The paper examines the dynamics of social protests in Lebanon from
October 2019 till March-May 20... more The paper examines the dynamics of social protests in Lebanon from October 2019 till March-May 2020 when the government imposed unprecedentedly rigorous restrictive measures to combat the spread of COVID-19 infection. The paper identifies the underlying causes of the protests. The author stresses that from the very beginning socio-economic demands of protestors addressed to the executive power (particularly, to grapple with the rising income inequality) were accompanied by calls for democratization on the secular principles and elimination of political confessionalism. At the same time, the author outlines certain specifics of popular uprisings in Lebanon that distinguish them from simultaneous protests in other countries, namely their supra-ethnic, supra-religious and non-partisan character and their remarkable coherence and coordination, given the lack of overall leadership. The author emphasizes that the subsequent change of government has not brought, however, significant changes the protestors hoped for. The new Cabinet was not free from traditional confessional and political bias, whereas legal and administrative measures undertaken by the new government to combat the pandemic were, apparently, also aimed at ‘freezing’ the current situation favorable for both the parliamentary majority and the government. In particular, the recent laws and regulations reflect the Government’s desire to prevent the resumption of protests equivalent to those of the fall of 2019. All these measures did not face serious resistance, even though the economic situation of the population has worsened, and many people have lost their livelihoods. However, the fear of the COVID-19 has proved to be a more efficient means of preventing protests than any punitive measure. The author concludes that the dynamics of inter-party competition even under strict quasi-quarantine measures shows that the hopes of protestors for a genuine transition from a traditional clan and confessional structure of the Lebanese political system to the standards and principles of a developed democracy proved futile.
Ближний Восток в поисках политического будущего, 2019
In his chapter, Aleksei Sarabiev assesses the functioning of Middle Eastern models of a democrati... more In his chapter, Aleksei Sarabiev assesses the functioning of Middle Eastern models of a democratic system using the example of Lebanon. From the author’s point of view, the peculiar Lebanese political model possesses all the features of consociational democracy. Its well-known phenomenon of Lebanese confessionalism bizarrely fits into this system. An analysis through the prism of political science theories of consociatonalism allows us to explain many features of Lebanon’s passage of the test of “turbulence”, and also highlights some fundamentally important characteristics of political processes in the region as a whole. В посвященной Ливану главе Алексей Сарабьев оценивает функционирование ближневосточных моделей демократического устройства на примере Ливана. С точки зрения автора, своеобразная ливанская политическая модель обладает всеми чертами консоциональной демократии, причем известный феномен ливанского конфессионализма причудливым образом вписывается в эту систему. Анализ сквозь призму политологических теорий консоционализма позволяет объяснить многие особенности прохождения Ливаном испытания «турбулентностью», а также высвечивает некоторые принципиально важные характеристики политических процессов в регионе в целом.
A sketch of the church life of the Russian diaspora in Morocco in 1970s. Vostok (Oriens). 2018. No. 4., 2018
The author analyzes the active social life and the parochial problems of the Russian diaspora in ... more The author analyzes the active social life and the parochial problems of the Russian diaspora in Morocco in the 1970s basing on a detailed report of the rector of the Russian Orthodox parish Rabat, the archpriest Nikolai Zakharov (served in Rabat in 1972–1980) and on the other documentary evidence of those years as well. On the basis of the given document, and in comparison with the recent study of the Russian diaspora in Morocco by Dr. Nikolai Sukhov, the author presents a vivid picture of the uneasy relations of our compatriots in this country, as well as issues of relations between the parishes of the Moscow Patriarchate and the parallel “foreign” Orthodox hierarchies and parishioners of these communities. Attention is paid to extensive contacts with local Catholics, as well as the inclusion in the orbit of church ministry and social activities of the Orthodox parish in Rabat representatives of pre-Chalcedonian churches (in particular, Coptic and Abyssinian). Many historical materials testify to the unprecedented heyday in the 70s of the 20th century ecumenical activities throughout the world, which apparently became the general line in the ministry of the rector of the capital's Orthodox church in Morocco. Information is also given about the 1977 visit to Morocco of the ruling bishop and chairman of the Commission of the Holy Synod of the ROC on issues of Christian unity and inter-Church relations Metropolitan Nikodim (Rotov). Specific examples show the high level of activity of Catholic organizations and hierarchs in the spread of ecumenism, including through the Rabat’s Orthodox parish head. Judging by the presenting publications of that time in the official edition “Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”, ecumenical activity was one of the central in the line of the leadership of the Church, and the life of the Moroccan Russian community was also known for this side.
The Russian consul in Damascus, duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy in support of interfaith peace on the eve of the First World War, 2020
Duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First W... more Duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to descendants a pattern of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on inter-faith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (IWW). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities in Damascus of the Islamist organization Muslim League, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion to-wards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the at-tempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest are information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region.
Syro-Lebanese Orthodox on the eve of the First World War (according to diplomatic documents), 2019
Based on archival diplomatic documents of the Russian Consulate General in Beirut (Archive of For... more Based on archival diplomatic documents of the Russian Consulate General in Beirut (Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire) and other sources, the situation of the flock of the Patriarchate of Antioch of the Orthodox Church and the attention to them from Russia are analyzed. The outstanding role of our diplomats in promoting the balanced participation of Russia in the fate of the Syro-Lebanese Orthodox is underlined. The clash of French, British, Italian, German and Russian interests in the Middle East forced the heads of our diplomatic missions to take an active part in defending the Christian fellow believers. Such activism is seen in the context of the inter-party struggle in the Ottoman political arena, elections to the Impire’s parliament, military mobilization, which that time covered also the Christian population of the region, and finally the emergence of interfaith disputes and exacerbation of interreligious relations in the context of direct military clashes of the Ottoman Empire with “Christian” Western powers. Conclusions are drawn that the special attention to the Syro-Lebanese Orthodox on the part of the Russian Empire was for the Russians both desirable and expected. Russia, in turn, could do much better in its policy if the IOPS assistance to the Orthodox schools in Syria would not be curtailed, if Russia continued to provide education with Arabic clerics and laity in Russian cities, and if medical centers and points in the Arab vilayets continued to be created with funds from Russia.
Theoretical Base and Study Perspectives of The Social Inertia // The New Past, 2019, no. 3, 2019
The concept of "social inertia" is now rarely used in philosophical and sociological discourse, w... more The concept of "social inertia" is now rarely used in philosophical and sociological discourse, whereas in the works of twentieth-century philosophers. it was found in various contexts, albeit mostly with negative connotations. Since this concept was most often mentioned by American philosophers, the emphasis was placed on analyzing the approaches of the classics of American philosophy (J. Royce, J. Dewey, F. Jameson), but also to prominent Russian philosophers (F. Stepun, A. Smirnov). Some sociological approaches to this concept are proposed (R. Niebuhr, J. Spickard), elements of which can bear fruit when applied to contemporary social phenomena. Social inertia is characterized as a mechanism for preserving tradition in conditions of social fluctuations, civilizational upheavals or abrupt changes in the cultural paradigm (aggravation of conflicts, socio-political transformations, landslide migration processes). The identity of a cultural subject is characterized as social in nature (R. Niebuhr). Perceived through a system of social relationships, the bearer of cultural and religious traditions is subordinated to an appropriate ethical system based on tradition and retained by its inertia. It is based on social ties (mutual correlation) and social responsibility. Developing the concept of social inertia connected with the concepts of tradition, conservatism, nation, and sustainable development can provide a powerful methodological tool for the philosophical analysis of ongoing changes in public consciousness and the political paradigm. New concepts (social sustainability, cultural inertia) are also proposed for a theoretical assessment of current social changes taking place, for example, in the Middle East, and the possibility of their prediction. Понятие «социальная инерция» в настоящее время редко используется в философском и социологическом дискурсе, тогда как в работах философов ХХ в. оно встречалось в различных контекстах, правда, в основном с отрицательной коннотацией. Поскольку чаще это понятие упоминалось у американских философов, акцент сделан на анализе подходов именно классиков американской философии (Дж. Ройс, Дж. Дьюи, Ф. Джеймисон), но также выдающихся русских философов (Ф.А. Степун, А.В. Смирнов). Предлагаются некоторые социологические подходы к этому понятию (Р. Нибур, Дж. Спикард), элементы которых могут принести плоды в применении к современным общественным явлениям. Социальная инерция характеризуется как механизм сохранения традиции в условиях социальных флуктуаций, цивилизационных потрясений или резких смен культурной парадигмы (обострение конфликтов, социально-политические трансформации, обвальные миграционные процессы). Идентичность культурного субъекта характеризуется как общественная по своей сути (Р. Нибур). Воспринимаемый через систему социальных взаимоотношений, носитель культурных и религиозных традиций подчинен соответствующей этической системе, базирующейся на традиции и удерживаемой присущей ей инерцией. В основе ее заложены общественные связи (взаимная соотнесенность) и социальная ответственность. Разработка понятия «социальная инерция», установление связи его с понятиями «традиция», «консерватизм», «нация», «устойчивое развитие» может предоставить мощный методологический инструмент для философского анализа происходящих сдвигов в общественном сознании и политической парадигме. Предлагаются также новые понятия (социальная устойчивость, культурная инерция), введение которых в методологическую парадигму могло бы оказаться полезным для теоретической оценки текущих социальных изменений, идущих, например, на Ближнем Востоке, и возможности их прогнозирования. Ключевые слова: социальная инерция, традиция, консерватизм, нация, устойчивое развитие, американская философия, русская философия, социология.
Dawn of the Middle East Islamism: “Mohammedan Brotherhood” in Syria in the early 20th century, 2019
The tragic events in the Middle East that have been going on for many years, connected with relig... more The tragic events in the Middle East that have been going on for many years, connected with religious slogans and the activism of extremist Islamist organizations, force us to turn to the origins of these movements. Analysis of documents and evidence of that time allows us to conclude that the beginning of the struggle and propaganda of Islamist organizations in the region should be attributed to the period earlier than it was accepted, namely to the early years of the 20th century. The main materials, used by the author, were the reports of the Russian consul in Damascus, Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926). This diplomat described in detail the work of local branch of the organization “Mohammedan Brotherhood”, which was launched in 1909 in Damascus as well. As it was the case with the almost namesake Egyptian organization, established in 1928, which at the time of its foundation, some researchers associated with the British intelligence, Shakhovskoy in his time also believed that the British were interested in destabilization of public security in Syrian regions and used its potential in the interests of Britain. This notion is confirmed both in the earlier period and later, until today. Продолжающиеся уже много лет трагические события на Ближнем Востоке, связанные с религиозными лозунгами и активностью экстремистских организаций исламистского толка, заставляют обращаться к истокам этих движений. Анализ документов и свидетельств той поры позволяет сделать вывод, что начало борьбы и пропаганды в регионе исламистских организаций следует относить к периоду более раннему, чем это принято, а именно к первым годам ХХ в. Основными материалами автору послужили до-несения российского консула в Дамаске, князя Бориса Николаевича Шаховского (1870-1926). Дипломат детально описывал развернутую в 1909 г. в Дамаске работу отделения организации «Магометанское братство». Как в случае с почти одноименной египетской организацией, созданной в 1928 г., которую на этапе ее основания некоторые исследова-тели связывают с английской разведкой, Шаховской полагал, что и в его время англичане были заинтересованы в дестабилизации общественной безопасности в сирийских районах и использовали ее потенциал в интересах Британии. Эта мысль нашла свои подтверждения как в документах тех лет, так и позднее, вплоть до настоящего времени.
Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2018, Vol. 88, No. 6, pp. 502–508, 2018
The main conclusion made by the author after analyzing changes in various areas of life in modern... more The main conclusion made by the author after analyzing changes in various areas of life in modern Middle Eastern states is that transformations in the Middle East are associated with interfaith relations but are not solely caused by them and are not necessarily a result of their deterioration. At present these changes can still be reversed but they may become irreversible in some aspects as a result of current trends. Universal-ization is the main trend that affects social relations in the region. It manifests itself both in the life of religious communities and in sociopolitical and economic regional contexts. There are shifts in the perception of the social role of religion and how religious relations are refracted in the political sphere. There is a discussion of the close connection between the religious self-perception of community members, on the one hand, and the form and nature of their participation in political processes, on the other. As a result, ideas of eliminating elements of political confessionalism (religion-based quotas in particular) are developing in a number of countries in the region. The author shows that changes in the religious picture of the world and self-perception of members of faith communities can be facilitated by both external and internal factors. The analysis of both groups of factors reveals their negative implications, such as the violation of the harmony of social relations and increase in various forms of social disintegration. These findings shed light on the deep level of socioeconomic and political-military crises that are destabilizing the situation in the Middle East region. The large-scale and dynamic changes that have recently occurred in the Middle East characterize politicoeconomic, military-strategic, sociogeographi-cal, and other aspects of social life. Given the specific-ity of the Middle Eastern region, the question arises as to what extent each of these aspects is related to the religious situation. We can consider the problem from a broader perspective by trying to find out how deep and to what extent the individual components of the observed transformations are irreversible and considering interfaith relations as one of such components. A common interest in this logic is to define what is changing. The next group of questions requires clarification of the mechanisms of regional transformations, the sequence of change of these mechanisms, and how strong the internal driving force of changes in relations between faith groups is. Consequently, in this case, the research interest can be expressed by the following question: how does it change? The final stage of the analysis is to identify internal and external factors which are related to religious issues and lead to the restructuring of social relations, as well as the reasons for the activation of such factors. Therefore, the third group of questions can be formulated as follows: why does it change? Such a three-stage analysis with respect to interfaith issues requires a number of preliminary observations.
Трансформации на Ближнем Востоке связаны со сферой межконфессиональных отношений, однако не обусл... more Трансформации на Ближнем Востоке связаны со сферой межконфессиональных отношений, однако не обусловлены исключительно ими и необязательно сводятся к их обострению – таков основной вывод, к которому приходит автор, анализируя изменения в различных областях жизни современных ближневосточных государств. В настоящее время эти изменения носят в основном обратимый характер, но при сохранении нынешних тенденций в некоторых своих аспектах могут стать необратимыми. Главной тенденцией, влияющей на социальные отношения в регионе, становится универсализация, которая проявляется как в жизни религиозных общин, так и в общественно-политическом и экономическом региональных контекстах. Происходят сдвиги в восприятии социальной роли религии и того, как преломляются религиозные отношения в политической сфере, ведётся обсуждение тесной связи религиозного самовосприятия членов общин, с одной стороны, и формы и характера их участия в политических процессах – с другой. Благодаря этому в ряде стран региона развиваются идеи устранения элементов политического конфессионализма, в частности, квотирования на основе вероисповедания. Автор показывает, что сдвигам в религиозной картине мира и самовосприятии членов конфессиональных общин могут способствовать и внешние, и внутренние факторы. Анализ обеих групп факторов обнаруживает негативные последствия их воздействия – нарушение гармонии общественных связей, усиление различных форм разобщённости социального целого. Полученные выводы проливают свет на глубинный уровень социально-экономических и политико-военных потрясений, дестабилизирующих ситуацию в Ближневосточном регионе.
Patience as Art to Hide Intolerance, or the Muslim Brotherhood’s Long-term Strategy to Change the Middle East. Outlines of Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Law, vol. 12, no 4, 2019
Muslim Brotherhood is listed as prohibited organization in a number of countries, including Russi... more Muslim Brotherhood is listed as prohibited organization in a number of countries, including Russia. Nevertheless, in different periods and in different countries of the MENA region it turned out to be well represented in the legal political field. The temporary failures of this largest branch of political Islam of a radical nature have not yet led to a fatal loss of the organization in the competition between different Islamic groups, or to defeat as a result of repression. The author explores the problem of such stability of an extremist organization for many decades. He defends the hypothesis of its long-term strategic action planning along with the accepted tactics of waiting for a convenient moment for the realization of power ambitions. To analyze the strength of the social base, a variant of the deprivation theory is proposed, which was considered in detail in other works of the author. The historical origins of the organization are identified using published as well unpublished archival documents. A historical retrospective substantiates the assumption that a prototype of this structure used to be existed in Istanbul and Damascus back in the period immediately following the Young Turks revolution in the Ottoman Empire. The strongest external factor in the development of MB is emphasized. It is support throughout the history of the movement from forces outside the region, which have seen and continue to see the possibility for themselves of a tactical alliance with the Islamists of this direction to realize their own ideas and pursue their interests in the East.
Middle East "Shiite Arc": real threat or geopolitical chimera?, 2019
The term “Shiite crescent”, or “Shiite arc”, is increasingly used in political discourse, analyti... more The term “Shiite crescent”, or “Shiite arc”, is increasingly used in political discourse, analytical work and the media. They represent a threat that allegedly emanates from an alliance of countries and forces dependent on Iran. At the same time, a clear definition of the composition of the alliance is not given: according to the principle of loyalty to Iran and the community of religious confessions, it includes, besides Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanese Hezbollah, and sometimes the Shiite forces of Bahrain and even Yemen. This issue is topical in moments of aggravating anti-Iranian rhetoric, as it was, for example, in late spring - early summer of 2019. The statement of the problem is based on an analysis of recent publications by Middle Eastern centers, which give reason to conclude either about propaganda and rhetorical use of the term, or about the weakness of generalizations. It seems that the idea of a “Shiite arc” contains a number of analytical errors - at the level of assumptions (logical premises) and the logic of inference itself. The dialectical method, which can be seen for strategic generalizations and scenarios, cannot be correctly applied to the Middle East processes. The first part of the proposed hypothesis speaks of the conflict potential caused by an external impact to life - the imposition on the regional processes of an evaluation coordinate system alien to the political culture and social relations. It is proposed to consider the relationship of opposing views, groups and forces in the region as counter, and not counter-competition. In any case, Middle Eastern civilization antinomies are difficult to estimate in the categories of formal logic and even dialectics. The tools of the modernizers themselves (external forces) reveal archaic elements of the strategic analysis of the situation. The second part of the hypothesis establishes the wrong approach to the allocation of parts of the whole, which can cause steps for the artificial redistribution of forces in the region, and therefore - protests and local conflicts. The author's conclusions summarize the causal relationships of errors in the approach of strategic planning of external influences on the region associated with the notorious threat of the "Shiite crescent." A direct correlation is established between the erroneous logic of evaluating events and planning actions with the threat of conflicts and wars. In conclusion, the author suggests which of the regional players or global forces could benefit from using the idea of a “Shiite crescent”.
Lebanon: An Ordinary “Consociational Democracy” in the Regional Context, 2019
Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its import... more Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its importance in the system of relations between the Middle East states. An important role in this is played by the ideological and strategic aspects of world politics in the region in which Lebanon is organically inscribed in both the historical and geopolitical plans. The stability of a country that has passed through a long civil war makes it stand out from a number of states in the region. The author's hypothesis is that the reason for the extraordinary stability — of Lebanese society, the system of state power, political elites, economic ties and foreign policy contacts, despite all the negative regional factors — can be rooted in the consociational principle of making key decisions based, paradoxically, on the notorious political confessionalism. The peculiarities of the Lebanese political model (although they are subject to well-deserved criticism) distinguish it from the multitude of “customary” democracies, bringing together with examples of the unique democratic systems of Europe and other continents. The motley confessional composition of society, along with the historically determined foreign policy guidelines of individual communities, suggested a special informal decision-making mechanism throughout the country — not on the basis of majority power, but on a contractual, compromise principle. Leading theorists of consociationalism often had in mind the Lebanese pattern of democracy in their political studies, and many of their developments are still well applicable for analyzing the functioning of the main state institutions of Lebanon. A theoretical study, along with an analysis of the current regional situation, convince the author of the correctness of the hypothesis put forward. Both in Lebanese history and now, it is the inveterate forms of external influences that forced Lebanese society to balance on the verge of aggravated intercommunal clashes. The combination of external factors served as the beginning and further warmed up the civil war. Heightened relations with Syria by 2005, the Israeli attack in 2006, the gravest threat from jihadi-caliphatists – all these factors have negatively affected intra-civil and inter-group relations. Stereotypical forms of use of religious communities (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians of different denominations, etc.) from the outside and even direct pressure from abroad continue to confront them, imposing ideas on social relations and political participation that are alien to Lebanese. Diversification of political and business contacts of Russia with representatives of different Lebanese communities can serve as a good example of Lebanon’s perception of all the features of its political system as a full subject of international relations.
To the fundamentals of the methodology for studying traditional communities of the East (extended transcript of the round table, IOS RAS, December 18, 2017) // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
An extended transcript of the discussion of approaches to some basic concepts of social and histo... more An extended transcript of the discussion of approaches to some basic concepts of social and historical analysis of social groups in the East, which are commonly called traditional communities, is published. The latter include local communities based on joint economic activities, small national groups connected by common interests, and religious denominations. In the course of a lively scientific controversy, opinions are expressed on fundamental concepts: community, tradition, civilization, ethnic community, modernization, etc. Arguing on methodological topics of importance for historians, scientists discover a whole range of opinions and approaches, sometimes not fundamentally concurring. Their views on human communities from the point of view of different cultural and religious traditions characteristic of these societies of social devices, and endowed with special "Eastern" features of political and economic systems, the discussion participants back up with concrete historical facts and phenomena. Participants: V.A. Kuznetsov, E.S. Lepekhova, D.A. Mileev, D.E. Mishin, V.V. Orlov, A.V. Sarabiev, A.I. Yakovlev
Interfaith relations in the light of deprivation theory versions // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
Interfaith relations are considered with an emphasis on social patterns, apart from reference to ... more Interfaith relations are considered with an emphasis on social patterns, apart from reference to religious issues. The possibilities of a theoretical approach are revealed, since the 50s of the 20th century. developed around the central concept of “relative deprivation”. This universal concept in the general sense means a subjective state of deprivation or deprivation, arising exclusively in comparison, it covers different sizes of social groups, up to large communities (communities). The theory of this general trend is successfully applied, including in social psychology. In our case, the interest in deprivation theory in its various variants is connected with its applicability to the study of relations between confessional communities of the Middle East. This foreground topic needs in-depth elaboration due to close links with religious issues of political and socio-economic phenomena, armed clashes and plans for a peaceful settlement. Sociological theory, which has a proven scientific toolkit, can bring the analysis of these phenomena to the right direction, suggesting the logic of research devoid of the emotional underpinnings and hasty religious connotations. Allegedly, the conflict potential and the religious factor inherent in interreligious relations are often assumed to be central both in relation to the current acute conflicts and unstable societies in the Middle East, and in the history of these countries. Careful attention to social problems and stresses, including in the conditions of a peaceful life, variegated societies in confessional and ethnic relations can significantly correct one-sided assessments and prevent many fatal military-political steps. Variants of deprivation theory allow us to look deep into the problems of everyday life of the population of a multi-component society and come closer to answering questions related to protests and intercommunal clashes under religious slogans. Sociology enriches the possibilities of scientific analysis of these issues, and, perhaps, it will be within the power of a scientist somewhere at the junction of history, sociology and religious philosophy to really uncover the mechanisms of the entire spectrum of interfaith relations.
Lebanese society through the eyes of the Maronite Patriarch Boulos Meoushi: two reports of Swiss ambassadors to Beirut // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
Подготовка к публикации, перевод с французского и немецкого, комментарии Алексея САРАБЬЕВА.
Публи... more Подготовка к публикации, перевод с французского и немецкого, комментарии Алексея САРАБЬЕВА. Публикуются и подробно комментируются архивные документы 1959 и 1960 гг., в которых швейцарские послы в Бейруте дают подробную оценку ситуации на политической арене и в общественной среде Ливана. Они опираются на информацию, полученную от ключевых иерархов Маронитской церкви, и прежде всего-от тогдашнего патриарха Булоса II Меуши. Оба документа отличаются относительной непредвзятостью, коренящейся вообще в политическом курсе Швейцарии тех лет; они по-своему информативны, оригинальны, демонстрируют высокий профессионализм их авторов и живое участие в тех вопросах, которые обсуждались с маронитским патриархом и бейрутским архиепископом Игнасом Зияде. Излагаются сведения о ведущих представителях политического бомонда и социально-политических процессах, приводятся высказывания патриарха Булоса II о состоянии христианских общин Ливана и судьбе христианства на Ближнем Востоке. В плане исторической темы межконфессиональных отношений в регионе эти документы, содержащие исторические детали и мнения из первых уст, несомненно, представляют со-бой ценный источник для специалистов и живую зарисовку полно-кровной жизни независимого Ливана того времени. The archival documents of 1959 and 1960, in which two Swiss ambassadors in Beirut give a detailed assessment of the situation in the political arena and in the public environment of Lebanon, are published and commented in detail. They rely on information received from key hierarchs of the Maronite Church, particularly from the patriarch Boulos II Meushi. Both documents are distinguished by relative impartiality, rooted in the political course of Switzerland of those years; they are in their own way informative, original, demonstrate the high professional skills of their authors and lively their participation in the issues discussed with the Maronite Patriarch and the Beirut Archbishop Ignas Ziyade. Specially it outlines the information about the leading representatives of the political “beau monde” and socio-political processes, including the statements of Patriarch Boulos II about the state of the Christian communities of Lebanon and the fate of Christianity in the Middle East. In terms of the historical theme of interfaith relations in the region, these documents, containing historical details and first-hand opinions, undoubtedly represent a valuable source for specialists and a live sketch of the full-blooded life of independent Lebanon of that time.
Очередной политический кризис в многострадальном Ливане. Треть членов ливанского кабинета министр... more Очередной политический кризис в многострадальном Ливане. Треть членов ливанского кабинета министра вечером 12 января 2011 г. подали в отставку.
The paper examines the dynamics of social protests in Lebanon from
October 2019 till March-May 20... more The paper examines the dynamics of social protests in Lebanon from October 2019 till March-May 2020 when the government imposed unprecedentedly rigorous restrictive measures to combat the spread of COVID-19 infection. The paper identifies the underlying causes of the protests. The author stresses that from the very beginning socio-economic demands of protestors addressed to the executive power (particularly, to grapple with the rising income inequality) were accompanied by calls for democratization on the secular principles and elimination of political confessionalism. At the same time, the author outlines certain specifics of popular uprisings in Lebanon that distinguish them from simultaneous protests in other countries, namely their supra-ethnic, supra-religious and non-partisan character and their remarkable coherence and coordination, given the lack of overall leadership. The author emphasizes that the subsequent change of government has not brought, however, significant changes the protestors hoped for. The new Cabinet was not free from traditional confessional and political bias, whereas legal and administrative measures undertaken by the new government to combat the pandemic were, apparently, also aimed at ‘freezing’ the current situation favorable for both the parliamentary majority and the government. In particular, the recent laws and regulations reflect the Government’s desire to prevent the resumption of protests equivalent to those of the fall of 2019. All these measures did not face serious resistance, even though the economic situation of the population has worsened, and many people have lost their livelihoods. However, the fear of the COVID-19 has proved to be a more efficient means of preventing protests than any punitive measure. The author concludes that the dynamics of inter-party competition even under strict quasi-quarantine measures shows that the hopes of protestors for a genuine transition from a traditional clan and confessional structure of the Lebanese political system to the standards and principles of a developed democracy proved futile.
Ближний Восток в поисках политического будущего, 2019
In his chapter, Aleksei Sarabiev assesses the functioning of Middle Eastern models of a democrati... more In his chapter, Aleksei Sarabiev assesses the functioning of Middle Eastern models of a democratic system using the example of Lebanon. From the author’s point of view, the peculiar Lebanese political model possesses all the features of consociational democracy. Its well-known phenomenon of Lebanese confessionalism bizarrely fits into this system. An analysis through the prism of political science theories of consociatonalism allows us to explain many features of Lebanon’s passage of the test of “turbulence”, and also highlights some fundamentally important characteristics of political processes in the region as a whole. В посвященной Ливану главе Алексей Сарабьев оценивает функционирование ближневосточных моделей демократического устройства на примере Ливана. С точки зрения автора, своеобразная ливанская политическая модель обладает всеми чертами консоциональной демократии, причем известный феномен ливанского конфессионализма причудливым образом вписывается в эту систему. Анализ сквозь призму политологических теорий консоционализма позволяет объяснить многие особенности прохождения Ливаном испытания «турбулентностью», а также высвечивает некоторые принципиально важные характеристики политических процессов в регионе в целом.
A sketch of the church life of the Russian diaspora in Morocco in 1970s. Vostok (Oriens). 2018. No. 4., 2018
The author analyzes the active social life and the parochial problems of the Russian diaspora in ... more The author analyzes the active social life and the parochial problems of the Russian diaspora in Morocco in the 1970s basing on a detailed report of the rector of the Russian Orthodox parish Rabat, the archpriest Nikolai Zakharov (served in Rabat in 1972–1980) and on the other documentary evidence of those years as well. On the basis of the given document, and in comparison with the recent study of the Russian diaspora in Morocco by Dr. Nikolai Sukhov, the author presents a vivid picture of the uneasy relations of our compatriots in this country, as well as issues of relations between the parishes of the Moscow Patriarchate and the parallel “foreign” Orthodox hierarchies and parishioners of these communities. Attention is paid to extensive contacts with local Catholics, as well as the inclusion in the orbit of church ministry and social activities of the Orthodox parish in Rabat representatives of pre-Chalcedonian churches (in particular, Coptic and Abyssinian). Many historical materials testify to the unprecedented heyday in the 70s of the 20th century ecumenical activities throughout the world, which apparently became the general line in the ministry of the rector of the capital's Orthodox church in Morocco. Information is also given about the 1977 visit to Morocco of the ruling bishop and chairman of the Commission of the Holy Synod of the ROC on issues of Christian unity and inter-Church relations Metropolitan Nikodim (Rotov). Specific examples show the high level of activity of Catholic organizations and hierarchs in the spread of ecumenism, including through the Rabat’s Orthodox parish head. Judging by the presenting publications of that time in the official edition “Journal of the Moscow Patriarchate”, ecumenical activity was one of the central in the line of the leadership of the Church, and the life of the Moroccan Russian community was also known for this side.
The Russian consul in Damascus, duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy in support of interfaith peace on the eve of the First World War, 2020
Duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First W... more Duke Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926), the Russian consul in Damascus from 1907 until the First World War, left to descendants a pattern of attentive and balanced diplomacy. His reports to the Russian Embassy in Constantinople and to the 1st Division of the Foreign Ministry contain invaluable information shedding light on inter-faith relations in the Syrian regions of the Ottoman Empire on the eve and after of the Young Turk Revolution, as well as on the early months of the so-called Great War (IWW). The article analyzes the messages of the diplomat on various aspects of the religious situation in the region. He considered the activities in Damascus of the Islamist organization Muslim League, which aimed at enforcing Sharia law throughout Syrian society and countering non-Muslim and European influence in the region. An anxious change in interfaith relations is being evaluated, when Muslim suspicion to-wards Christians grew, aggravated by the common conscription in the context of the Tripolitan and two Balkan wars. The consul attentively followed the problems of the participation of the Orthodox Arabs in the Ottoman institutions, as well as the at-tempts to join the English Old-Catholics to Orthodoxy, acting through Metropolitan of Beirut. Of historical interest are information about the transition of the Syrian Jacobites to Catholicism, as well as notes on the Catholic missions activities in the region.
Syro-Lebanese Orthodox on the eve of the First World War (according to diplomatic documents), 2019
Based on archival diplomatic documents of the Russian Consulate General in Beirut (Archive of For... more Based on archival diplomatic documents of the Russian Consulate General in Beirut (Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire) and other sources, the situation of the flock of the Patriarchate of Antioch of the Orthodox Church and the attention to them from Russia are analyzed. The outstanding role of our diplomats in promoting the balanced participation of Russia in the fate of the Syro-Lebanese Orthodox is underlined. The clash of French, British, Italian, German and Russian interests in the Middle East forced the heads of our diplomatic missions to take an active part in defending the Christian fellow believers. Such activism is seen in the context of the inter-party struggle in the Ottoman political arena, elections to the Impire’s parliament, military mobilization, which that time covered also the Christian population of the region, and finally the emergence of interfaith disputes and exacerbation of interreligious relations in the context of direct military clashes of the Ottoman Empire with “Christian” Western powers. Conclusions are drawn that the special attention to the Syro-Lebanese Orthodox on the part of the Russian Empire was for the Russians both desirable and expected. Russia, in turn, could do much better in its policy if the IOPS assistance to the Orthodox schools in Syria would not be curtailed, if Russia continued to provide education with Arabic clerics and laity in Russian cities, and if medical centers and points in the Arab vilayets continued to be created with funds from Russia.
Theoretical Base and Study Perspectives of The Social Inertia // The New Past, 2019, no. 3, 2019
The concept of "social inertia" is now rarely used in philosophical and sociological discourse, w... more The concept of "social inertia" is now rarely used in philosophical and sociological discourse, whereas in the works of twentieth-century philosophers. it was found in various contexts, albeit mostly with negative connotations. Since this concept was most often mentioned by American philosophers, the emphasis was placed on analyzing the approaches of the classics of American philosophy (J. Royce, J. Dewey, F. Jameson), but also to prominent Russian philosophers (F. Stepun, A. Smirnov). Some sociological approaches to this concept are proposed (R. Niebuhr, J. Spickard), elements of which can bear fruit when applied to contemporary social phenomena. Social inertia is characterized as a mechanism for preserving tradition in conditions of social fluctuations, civilizational upheavals or abrupt changes in the cultural paradigm (aggravation of conflicts, socio-political transformations, landslide migration processes). The identity of a cultural subject is characterized as social in nature (R. Niebuhr). Perceived through a system of social relationships, the bearer of cultural and religious traditions is subordinated to an appropriate ethical system based on tradition and retained by its inertia. It is based on social ties (mutual correlation) and social responsibility. Developing the concept of social inertia connected with the concepts of tradition, conservatism, nation, and sustainable development can provide a powerful methodological tool for the philosophical analysis of ongoing changes in public consciousness and the political paradigm. New concepts (social sustainability, cultural inertia) are also proposed for a theoretical assessment of current social changes taking place, for example, in the Middle East, and the possibility of their prediction. Понятие «социальная инерция» в настоящее время редко используется в философском и социологическом дискурсе, тогда как в работах философов ХХ в. оно встречалось в различных контекстах, правда, в основном с отрицательной коннотацией. Поскольку чаще это понятие упоминалось у американских философов, акцент сделан на анализе подходов именно классиков американской философии (Дж. Ройс, Дж. Дьюи, Ф. Джеймисон), но также выдающихся русских философов (Ф.А. Степун, А.В. Смирнов). Предлагаются некоторые социологические подходы к этому понятию (Р. Нибур, Дж. Спикард), элементы которых могут принести плоды в применении к современным общественным явлениям. Социальная инерция характеризуется как механизм сохранения традиции в условиях социальных флуктуаций, цивилизационных потрясений или резких смен культурной парадигмы (обострение конфликтов, социально-политические трансформации, обвальные миграционные процессы). Идентичность культурного субъекта характеризуется как общественная по своей сути (Р. Нибур). Воспринимаемый через систему социальных взаимоотношений, носитель культурных и религиозных традиций подчинен соответствующей этической системе, базирующейся на традиции и удерживаемой присущей ей инерцией. В основе ее заложены общественные связи (взаимная соотнесенность) и социальная ответственность. Разработка понятия «социальная инерция», установление связи его с понятиями «традиция», «консерватизм», «нация», «устойчивое развитие» может предоставить мощный методологический инструмент для философского анализа происходящих сдвигов в общественном сознании и политической парадигме. Предлагаются также новые понятия (социальная устойчивость, культурная инерция), введение которых в методологическую парадигму могло бы оказаться полезным для теоретической оценки текущих социальных изменений, идущих, например, на Ближнем Востоке, и возможности их прогнозирования. Ключевые слова: социальная инерция, традиция, консерватизм, нация, устойчивое развитие, американская философия, русская философия, социология.
Dawn of the Middle East Islamism: “Mohammedan Brotherhood” in Syria in the early 20th century, 2019
The tragic events in the Middle East that have been going on for many years, connected with relig... more The tragic events in the Middle East that have been going on for many years, connected with religious slogans and the activism of extremist Islamist organizations, force us to turn to the origins of these movements. Analysis of documents and evidence of that time allows us to conclude that the beginning of the struggle and propaganda of Islamist organizations in the region should be attributed to the period earlier than it was accepted, namely to the early years of the 20th century. The main materials, used by the author, were the reports of the Russian consul in Damascus, Prince Boris N. Shakhovskoy (1870–1926). This diplomat described in detail the work of local branch of the organization “Mohammedan Brotherhood”, which was launched in 1909 in Damascus as well. As it was the case with the almost namesake Egyptian organization, established in 1928, which at the time of its foundation, some researchers associated with the British intelligence, Shakhovskoy in his time also believed that the British were interested in destabilization of public security in Syrian regions and used its potential in the interests of Britain. This notion is confirmed both in the earlier period and later, until today. Продолжающиеся уже много лет трагические события на Ближнем Востоке, связанные с религиозными лозунгами и активностью экстремистских организаций исламистского толка, заставляют обращаться к истокам этих движений. Анализ документов и свидетельств той поры позволяет сделать вывод, что начало борьбы и пропаганды в регионе исламистских организаций следует относить к периоду более раннему, чем это принято, а именно к первым годам ХХ в. Основными материалами автору послужили до-несения российского консула в Дамаске, князя Бориса Николаевича Шаховского (1870-1926). Дипломат детально описывал развернутую в 1909 г. в Дамаске работу отделения организации «Магометанское братство». Как в случае с почти одноименной египетской организацией, созданной в 1928 г., которую на этапе ее основания некоторые исследова-тели связывают с английской разведкой, Шаховской полагал, что и в его время англичане были заинтересованы в дестабилизации общественной безопасности в сирийских районах и использовали ее потенциал в интересах Британии. Эта мысль нашла свои подтверждения как в документах тех лет, так и позднее, вплоть до настоящего времени.
Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2018, Vol. 88, No. 6, pp. 502–508, 2018
The main conclusion made by the author after analyzing changes in various areas of life in modern... more The main conclusion made by the author after analyzing changes in various areas of life in modern Middle Eastern states is that transformations in the Middle East are associated with interfaith relations but are not solely caused by them and are not necessarily a result of their deterioration. At present these changes can still be reversed but they may become irreversible in some aspects as a result of current trends. Universal-ization is the main trend that affects social relations in the region. It manifests itself both in the life of religious communities and in sociopolitical and economic regional contexts. There are shifts in the perception of the social role of religion and how religious relations are refracted in the political sphere. There is a discussion of the close connection between the religious self-perception of community members, on the one hand, and the form and nature of their participation in political processes, on the other. As a result, ideas of eliminating elements of political confessionalism (religion-based quotas in particular) are developing in a number of countries in the region. The author shows that changes in the religious picture of the world and self-perception of members of faith communities can be facilitated by both external and internal factors. The analysis of both groups of factors reveals their negative implications, such as the violation of the harmony of social relations and increase in various forms of social disintegration. These findings shed light on the deep level of socioeconomic and political-military crises that are destabilizing the situation in the Middle East region. The large-scale and dynamic changes that have recently occurred in the Middle East characterize politicoeconomic, military-strategic, sociogeographi-cal, and other aspects of social life. Given the specific-ity of the Middle Eastern region, the question arises as to what extent each of these aspects is related to the religious situation. We can consider the problem from a broader perspective by trying to find out how deep and to what extent the individual components of the observed transformations are irreversible and considering interfaith relations as one of such components. A common interest in this logic is to define what is changing. The next group of questions requires clarification of the mechanisms of regional transformations, the sequence of change of these mechanisms, and how strong the internal driving force of changes in relations between faith groups is. Consequently, in this case, the research interest can be expressed by the following question: how does it change? The final stage of the analysis is to identify internal and external factors which are related to religious issues and lead to the restructuring of social relations, as well as the reasons for the activation of such factors. Therefore, the third group of questions can be formulated as follows: why does it change? Such a three-stage analysis with respect to interfaith issues requires a number of preliminary observations.
Трансформации на Ближнем Востоке связаны со сферой межконфессиональных отношений, однако не обусл... more Трансформации на Ближнем Востоке связаны со сферой межконфессиональных отношений, однако не обусловлены исключительно ими и необязательно сводятся к их обострению – таков основной вывод, к которому приходит автор, анализируя изменения в различных областях жизни современных ближневосточных государств. В настоящее время эти изменения носят в основном обратимый характер, но при сохранении нынешних тенденций в некоторых своих аспектах могут стать необратимыми. Главной тенденцией, влияющей на социальные отношения в регионе, становится универсализация, которая проявляется как в жизни религиозных общин, так и в общественно-политическом и экономическом региональных контекстах. Происходят сдвиги в восприятии социальной роли религии и того, как преломляются религиозные отношения в политической сфере, ведётся обсуждение тесной связи религиозного самовосприятия членов общин, с одной стороны, и формы и характера их участия в политических процессах – с другой. Благодаря этому в ряде стран региона развиваются идеи устранения элементов политического конфессионализма, в частности, квотирования на основе вероисповедания. Автор показывает, что сдвигам в религиозной картине мира и самовосприятии членов конфессиональных общин могут способствовать и внешние, и внутренние факторы. Анализ обеих групп факторов обнаруживает негативные последствия их воздействия – нарушение гармонии общественных связей, усиление различных форм разобщённости социального целого. Полученные выводы проливают свет на глубинный уровень социально-экономических и политико-военных потрясений, дестабилизирующих ситуацию в Ближневосточном регионе.
Patience as Art to Hide Intolerance, or the Muslim Brotherhood’s Long-term Strategy to Change the Middle East. Outlines of Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Law, vol. 12, no 4, 2019
Muslim Brotherhood is listed as prohibited organization in a number of countries, including Russi... more Muslim Brotherhood is listed as prohibited organization in a number of countries, including Russia. Nevertheless, in different periods and in different countries of the MENA region it turned out to be well represented in the legal political field. The temporary failures of this largest branch of political Islam of a radical nature have not yet led to a fatal loss of the organization in the competition between different Islamic groups, or to defeat as a result of repression. The author explores the problem of such stability of an extremist organization for many decades. He defends the hypothesis of its long-term strategic action planning along with the accepted tactics of waiting for a convenient moment for the realization of power ambitions. To analyze the strength of the social base, a variant of the deprivation theory is proposed, which was considered in detail in other works of the author. The historical origins of the organization are identified using published as well unpublished archival documents. A historical retrospective substantiates the assumption that a prototype of this structure used to be existed in Istanbul and Damascus back in the period immediately following the Young Turks revolution in the Ottoman Empire. The strongest external factor in the development of MB is emphasized. It is support throughout the history of the movement from forces outside the region, which have seen and continue to see the possibility for themselves of a tactical alliance with the Islamists of this direction to realize their own ideas and pursue their interests in the East.
Middle East "Shiite Arc": real threat or geopolitical chimera?, 2019
The term “Shiite crescent”, or “Shiite arc”, is increasingly used in political discourse, analyti... more The term “Shiite crescent”, or “Shiite arc”, is increasingly used in political discourse, analytical work and the media. They represent a threat that allegedly emanates from an alliance of countries and forces dependent on Iran. At the same time, a clear definition of the composition of the alliance is not given: according to the principle of loyalty to Iran and the community of religious confessions, it includes, besides Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanese Hezbollah, and sometimes the Shiite forces of Bahrain and even Yemen. This issue is topical in moments of aggravating anti-Iranian rhetoric, as it was, for example, in late spring - early summer of 2019. The statement of the problem is based on an analysis of recent publications by Middle Eastern centers, which give reason to conclude either about propaganda and rhetorical use of the term, or about the weakness of generalizations. It seems that the idea of a “Shiite arc” contains a number of analytical errors - at the level of assumptions (logical premises) and the logic of inference itself. The dialectical method, which can be seen for strategic generalizations and scenarios, cannot be correctly applied to the Middle East processes. The first part of the proposed hypothesis speaks of the conflict potential caused by an external impact to life - the imposition on the regional processes of an evaluation coordinate system alien to the political culture and social relations. It is proposed to consider the relationship of opposing views, groups and forces in the region as counter, and not counter-competition. In any case, Middle Eastern civilization antinomies are difficult to estimate in the categories of formal logic and even dialectics. The tools of the modernizers themselves (external forces) reveal archaic elements of the strategic analysis of the situation. The second part of the hypothesis establishes the wrong approach to the allocation of parts of the whole, which can cause steps for the artificial redistribution of forces in the region, and therefore - protests and local conflicts. The author's conclusions summarize the causal relationships of errors in the approach of strategic planning of external influences on the region associated with the notorious threat of the "Shiite crescent." A direct correlation is established between the erroneous logic of evaluating events and planning actions with the threat of conflicts and wars. In conclusion, the author suggests which of the regional players or global forces could benefit from using the idea of a “Shiite crescent”.
Lebanon: An Ordinary “Consociational Democracy” in the Regional Context, 2019
Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its import... more Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its importance in the system of relations between the Middle East states. An important role in this is played by the ideological and strategic aspects of world politics in the region in which Lebanon is organically inscribed in both the historical and geopolitical plans. The stability of a country that has passed through a long civil war makes it stand out from a number of states in the region. The author's hypothesis is that the reason for the extraordinary stability — of Lebanese society, the system of state power, political elites, economic ties and foreign policy contacts, despite all the negative regional factors — can be rooted in the consociational principle of making key decisions based, paradoxically, on the notorious political confessionalism. The peculiarities of the Lebanese political model (although they are subject to well-deserved criticism) distinguish it from the multitude of “customary” democracies, bringing together with examples of the unique democratic systems of Europe and other continents. The motley confessional composition of society, along with the historically determined foreign policy guidelines of individual communities, suggested a special informal decision-making mechanism throughout the country — not on the basis of majority power, but on a contractual, compromise principle. Leading theorists of consociationalism often had in mind the Lebanese pattern of democracy in their political studies, and many of their developments are still well applicable for analyzing the functioning of the main state institutions of Lebanon. A theoretical study, along with an analysis of the current regional situation, convince the author of the correctness of the hypothesis put forward. Both in Lebanese history and now, it is the inveterate forms of external influences that forced Lebanese society to balance on the verge of aggravated intercommunal clashes. The combination of external factors served as the beginning and further warmed up the civil war. Heightened relations with Syria by 2005, the Israeli attack in 2006, the gravest threat from jihadi-caliphatists – all these factors have negatively affected intra-civil and inter-group relations. Stereotypical forms of use of religious communities (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians of different denominations, etc.) from the outside and even direct pressure from abroad continue to confront them, imposing ideas on social relations and political participation that are alien to Lebanese. Diversification of political and business contacts of Russia with representatives of different Lebanese communities can serve as a good example of Lebanon’s perception of all the features of its political system as a full subject of international relations.
To the fundamentals of the methodology for studying traditional communities of the East (extended transcript of the round table, IOS RAS, December 18, 2017) // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
An extended transcript of the discussion of approaches to some basic concepts of social and histo... more An extended transcript of the discussion of approaches to some basic concepts of social and historical analysis of social groups in the East, which are commonly called traditional communities, is published. The latter include local communities based on joint economic activities, small national groups connected by common interests, and religious denominations. In the course of a lively scientific controversy, opinions are expressed on fundamental concepts: community, tradition, civilization, ethnic community, modernization, etc. Arguing on methodological topics of importance for historians, scientists discover a whole range of opinions and approaches, sometimes not fundamentally concurring. Their views on human communities from the point of view of different cultural and religious traditions characteristic of these societies of social devices, and endowed with special "Eastern" features of political and economic systems, the discussion participants back up with concrete historical facts and phenomena. Participants: V.A. Kuznetsov, E.S. Lepekhova, D.A. Mileev, D.E. Mishin, V.V. Orlov, A.V. Sarabiev, A.I. Yakovlev
Interfaith relations in the light of deprivation theory versions // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
Interfaith relations are considered with an emphasis on social patterns, apart from reference to ... more Interfaith relations are considered with an emphasis on social patterns, apart from reference to religious issues. The possibilities of a theoretical approach are revealed, since the 50s of the 20th century. developed around the central concept of “relative deprivation”. This universal concept in the general sense means a subjective state of deprivation or deprivation, arising exclusively in comparison, it covers different sizes of social groups, up to large communities (communities). The theory of this general trend is successfully applied, including in social psychology. In our case, the interest in deprivation theory in its various variants is connected with its applicability to the study of relations between confessional communities of the Middle East. This foreground topic needs in-depth elaboration due to close links with religious issues of political and socio-economic phenomena, armed clashes and plans for a peaceful settlement. Sociological theory, which has a proven scientific toolkit, can bring the analysis of these phenomena to the right direction, suggesting the logic of research devoid of the emotional underpinnings and hasty religious connotations. Allegedly, the conflict potential and the religious factor inherent in interreligious relations are often assumed to be central both in relation to the current acute conflicts and unstable societies in the Middle East, and in the history of these countries. Careful attention to social problems and stresses, including in the conditions of a peaceful life, variegated societies in confessional and ethnic relations can significantly correct one-sided assessments and prevent many fatal military-political steps. Variants of deprivation theory allow us to look deep into the problems of everyday life of the population of a multi-component society and come closer to answering questions related to protests and intercommunal clashes under religious slogans. Sociology enriches the possibilities of scientific analysis of these issues, and, perhaps, it will be within the power of a scientist somewhere at the junction of history, sociology and religious philosophy to really uncover the mechanisms of the entire spectrum of interfaith relations.
Lebanese society through the eyes of the Maronite Patriarch Boulos Meoushi: two reports of Swiss ambassadors to Beirut // Religion and Society in the East, Issue III, 2019
Подготовка к публикации, перевод с французского и немецкого, комментарии Алексея САРАБЬЕВА.
Публи... more Подготовка к публикации, перевод с французского и немецкого, комментарии Алексея САРАБЬЕВА. Публикуются и подробно комментируются архивные документы 1959 и 1960 гг., в которых швейцарские послы в Бейруте дают подробную оценку ситуации на политической арене и в общественной среде Ливана. Они опираются на информацию, полученную от ключевых иерархов Маронитской церкви, и прежде всего-от тогдашнего патриарха Булоса II Меуши. Оба документа отличаются относительной непредвзятостью, коренящейся вообще в политическом курсе Швейцарии тех лет; они по-своему информативны, оригинальны, демонстрируют высокий профессионализм их авторов и живое участие в тех вопросах, которые обсуждались с маронитским патриархом и бейрутским архиепископом Игнасом Зияде. Излагаются сведения о ведущих представителях политического бомонда и социально-политических процессах, приводятся высказывания патриарха Булоса II о состоянии христианских общин Ливана и судьбе христианства на Ближнем Востоке. В плане исторической темы межконфессиональных отношений в регионе эти документы, содержащие исторические детали и мнения из первых уст, несомненно, представляют со-бой ценный источник для специалистов и живую зарисовку полно-кровной жизни независимого Ливана того времени. The archival documents of 1959 and 1960, in which two Swiss ambassadors in Beirut give a detailed assessment of the situation in the political arena and in the public environment of Lebanon, are published and commented in detail. They rely on information received from key hierarchs of the Maronite Church, particularly from the patriarch Boulos II Meushi. Both documents are distinguished by relative impartiality, rooted in the political course of Switzerland of those years; they are in their own way informative, original, demonstrate the high professional skills of their authors and lively their participation in the issues discussed with the Maronite Patriarch and the Beirut Archbishop Ignas Ziyade. Specially it outlines the information about the leading representatives of the political “beau monde” and socio-political processes, including the statements of Patriarch Boulos II about the state of the Christian communities of Lebanon and the fate of Christianity in the Middle East. In terms of the historical theme of interfaith relations in the region, these documents, containing historical details and first-hand opinions, undoubtedly represent a valuable source for specialists and a live sketch of the full-blooded life of independent Lebanon of that time.
Очередной политический кризис в многострадальном Ливане. Треть членов ливанского кабинета министр... more Очередной политический кризис в многострадальном Ливане. Треть членов ливанского кабинета министра вечером 12 января 2011 г. подали в отставку.
Доклад на I Всероссийских Сергиевских чтениях, 2020
Доклад на I Всероссийских Сергиевских чтениях на тему «Истоки современного международного террори... more Доклад на I Всероссийских Сергиевских чтениях на тему «Истоки современного международного терроризма и трагические уроки России: к 115-летию мученической гибели Великого Князя Сергия Александровича». (Москва, Новоспасский монастырь, 17.02.2020). В феврале 1905 г. страшный террористический акт унес жизнь Великого князя Сергия Александровича Романова, члена царственной династии и первого председателя Императорского Православного Палестинского общества. Был убит не только замечательный человек, высокодуховная личность, но и политический деятель высокого уровня. Историка такое обстоятельство не может не выводить на уровень анализа вообще кровавой «стратегии» терроризма как политического оружия, применявшегося некоторыми силами в противостоянии самого широкого масштаба - глобального. Важнейшей внешнеполитической проблематикой тех лет был, так называемый «восточный вопрос». Трагическая гибель Сергия Александровича про-изошла в разгар Русско-японской войны (1904-1905). Ей предшествовали десятилетия столкновения интересов европейских держав на территориях Османской империи-тот самый «восточный вопрос», в котором Российская империя была непосредственной участницей Русско-турецкой войны (1877-1878), а еще раньше-объектом коллективной агрессии со стороны ряда стран Запада, тяжелой Крымской войны (1853-1856). Вполне вероятно, что тот опыт пестования терроризма непосредственно на территориях Российской империи, который копился во второй половине XIX в., был использован в первом десятилетии ХХ в. еще и на восточной арене глобального противостояния. Британской империей как классической колониальной державой была избрана тактика применения в своих интересах фанатизма в религиозной оболочке - мусульманского экстремизма. Документы свидетельствуют, что такая тактика применялась на протяжении ХХ века. До сих пор, уже несколько лет подряд в первых строках мировых новостных лент остается борьба на Ближнем Востоке и в Северной Африке с террористическим «интернационалом», так называемым халифатом «Исламское государство». Для большей части аудитории мировых СМИ она заслонила со-бой деятельность гораздо более, на мой взгляд, укорененной в макрорегионе структуры - глобальной сети «Братьев-мусульман».
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Papers by Alexey Sarabyev
October 2019 till March-May 2020 when the government imposed unprecedentedly rigorous restrictive measures to combat the spread of COVID-19 infection. The paper identifies the underlying causes of the protests. The author stresses that from the very beginning socio-economic demands of protestors addressed to the executive power (particularly, to grapple with the rising income inequality) were accompanied by calls for democratization on the secular principles and elimination of political confessionalism. At the same time, the author outlines certain specifics of popular uprisings in Lebanon that distinguish them from simultaneous protests in other countries, namely their supra-ethnic, supra-religious and non-partisan character and their remarkable coherence and coordination, given the lack of overall leadership. The author emphasizes that the subsequent change of government has not brought, however, significant changes the protestors hoped for. The new Cabinet was not free from traditional confessional and political bias, whereas legal and administrative measures undertaken by the new government to combat the pandemic were, apparently, also aimed at ‘freezing’ the current situation favorable for both the parliamentary majority and the government. In particular, the recent laws and regulations reflect the Government’s desire to prevent the resumption of protests equivalent to those of the fall of 2019. All these measures did not face serious resistance, even though the economic situation of the population has worsened, and many people have lost their livelihoods. However, the fear of the COVID-19 has proved to be a more efficient means of preventing protests than any punitive measure. The author concludes that the dynamics of inter-party competition even under strict quasi-quarantine measures shows that the hopes of protestors for a genuine transition from a traditional clan and confessional structure of the Lebanese political system to the standards and principles of a developed democracy proved futile.
В посвященной Ливану главе Алексей Сарабьев оценивает функционирование ближневосточных моделей демократического устройства на примере Ливана. С точки зрения автора, своеобразная ливанская политическая модель обладает всеми чертами консоциональной демократии, причем известный феномен ливанского конфессионализма причудливым образом вписывается в эту систему. Анализ сквозь призму политологических теорий консоционализма позволяет объяснить многие особенности прохождения Ливаном испытания «турбулентностью», а также высвечивает некоторые принципиально важные характеристики политических процессов в регионе в целом.
Понятие «социальная инерция» в настоящее время редко используется в философском и социологическом дискурсе, тогда как в работах философов ХХ в. оно встречалось в различных контекстах, правда, в основном с отрицательной коннотацией. Поскольку чаще это понятие упоминалось у американских философов, акцент сделан на анализе подходов именно классиков американской философии (Дж. Ройс, Дж. Дьюи, Ф. Джеймисон), но также выдающихся русских философов (Ф.А. Степун, А.В. Смирнов). Предлагаются некоторые социологические подходы к этому понятию (Р. Нибур, Дж. Спикард), элементы которых могут принести плоды в применении к современным общественным явлениям. Социальная инерция характеризуется как механизм сохранения традиции в условиях социальных флуктуаций, цивилизационных потрясений или резких смен культурной парадигмы (обострение конфликтов, социально-политические трансформации, обвальные миграционные процессы). Идентичность культурного субъекта характеризуется как общественная по своей сути (Р. Нибур). Воспринимаемый через систему социальных взаимоотношений, носитель культурных и религиозных традиций подчинен соответствующей этической системе, базирующейся на традиции и удерживаемой присущей ей инерцией. В основе ее заложены общественные связи (взаимная соотнесенность) и социальная ответственность. Разработка понятия «социальная инерция», установление связи его с понятиями «традиция», «консерватизм», «нация», «устойчивое развитие» может предоставить мощный методологический инструмент для философского анализа происходящих сдвигов в общественном сознании и политической парадигме. Предлагаются также новые понятия (социальная устойчивость, культурная инерция), введение которых в методологическую парадигму могло бы оказаться полезным для теоретической оценки текущих социальных изменений, идущих, например, на Ближнем Востоке, и возможности их прогнозирования. Ключевые слова: социальная инерция, традиция, консерватизм, нация, устойчивое развитие, американская философия, русская философия, социология.
Продолжающиеся уже много лет трагические события на Ближнем Востоке, связанные с религиозными лозунгами и активностью экстремистских организаций исламистского толка, заставляют обращаться к истокам этих движений. Анализ документов и свидетельств той поры позволяет сделать вывод, что начало борьбы и пропаганды в регионе исламистских организаций следует относить к периоду более раннему, чем это принято, а именно к первым годам ХХ в. Основными материалами автору послужили до-несения российского консула в Дамаске, князя Бориса Николаевича Шаховского (1870-1926). Дипломат детально описывал развернутую в 1909 г. в Дамаске работу отделения организации «Магометанское братство». Как в случае с почти одноименной египетской организацией, созданной в 1928 г., которую на этапе ее основания некоторые исследова-тели связывают с английской разведкой, Шаховской полагал, что и в его время англичане были заинтересованы в дестабилизации общественной безопасности в сирийских районах и использовали ее потенциал в интересах Британии. Эта мысль нашла свои подтверждения как в документах тех лет, так и позднее, вплоть до настоящего времени.
Participants: V.A. Kuznetsov, E.S. Lepekhova, D.A. Mileev, D.E. Mishin, V.V. Orlov, A.V. Sarabiev, A.I. Yakovlev
Публикуются и подробно комментируются архивные документы 1959 и 1960 гг., в которых швейцарские послы в Бейруте дают подробную оценку ситуации на политической арене и в общественной среде Ливана. Они опираются на информацию, полученную от ключевых иерархов Маронитской церкви, и прежде всего-от тогдашнего патриарха Булоса II Меуши. Оба документа отличаются относительной непредвзятостью, коренящейся вообще в политическом курсе Швейцарии тех лет; они по-своему информативны, оригинальны, демонстрируют высокий профессионализм их авторов и живое участие в тех вопросах, которые обсуждались с маронитским патриархом и бейрутским архиепископом Игнасом Зияде. Излагаются сведения о ведущих представителях политического бомонда и социально-политических процессах, приводятся высказывания патриарха Булоса II о состоянии христианских общин Ливана и судьбе христианства на Ближнем Востоке. В плане исторической темы межконфессиональных отношений в регионе эти документы, содержащие исторические детали и мнения из первых уст, несомненно, представляют со-бой ценный источник для специалистов и живую зарисовку полно-кровной жизни независимого Ливана того времени.
The archival documents of 1959 and 1960, in which two Swiss ambassadors in Beirut give a detailed assessment of the situation in the political arena and in the public environment of Lebanon, are published and commented in detail. They rely on information received from key hierarchs of the Maronite Church, particularly from the patriarch Boulos II Meushi. Both documents are distinguished by relative impartiality, rooted in the political course of Switzerland of those years; they are in their own way informative, original, demonstrate the high professional skills of their authors and lively their participation in the issues discussed with the Maronite Patriarch and the Beirut Archbishop Ignas Ziyade. Specially it outlines the information about the leading representatives of the political “beau monde” and socio-political processes, including the statements of Patriarch Boulos II about the state of the Christian communities of Lebanon and the fate of Christianity in the Middle East. In terms of the historical theme of interfaith relations in the region, these documents, containing historical details and first-hand opinions, undoubtedly represent a valuable source for specialists and a live sketch of the full-blooded life of independent Lebanon of that time.
October 2019 till March-May 2020 when the government imposed unprecedentedly rigorous restrictive measures to combat the spread of COVID-19 infection. The paper identifies the underlying causes of the protests. The author stresses that from the very beginning socio-economic demands of protestors addressed to the executive power (particularly, to grapple with the rising income inequality) were accompanied by calls for democratization on the secular principles and elimination of political confessionalism. At the same time, the author outlines certain specifics of popular uprisings in Lebanon that distinguish them from simultaneous protests in other countries, namely their supra-ethnic, supra-religious and non-partisan character and their remarkable coherence and coordination, given the lack of overall leadership. The author emphasizes that the subsequent change of government has not brought, however, significant changes the protestors hoped for. The new Cabinet was not free from traditional confessional and political bias, whereas legal and administrative measures undertaken by the new government to combat the pandemic were, apparently, also aimed at ‘freezing’ the current situation favorable for both the parliamentary majority and the government. In particular, the recent laws and regulations reflect the Government’s desire to prevent the resumption of protests equivalent to those of the fall of 2019. All these measures did not face serious resistance, even though the economic situation of the population has worsened, and many people have lost their livelihoods. However, the fear of the COVID-19 has proved to be a more efficient means of preventing protests than any punitive measure. The author concludes that the dynamics of inter-party competition even under strict quasi-quarantine measures shows that the hopes of protestors for a genuine transition from a traditional clan and confessional structure of the Lebanese political system to the standards and principles of a developed democracy proved futile.
В посвященной Ливану главе Алексей Сарабьев оценивает функционирование ближневосточных моделей демократического устройства на примере Ливана. С точки зрения автора, своеобразная ливанская политическая модель обладает всеми чертами консоциональной демократии, причем известный феномен ливанского конфессионализма причудливым образом вписывается в эту систему. Анализ сквозь призму политологических теорий консоционализма позволяет объяснить многие особенности прохождения Ливаном испытания «турбулентностью», а также высвечивает некоторые принципиально важные характеристики политических процессов в регионе в целом.
Понятие «социальная инерция» в настоящее время редко используется в философском и социологическом дискурсе, тогда как в работах философов ХХ в. оно встречалось в различных контекстах, правда, в основном с отрицательной коннотацией. Поскольку чаще это понятие упоминалось у американских философов, акцент сделан на анализе подходов именно классиков американской философии (Дж. Ройс, Дж. Дьюи, Ф. Джеймисон), но также выдающихся русских философов (Ф.А. Степун, А.В. Смирнов). Предлагаются некоторые социологические подходы к этому понятию (Р. Нибур, Дж. Спикард), элементы которых могут принести плоды в применении к современным общественным явлениям. Социальная инерция характеризуется как механизм сохранения традиции в условиях социальных флуктуаций, цивилизационных потрясений или резких смен культурной парадигмы (обострение конфликтов, социально-политические трансформации, обвальные миграционные процессы). Идентичность культурного субъекта характеризуется как общественная по своей сути (Р. Нибур). Воспринимаемый через систему социальных взаимоотношений, носитель культурных и религиозных традиций подчинен соответствующей этической системе, базирующейся на традиции и удерживаемой присущей ей инерцией. В основе ее заложены общественные связи (взаимная соотнесенность) и социальная ответственность. Разработка понятия «социальная инерция», установление связи его с понятиями «традиция», «консерватизм», «нация», «устойчивое развитие» может предоставить мощный методологический инструмент для философского анализа происходящих сдвигов в общественном сознании и политической парадигме. Предлагаются также новые понятия (социальная устойчивость, культурная инерция), введение которых в методологическую парадигму могло бы оказаться полезным для теоретической оценки текущих социальных изменений, идущих, например, на Ближнем Востоке, и возможности их прогнозирования. Ключевые слова: социальная инерция, традиция, консерватизм, нация, устойчивое развитие, американская философия, русская философия, социология.
Продолжающиеся уже много лет трагические события на Ближнем Востоке, связанные с религиозными лозунгами и активностью экстремистских организаций исламистского толка, заставляют обращаться к истокам этих движений. Анализ документов и свидетельств той поры позволяет сделать вывод, что начало борьбы и пропаганды в регионе исламистских организаций следует относить к периоду более раннему, чем это принято, а именно к первым годам ХХ в. Основными материалами автору послужили до-несения российского консула в Дамаске, князя Бориса Николаевича Шаховского (1870-1926). Дипломат детально описывал развернутую в 1909 г. в Дамаске работу отделения организации «Магометанское братство». Как в случае с почти одноименной египетской организацией, созданной в 1928 г., которую на этапе ее основания некоторые исследова-тели связывают с английской разведкой, Шаховской полагал, что и в его время англичане были заинтересованы в дестабилизации общественной безопасности в сирийских районах и использовали ее потенциал в интересах Британии. Эта мысль нашла свои подтверждения как в документах тех лет, так и позднее, вплоть до настоящего времени.
Participants: V.A. Kuznetsov, E.S. Lepekhova, D.A. Mileev, D.E. Mishin, V.V. Orlov, A.V. Sarabiev, A.I. Yakovlev
Публикуются и подробно комментируются архивные документы 1959 и 1960 гг., в которых швейцарские послы в Бейруте дают подробную оценку ситуации на политической арене и в общественной среде Ливана. Они опираются на информацию, полученную от ключевых иерархов Маронитской церкви, и прежде всего-от тогдашнего патриарха Булоса II Меуши. Оба документа отличаются относительной непредвзятостью, коренящейся вообще в политическом курсе Швейцарии тех лет; они по-своему информативны, оригинальны, демонстрируют высокий профессионализм их авторов и живое участие в тех вопросах, которые обсуждались с маронитским патриархом и бейрутским архиепископом Игнасом Зияде. Излагаются сведения о ведущих представителях политического бомонда и социально-политических процессах, приводятся высказывания патриарха Булоса II о состоянии христианских общин Ливана и судьбе христианства на Ближнем Востоке. В плане исторической темы межконфессиональных отношений в регионе эти документы, содержащие исторические детали и мнения из первых уст, несомненно, представляют со-бой ценный источник для специалистов и живую зарисовку полно-кровной жизни независимого Ливана того времени.
The archival documents of 1959 and 1960, in which two Swiss ambassadors in Beirut give a detailed assessment of the situation in the political arena and in the public environment of Lebanon, are published and commented in detail. They rely on information received from key hierarchs of the Maronite Church, particularly from the patriarch Boulos II Meushi. Both documents are distinguished by relative impartiality, rooted in the political course of Switzerland of those years; they are in their own way informative, original, demonstrate the high professional skills of their authors and lively their participation in the issues discussed with the Maronite Patriarch and the Beirut Archbishop Ignas Ziyade. Specially it outlines the information about the leading representatives of the political “beau monde” and socio-political processes, including the statements of Patriarch Boulos II about the state of the Christian communities of Lebanon and the fate of Christianity in the Middle East. In terms of the historical theme of interfaith relations in the region, these documents, containing historical details and first-hand opinions, undoubtedly represent a valuable source for specialists and a live sketch of the full-blooded life of independent Lebanon of that time.