Apr 2015 – PresentProfessorFaculty of Law, Economics and Humanities, Kagoshima University, JapanApr 1999 – Mar 2015Associate ProfessorFaculty of Law, Economics and Humanities, Kagoshima University, JapanApr 2004 – Mar 2005Visiting ProfessorBeijing Center for Japanese Studies
This book entitled,“ Production, Distribution and Consumption in Mongolian
Pastoral Society,” is ... more This book entitled,“ Production, Distribution and Consumption in Mongolian Pastoral Society,” is an anthropological study of economic activities of Mongolian herders. The book specifically examines the distribution of livestock products in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, in China, by focusing on characteristics and changes in the distribution system of the Mongol Plateau in relation to national institutions and the global economic system. Interactions among Mongolian pastoral society, national institutions, and the global economic system did not begin in contemporary times, but had been taking place since pre-modern times. Mongolian pastoral society was accepted by modern nations in the early 20th century, when it established relations with a wide range of economic systems. In this book, the term, "globalization" refers to the process in which monetary exchange economies are globally expanding. Thus, the socialist era is considered as one case of globalization. The aim of the book is to describe the development of "globalization" and to identify its local characteristic in northeast Asia. The period of study highlighted in the book is from the 1920s to the present. We have emphasized the critical role of the period after 1990s, when the Mongolian pastoral society was penetrated by market economy. Chapters 1 and 2 of the book focus on production, Chapters 3 and 4 on distribution, and Chapter 5 on consumption. Chapter 3 focuses on the geographical area of Inner Mongolia, whereas other chapters focus on Outer Mongolia. Chapter 1 (Kazato) portrays felt, which is used for making roofs and walls of yurts. The felt production mode has changed along with changes in national institutions, from handmade to machine-made felt. Today, consumers can choose between handmade and machine-made felt as needed, which complement each other. Chapter 2 (Tomita) deals with dairy products, which were formerly consumed domestically. However, the national procurement process of the socialist era brought about changes in the use of milk. When butter and casein, which had not been consumed in Mongolia began to be produced, new tools, such as cream separators, as well as new techniques had to be imported. Chapter 3 (Ozaki), focuses on milk liquors, or kumis, which were previously produced only in a few localities. However, the market economy has commercialized kumis production as a source of income for peri-urban herders of both Inner and Outer Mongolia. Today, kumis production is supported by developments in communication and transportation, as well as by the growth of urban consumers. In Chapter 4 (Terao) long-distance drivers bringing goods and people are described. In the era of socialism, the circulation of goods was directly managed by the public sector. Today, however, certain transportation routes are occasionally supported by informal services and depend on the life styles of drivers and their equipment. Chapter 5 (Hotta) deals with consumption and distribution system of goods flowing into herder households. Herders purchase food and other daily necessities with cash provided by the sale of livestock products and various subsidies. However, they also obtain certain items by sharing, manufacturing, and borrowing, among others, which are methods of consumption that are independent of the exclusive ownership of goods. In conclusion, we have identified three characteristics in globalization of Mongolia. Firstly, we have drawn attention to a domain that is highly influenced by money, or the wide-area distribution system, and a domain that is less affected by change. Though the modern system including nationhood has had a significant influence on herders, herders cope with it by using their own cultural stock. Secondly, we established that Mongolians positively accept the new, global technology and that they manage it in their own way by using it along with traditional methods. Thirdly, we have pointed out that Mongolians do not try to be specialists in order to pursue economic efficiency. This seems to equip them for future risks, by preventing them from denying the wide variety of possible options.
This book is the result of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies’ Joint Research Projects, "Distribution of livestock products and Globalization in Mongolia" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2014) and "How things circulate within and outside and the areas of Mongol and Kazakh steppe?" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2015).
ABSTRACT Mongolian pastoral nomads traditionally consume meat during the cold season and milk pro... more ABSTRACT Mongolian pastoral nomads traditionally consume meat during the cold season and milk products during the warm season. Among these is airag (fermented mare's milk), and Mongolia is one of the few regions that retains such traditional food. Through the Mongolian meteorological network, this is the first survey on airag, targeting 2,045 herders. We compared airag production between households producing it and households in general. Results revealed intensive production in central Mongolia, but less in surrounding areas, except along the western border. High horse-density in the central steppes and forest steppes provides an eco-climatological explanation, but this density pattern cannot explain inadequate production in eastern areas. Thus, culture and ethnicity may account for airag's regional distribution.
ABSTRACT It is widely recognized that changes in livestock grazing in Mongolia after the early 19... more ABSTRACT It is widely recognized that changes in livestock grazing in Mongolia after the early 1990s has increased concerns regarding land management and a need for better management strategies. Traditional knowledge and experiences of the Mongolian pastoralists should be used for such strategies. If pastoralists recognize the seriousness of 'overgrazing' or signs of overgrazing, management can be guided to use this traditional ecological knowledge to develop more effective strategies. This paper describes vegetation changes caused by grazing and how pastoralists assess these changes. We have found that pastoralists use certain types of plants as indicators to assess vegetation changes. They consider 'nariin' (narrow) plants, which often include short grasses and sedges, as good because livestock prefer them. However, most of the interviewed pastoralists thought that the main reason for vegetation degradation is temperature increase, not overgrazing. This case study suggests the usefulness of such interviews together with vegetation surveys.
This book entitled,“ Production, Distribution and Consumption in Mongolian
Pastoral Society,” is ... more This book entitled,“ Production, Distribution and Consumption in Mongolian Pastoral Society,” is an anthropological study of economic activities of Mongolian herders. The book specifically examines the distribution of livestock products in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, in China, by focusing on characteristics and changes in the distribution system of the Mongol Plateau in relation to national institutions and the global economic system. Interactions among Mongolian pastoral society, national institutions, and the global economic system did not begin in contemporary times, but had been taking place since pre-modern times. Mongolian pastoral society was accepted by modern nations in the early 20th century, when it established relations with a wide range of economic systems. In this book, the term, "globalization" refers to the process in which monetary exchange economies are globally expanding. Thus, the socialist era is considered as one case of globalization. The aim of the book is to describe the development of "globalization" and to identify its local characteristic in northeast Asia. The period of study highlighted in the book is from the 1920s to the present. We have emphasized the critical role of the period after 1990s, when the Mongolian pastoral society was penetrated by market economy. Chapters 1 and 2 of the book focus on production, Chapters 3 and 4 on distribution, and Chapter 5 on consumption. Chapter 3 focuses on the geographical area of Inner Mongolia, whereas other chapters focus on Outer Mongolia. Chapter 1 (Kazato) portrays felt, which is used for making roofs and walls of yurts. The felt production mode has changed along with changes in national institutions, from handmade to machine-made felt. Today, consumers can choose between handmade and machine-made felt as needed, which complement each other. Chapter 2 (Tomita) deals with dairy products, which were formerly consumed domestically. However, the national procurement process of the socialist era brought about changes in the use of milk. When butter and casein, which had not been consumed in Mongolia began to be produced, new tools, such as cream separators, as well as new techniques had to be imported. Chapter 3 (Ozaki), focuses on milk liquors, or kumis, which were previously produced only in a few localities. However, the market economy has commercialized kumis production as a source of income for peri-urban herders of both Inner and Outer Mongolia. Today, kumis production is supported by developments in communication and transportation, as well as by the growth of urban consumers. In Chapter 4 (Terao) long-distance drivers bringing goods and people are described. In the era of socialism, the circulation of goods was directly managed by the public sector. Today, however, certain transportation routes are occasionally supported by informal services and depend on the life styles of drivers and their equipment. Chapter 5 (Hotta) deals with consumption and distribution system of goods flowing into herder households. Herders purchase food and other daily necessities with cash provided by the sale of livestock products and various subsidies. However, they also obtain certain items by sharing, manufacturing, and borrowing, among others, which are methods of consumption that are independent of the exclusive ownership of goods. In conclusion, we have identified three characteristics in globalization of Mongolia. Firstly, we have drawn attention to a domain that is highly influenced by money, or the wide-area distribution system, and a domain that is less affected by change. Though the modern system including nationhood has had a significant influence on herders, herders cope with it by using their own cultural stock. Secondly, we established that Mongolians positively accept the new, global technology and that they manage it in their own way by using it along with traditional methods. Thirdly, we have pointed out that Mongolians do not try to be specialists in order to pursue economic efficiency. This seems to equip them for future risks, by preventing them from denying the wide variety of possible options.
This book is the result of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies’ Joint Research Projects, "Distribution of livestock products and Globalization in Mongolia" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2014) and "How things circulate within and outside and the areas of Mongol and Kazakh steppe?" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2015).
ABSTRACT Mongolian pastoral nomads traditionally consume meat during the cold season and milk pro... more ABSTRACT Mongolian pastoral nomads traditionally consume meat during the cold season and milk products during the warm season. Among these is airag (fermented mare's milk), and Mongolia is one of the few regions that retains such traditional food. Through the Mongolian meteorological network, this is the first survey on airag, targeting 2,045 herders. We compared airag production between households producing it and households in general. Results revealed intensive production in central Mongolia, but less in surrounding areas, except along the western border. High horse-density in the central steppes and forest steppes provides an eco-climatological explanation, but this density pattern cannot explain inadequate production in eastern areas. Thus, culture and ethnicity may account for airag's regional distribution.
ABSTRACT It is widely recognized that changes in livestock grazing in Mongolia after the early 19... more ABSTRACT It is widely recognized that changes in livestock grazing in Mongolia after the early 1990s has increased concerns regarding land management and a need for better management strategies. Traditional knowledge and experiences of the Mongolian pastoralists should be used for such strategies. If pastoralists recognize the seriousness of 'overgrazing' or signs of overgrazing, management can be guided to use this traditional ecological knowledge to develop more effective strategies. This paper describes vegetation changes caused by grazing and how pastoralists assess these changes. We have found that pastoralists use certain types of plants as indicators to assess vegetation changes. They consider 'nariin' (narrow) plants, which often include short grasses and sedges, as good because livestock prefer them. However, most of the interviewed pastoralists thought that the main reason for vegetation degradation is temperature increase, not overgrazing. This case study suggests the usefulness of such interviews together with vegetation surveys.
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Books by Takahiro Ozaki
Pastoral Society,” is an anthropological study of economic activities of
Mongolian herders. The book specifically examines the distribution of livestock products in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, in China, by focusing on characteristics and changes in the distribution system of the Mongol Plateau in relation to national institutions and the global economic system.
Interactions among Mongolian pastoral society, national institutions, and the global economic system did not begin in contemporary times, but had been taking place since pre-modern times. Mongolian pastoral society was accepted by modern nations in the early 20th century, when it established relations with a wide range of economic systems. In this book, the term, "globalization" refers to the process in which monetary exchange economies are globally expanding. Thus, the socialist era is considered as one case of globalization. The aim of the book is to describe the development of "globalization" and to identify its local characteristic in northeast Asia. The period of study highlighted in the book is from the 1920s to the present. We have emphasized the critical role of the period after 1990s, when the Mongolian pastoral society was penetrated by market economy.
Chapters 1 and 2 of the book focus on production, Chapters 3 and 4 on distribution, and Chapter 5 on consumption. Chapter 3 focuses on the geographical
area of Inner Mongolia, whereas other chapters focus on Outer Mongolia. Chapter 1 (Kazato) portrays felt, which is used for making roofs and walls of yurts. The felt production mode has changed along with changes in national institutions, from handmade to machine-made felt. Today, consumers can choose between handmade and machine-made felt as needed, which complement each other. Chapter 2 (Tomita) deals with dairy products, which were formerly consumed domestically. However, the national procurement process of the socialist era brought about changes in the use of milk. When butter and casein, which had not been consumed in Mongolia began to be produced, new tools, such as cream separators, as well as new techniques had to be imported.
Chapter 3 (Ozaki), focuses on milk liquors, or kumis, which were previously produced only in a few localities. However, the market economy has commercialized kumis production as a source of income for peri-urban herders of both Inner and Outer Mongolia. Today, kumis production is supported by developments in communication and transportation, as well as by the growth of urban consumers. In Chapter 4 (Terao) long-distance drivers bringing goods and people are described. In the era of socialism, the circulation of goods was directly managed by the public sector. Today, however, certain transportation routes are occasionally supported by informal services and depend on the life styles of drivers and their equipment.
Chapter 5 (Hotta) deals with consumption and distribution system of goods flowing into herder households. Herders purchase food and other daily necessities with cash provided by the sale of livestock products and various subsidies. However, they also obtain certain items by sharing, manufacturing, and borrowing, among others, which are methods of consumption that are independent of the exclusive ownership of goods.
In conclusion, we have identified three characteristics in globalization of Mongolia. Firstly, we have drawn attention to a domain that is highly influenced by money, or the wide-area distribution system, and a domain that is less affected by change. Though the modern system including nationhood has had a significant influence on herders, herders cope with it by using their own cultural stock. Secondly, we established that Mongolians positively accept the new, global technology and that they manage it in their own way by using it along with traditional methods. Thirdly, we have pointed out that Mongolians do not try to be specialists in order to pursue economic efficiency. This seems to equip them for future risks, by preventing them from denying the wide variety of possible options.
This book is the result of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies’ Joint Research Projects, "Distribution of livestock products and Globalization in Mongolia" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2014) and "How things circulate within and outside and the areas of Mongol and Kazakh steppe?" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2015).
Papers by Takahiro Ozaki
Pastoral Society,” is an anthropological study of economic activities of
Mongolian herders. The book specifically examines the distribution of livestock products in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, in China, by focusing on characteristics and changes in the distribution system of the Mongol Plateau in relation to national institutions and the global economic system.
Interactions among Mongolian pastoral society, national institutions, and the global economic system did not begin in contemporary times, but had been taking place since pre-modern times. Mongolian pastoral society was accepted by modern nations in the early 20th century, when it established relations with a wide range of economic systems. In this book, the term, "globalization" refers to the process in which monetary exchange economies are globally expanding. Thus, the socialist era is considered as one case of globalization. The aim of the book is to describe the development of "globalization" and to identify its local characteristic in northeast Asia. The period of study highlighted in the book is from the 1920s to the present. We have emphasized the critical role of the period after 1990s, when the Mongolian pastoral society was penetrated by market economy.
Chapters 1 and 2 of the book focus on production, Chapters 3 and 4 on distribution, and Chapter 5 on consumption. Chapter 3 focuses on the geographical
area of Inner Mongolia, whereas other chapters focus on Outer Mongolia. Chapter 1 (Kazato) portrays felt, which is used for making roofs and walls of yurts. The felt production mode has changed along with changes in national institutions, from handmade to machine-made felt. Today, consumers can choose between handmade and machine-made felt as needed, which complement each other. Chapter 2 (Tomita) deals with dairy products, which were formerly consumed domestically. However, the national procurement process of the socialist era brought about changes in the use of milk. When butter and casein, which had not been consumed in Mongolia began to be produced, new tools, such as cream separators, as well as new techniques had to be imported.
Chapter 3 (Ozaki), focuses on milk liquors, or kumis, which were previously produced only in a few localities. However, the market economy has commercialized kumis production as a source of income for peri-urban herders of both Inner and Outer Mongolia. Today, kumis production is supported by developments in communication and transportation, as well as by the growth of urban consumers. In Chapter 4 (Terao) long-distance drivers bringing goods and people are described. In the era of socialism, the circulation of goods was directly managed by the public sector. Today, however, certain transportation routes are occasionally supported by informal services and depend on the life styles of drivers and their equipment.
Chapter 5 (Hotta) deals with consumption and distribution system of goods flowing into herder households. Herders purchase food and other daily necessities with cash provided by the sale of livestock products and various subsidies. However, they also obtain certain items by sharing, manufacturing, and borrowing, among others, which are methods of consumption that are independent of the exclusive ownership of goods.
In conclusion, we have identified three characteristics in globalization of Mongolia. Firstly, we have drawn attention to a domain that is highly influenced by money, or the wide-area distribution system, and a domain that is less affected by change. Though the modern system including nationhood has had a significant influence on herders, herders cope with it by using their own cultural stock. Secondly, we established that Mongolians positively accept the new, global technology and that they manage it in their own way by using it along with traditional methods. Thirdly, we have pointed out that Mongolians do not try to be specialists in order to pursue economic efficiency. This seems to equip them for future risks, by preventing them from denying the wide variety of possible options.
This book is the result of the Center for Northeast Asian Studies’ Joint Research Projects, "Distribution of livestock products and Globalization in Mongolia" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2014) and "How things circulate within and outside and the areas of Mongol and Kazakh steppe?" (Represented by Mari Kazato in 2015).