'revolution' was suppressed and the Halepa Pact concessions revoked. Venizelos used the months of exile partly to write a long essay analyzing the causes of the dismal Cretan situation. His diagnosis located the problems in Ottoman misgovernment and the immature state of Cretan politics; whereas Biliotti, the British consul general, saw the issue as one of crisis management, since the Ottomans needed the Christians' cooperation but would never have it. Venizelos identified the problems, but the premature uprising and Ottoman counter measures only postponed reform and recovery.
The chapter describes the transition between disturbances in Crete and Greek-Turkish war in Thess... more The chapter describes the transition between disturbances in Crete and Greek-Turkish war in Thessaly, and the birth of Cretan autonomy with the arrival of Prince George of Greece as High Commissioner of the Powers. The autonomy was still not 'full and genuine' (Venizelos's phrase) and union (enosis) was still distant. In this transition Venizelos was engaged in consulting widely in Crete and at revolutionary assemblies, first arguing for early union (which put him in danger at an assembly at Archanes) then accepting that autonomy was the right answer, to be strengthened progressively until union became feasible. The main players at this stage were Venizelos, the Cretan elder statesman Sfakianakis and the representatives of the Powers. Their common interest was to agree a settlement that would restore peace and good government including in the interior of the island, and assure the protection of the Muslim minority. Ottoman official involvement in Crete, already diminishe...
Another important debate in the constitutional revision was about the Greek language - Venizelos&... more Another important debate in the constitutional revision was about the Greek language - Venizelos's aim being to find in time a single national language fit for all purposes. By 1911 the disputed status of katharevousa (the purist form of Greek used in education, the public services, legislation etc) and dimotiki (demotic Greek, the language of poetry and much literature) had become an acute issue. It was brought into the constitutional debate by the so-called language defenders who opposed the so-called 'hairy ones', the proponents of extreme forms of demotic, and wished to entrench katharevousa as the official language of the state. The debate spread as much heat as light. Venizelos was sympathetic to demotic Greek but used katharevousa in official contexts. His speech set out the issues well. He accepted that the language of Holy Writ should be protected by the constitution. He was forced to disappoint some of the demoticists, his natural allies, by accepting a clause ...
Don Dunstan Oral History Project transcripts. No conditions are imposed on the reuse of this tran... more Don Dunstan Oral History Project transcripts. No conditions are imposed on the reuse of this transcript by the interviewee.
This chapter examines the events that led to Venizelos's arrival in Athens to sort out the me... more This chapter examines the events that led to Venizelos's arrival in Athens to sort out the mess in which the government and military league, engineers of the 'Goudi revolution', found themselves. The Goudi movement of August 1909, conducted by a military league of Greek officers under Colonel Zorbas, opened the way for Venizelos. They called for revival (anorthosis), a more vigorous foreign policy and reforms favoring the armed services, including removing the privileges of the royal princes. But they and the government of Mavromichalis proved ineffective. From Crete Venizelos supported their aims, calling what was a movement of a group of officers an 'uprising of the Greek people'. In his journalism he recommended that they proclaim a temporary dictatorship, rule by decree, and if the king would not agree, appoint the Crown Prince king in his place. In the face of imminent chaos the league invited Venizelos effectively to take over. He agreed to come to Athens, ...
The end of the insurgency left the Great Powers to deal with the aftermath. A visit to Greece by ... more The end of the insurgency left the Great Powers to deal with the aftermath. A visit to Greece by King Edward VII and the permanent secretary at the Foreign Office, Hardinge, was the setting of the coup de grace delivered to Prince George. All parties were told he must leave. With great reluctance, he left Crete. His successor Zaimis received a new constitution drafted by Venizelos and others. A new gendarmerie staffed by retired Greek officers was appointed in 1907, and Sir Edward Grey consented to the withdrawal of the foreign troops provided stability was maintained - which it was. Following the Young Turk revolution and Bulgarian annexation of Eastern Rumelia, Crete declared union with Greece, a 'virtual union' since it was not recognized by Greece, let alone Turkey. This sparked what was to be a long running crisis over deputies to the Cretan parliament who claimed entry to the Greek parliament, the most serious of the various crises over the flying of the Greek flag and...
The chapter analyses the reasons for Venizelos's confrontation with the prince, from their re... more The chapter analyses the reasons for Venizelos's confrontation with the prince, from their respective points of view. A reason for Venizelos was his restless desire for progress towards union with Greece, through a more genuine autonomy. There was also a personal element. He was not someone to sit down meekly in face of the sharp attacks of the prince's advisers who set out to stop his mouth. The fundamental reason was dispute over union, reflecting two different political philosophies, popular sovereignty for Venizelos, the interests of the Glücksburg dynasty for prince George. The clash pushed the prince into more arbitrary measures, the closure of Venizelos's newspaper, and his short imprisonment. His rallies and island-wide visits before the assembly elections of March 1903 showed that he was still a popular figure. But though Venizelos was cold shouldered when he visited Athens to explain his position, it would be wrong to see him as isolated. Politically aware Cret...
After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso ... more After preliminary propaganda and gathering of likeminded Cretans Venizelos launched the Therisso uprising on 10 March 1905 with declarations of Union, the Greek flag, and the trimmings of a Cretan uprising. The place was chosen for its inaccessibility, the timing to preempt the assembly elections of March 1905 which would favor the prince and his regime. Venizelos set the aim as union of Crete with Greece, or as near as possible convergence of Cretan government with Greek. At this stage the departure of the prince was not announced as an aim though it soon became clear that it was. The weakness of Venizelos's case was that the prince still represented Crete's quest for union, and was still popular. The uprising was a gamble but Venizelos had calculated the odds. He believed that the liberal Powers would not use force to suppress his movement. His aim was to undermine the prince's regime of 'despotism' and force the Powers to treat with the insurgent leaders, and ...
This chapter describes Venizelos's family life and connections, and his early upbringing. His... more This chapter describes Venizelos's family life and connections, and his early upbringing. His mother Styliani was illiterate, from Therisso, a mountain village in western Crete involved in Cretan uprisings against the Ottomans. His father Kyriakos was a Greek nationalist tested by quarrels with Ottoman authorities and successive exiles in Greece, during which he acquired Greek nationality. They had four daughters, one disabled boy, and Eleftherios (Lefteris) Venizelos. the only healthy boy of the family. The 1866 uprising, in which the destruction of Arkadi monastery aroused sympathy in liberal quarters of Western Europe (Victor Hugo), forced the family to leave for the Greek islands, Kythera then Syros. This was Venizelos's first exile in a lifetime of travel. His education began on Syros and continued in Chania, where his father established a glass and china shop. He carried his impressions of the Cretan landscape and soundscape with him throughout his life: a 'yearnin...
This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed th... more This chapter looks at Venizelos's first steps as head of government in Athens. They showed that he was determined to secure a solid majority, enabling him to implement his program, starting with constitutional revision. Rebutting the hostility of the Ottomans, for whom as the architect of enosis he was deeply suspect, he appointed a government of five ministers of whom only two had served in previous parliaments. This was new blood. Action on the constitution was held up by a major row in parliament (itself with constitutional implications) over the question of dissolution of the assembly, which Venizelos requested. The King granted this, leading to new elections which the old political parties boycotted, thus cutting their own throats. The old party leaders, Theotokis, Rallis and others, had underestimated the new prime minister, who secured an impressive majority. Young deputies such as Kafandaris, elected on Rallis's ticket, soon followed Venizelos, joining the liberal pa...
The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance... more The chapter starts with an account of Venizelos's early legislative program, giving substance to the slogan anorthosis (revival), my modernizing the political system, improving labor law, health provisions, bringing Greece's political economic and social systems close to western Europe through legislation, in which the Ministers of Justice and of Home Affairs played a big part. Following an acute assessment of Venizelos by Metaxas the chapter examines the threat to stability posed by the Cretan deputies' attempts in 1911-12 to enter the Greek parliament following the Greek general election of March 1912, which gave the Venizelists 150 out of 182 seats. Venizelos gave orders to keep the Cretans out, arguing that their action was provocative towards Turkey. Following a confrontation between the Cretan deputies and the military outside parliament, Venizelos found a temporary solution by suspending parliament until October. He reshaped his government with changes in some key...
Material Religion: The Journal of Objects, Art and Belief, 2008
the emergence or development of a certain type. In particular, the enigma of the Orans of the cat... more the emergence or development of a certain type. In particular, the enigma of the Orans of the catacombs and the famous medieval icon type “Our Lady of the Sign,” characterized by Pentcheva as “the Orans Virgin with the hovering medallion,” calls for further reflection. After all, the popularity and use of a particular image should not be completely merged with the origins, emergence, and existence of the same object. As is well known, even peripheral and rare images have their existence. As far as this dilemma of the “Orans Virgin” is concerned, Belting’s remarks and analysis on the evolving use of the imperial portrait shield (clipeus) is still enlightening. Moreover, surviving paintings such as the famous fourthcentury Orans Virgin with Child (Catacombs of the “Cimitero Maggiore,” Via Nomentana, Rome) could even be regarded as challenging if the Blachernitissa is characterized merely as a “new image type” in the context of the eleventh century. Yet, prudently, Pentcheva also characterizes this icon as one that “conflates two pre-existing types.” Within the Orthodox theological discourse concerning the emperor as the earthly representative of the divine Logos, Pentcheva’s approach remains—probably deliberately— focused on the material and visual realizations of the different forms of the imperial cult. Nevertheless, even if theological, religious, and cultic aspects are scrutinized in the study, a more in-depth view of the Caesareopapist ideology of the Byzantine court could have been helpful and informative for the reader. Particularly in comparison with the status of the emperor in the West, consideration of the extraordinarily sacred and cultic position of the porphyrogennetos could have given a useful additional perspective. In itself, the title “Icons and Power” calls for reflection upon the nature and manifestations of power particularly in and as related to the sphere of religion. Even if Pentcheva only touches the surface of the concept, her examination reveals an understanding that comprises the supremacy of the civic state and its head, the significance of shared religious myths, rituals and beliefs, the use of violence, and the rejection of heterodox otherness. Moreover, in an agreeable manner she discusses the meaning of the paradoxical merging together of virginity and motherhood in the image of the Mother of God. All in all, Pentcheva’s book may be characterized as significant and innovative. It is a welcome contribution and a delightful new opening into the long-gone and fascinating cultural and religious amalgamation we refer to as Byzantium. This volume is compulsory reading for any scholar or connoisseur of Byzantine icons, and an illustrative and beautifully illustrated scholarly work for all those fascinated by the different manifestations of the eastern Christian tradition.
This chapter describes Helena Schilizzi, a London-based member of the widespread and prosperous S... more This chapter describes Helena Schilizzi, a London-based member of the widespread and prosperous Schilizzi family, who met Venizelos during the peace negotiations of late 1912-1913 and became devoted to him. It is based in part on her memoir A l'Ombre de Veniselos. The Schilizzis originated in the Byzantine empire, spread to Chios and later to London and other European cities. Helena, troubled for a period by Grave's disease, came across Venizelos by reading his 1910 speech in Athens, and was captivated. She took every opportunity to get close to him, starting with his contacts with the London Greek community during the peace negotiations. She realized that the way to attach herself to him was to devote herself to the cause of Greece. With her money she was able to do so.
Venizelos's reputation was by now panhellenic as a result of the Akrotiri uprising and still ... more Venizelos's reputation was by now panhellenic as a result of the Akrotiri uprising and still more the Therisso insurgency which showed he could confront a member of the royal family and move forward on the path towards union with Greece. He was still seen by the Greek royal family as dangerous, and he was suspect to established politicians in Athens such as Theotokis. During this period he made new and significant contacts: with the journalist and future academician Spyros Melas and with his future chief of security Pavlos Gyparis. His sentimental life changed, as after the death of his close collaborator Thanasis Vloum he entered on an intimate relationship with Vloum's widow Paraskevoula. As full union with Greece remained blocked, it may have seemed that given the right opportunity Athens would be a better field for his talents, and for pursuing union, than Crete.
The death of Kyriakos left Venizelos head of the family. The granting by the Ottomans of the Hale... more The death of Kyriakos left Venizelos head of the family. The granting by the Ottomans of the Halepa pact and the development of civil society created conditions in which, with help from Mitsotakis, he could exploit openings in the law and journalism, and eventually politics. With young friends he took over Mitsotakis's journal White Mountains (lefka ori), in which he commented on political issues concerning Crete, Greece, Turkey and the Balkans. In parallel he developed his legal practice, representing clients from all confessions. He stood for restraint in the pursuit of union with Greece, recognizing the need for Crete to move in step with Greece. He argued in his journalism for responsibility in public life, meaning an end to rousfeti (corruption) and the abuse of the freedoms introduced by the Halepa pact. He developed early a political philosophy based on the general interest.
Tuesday 30 April 2019
Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, London, UK
The ... more Tuesday 30 April 2019
Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, London, UK
The School of History, Archaeology and Religion (SHARE), Cardiff University in collaboration with Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Germany and the Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study in London organise a one-day international workshop on modern receptions of Thucydides, taking a global approach. The workshop brings together scholars from different countries and contexts (Brazil, Germany, Greece, UK, US), who will be sharing their knowledge, experience and perspectives on teaching, researching and performing Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, one of the most influential historical works ever written. The aim is to cross-examine different contexts and appropriations of the text, and explore potentials for an innovative, holistic and experiential understanding of it. Why does this text matter so much? Why and how does it continue to invite dialogues between past, present and future? How do different societies, educational systems, groups and individuals respond to it and receive its historical lessons? Does Thucydides owe its lasting value and relevance to its ability to resonate with global and local crises? ‘Thucydides Trap’, a term coined recently to describe the inevitability (the ‘deadly trap’) of war when power dynamics between major international players shift, is a case in point. At local level, the unprecedented interest in theatrical productions of Thucydides in Greece from 2010 onwards (the ‘Greece of the Crisis’) will receive special attention, as an artistic and intellectual response to social crisis.
Uploads
Papers by michael llewellyn
Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, London, UK
The School of History, Archaeology and Religion (SHARE), Cardiff University in collaboration with Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Germany and the Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study in London organise a one-day international workshop on modern receptions of Thucydides, taking a global approach. The workshop brings together scholars from different countries and contexts (Brazil, Germany, Greece, UK, US), who will be sharing their knowledge, experience and perspectives on teaching, researching and performing Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, one of the most influential historical works ever written. The aim is to cross-examine different contexts and appropriations of the text, and explore potentials for an innovative, holistic and experiential understanding of it.
Why does this text matter so much? Why and how does it continue to invite dialogues between past, present and future? How do different societies, educational systems, groups and individuals respond to it and receive its historical lessons? Does Thucydides owe its lasting value and relevance to its ability to resonate with global and local crises? ‘Thucydides Trap’, a term coined recently to describe the inevitability (the ‘deadly trap’) of war when power dynamics between major international players shift, is a case in point. At local level, the unprecedented interest in theatrical productions of Thucydides in Greece from 2010 onwards (the ‘Greece of the Crisis’) will receive special attention, as an artistic and intellectual response to social crisis.