Senior Research Fellow, Policy Exchange, London; Associate Research Fellow, International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation, London; author of "The Global Muslim Brotherhood in Britain: Non-Violent Islamist Extremism and the Battle of Ideas", published in July 2018 by Routledge:
Doctorate in War Studies, King's College London, under the supervision of Professor John Bew. Experienced overseas development aid professional, with programme management, monitoring and evaluation experience.
Exclusive polling published by Policy Exchange – conducted by YouGov – exposes that a de facto bl... more Exclusive polling published by Policy Exchange – conducted by YouGov – exposes that a de facto blasphemy code is being introduced to our schools.
In Britain, no one has the right not to be offended. Words or actions that are taken by some as offensive – whether they relate to one’s religion, sexuality or race – are not criminal as long as they are not intentionally hostile and meant, or likely, to incite hatred. Yet, this does not seem to be fully acknowledged in Britain’s schools – as our polling shows.
This report exposes how Islamists have been permitted to dominate debate about religious clothing... more This report exposes how Islamists have been permitted to dominate debate about religious clothing both in the United Kingdom, and abroad.
This vacuum can lead to women and girls effectively having the hijab imposed upon them by their community activists or school – despite the fact that throughout much of the Islamic world women are protesting the imposition of the hijab as an oppressive garment. In the latest development in the Iranian government’s war on women, Tehran has announced that ‘repeated violations’ of its strict dress code can lead to imprisonment of up to ten years.
The NYT/Serial podcast, The Trojan Horse Affair, which aired in February 2022, reignited public i... more The NYT/Serial podcast, The Trojan Horse Affair, which aired in February 2022, reignited public interest in the events in Birmingham schools, which hit media headlines in 2014. Triggering a round of Ofsted inspections, official inquiries and some media sensationalism, an anonymous letter was handed to Birmingham City Council outlining a plan to take over clusters of schools with an particular Islamic ethos. The podcast focused on the authorship of the letter, which has never been demonstrated, rather than what actually took place in the schools both in 2014 and years prior. It galvanised activist voices, including those of some of the central protagonists in the Trojan Horse affair, and proclaimed, without reference to the full facts, that there was a government-driven “Islamophobic” “witch-hunt”. But it is only by ignoring the full facts – or an unwillingness to see their significance – that such claims can have any credibility. For this reason, this report lets the facts speak for themselves, in providing several chronologies of key events, and reminders of the findings of the various inquiries. The history of the Trojan Horse affair ought not be determined by activist voices, conspiracy theories, or unfounded denials of what actually happened. Of course, the truth is likely to remain contested, but if this report can help paint a fuller and more accurate picture of events, then it will have served its purpose.
Since the beginning of the Prevent strategy, there have been a number of inter-related, well-orga... more Since the beginning of the Prevent strategy, there have been a number of inter-related, well-organised, and media-savvy campaigns that have sought to undermine Prevent and counterextremism efforts. These campaigns have been led by or strongly featured Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), Muslim Engagement and Development (MEND), and CAGE, which has described Prevent as “fundamentally racist and Islamophobic”.1 These campaigns have occurred under successive governments, spanning Labour, Coalition, and Conservative administrations.
The end goal of these Islamist-led campaigns is the scrapping of Prevent and the counter-extremism programme. They effectively seek to eliminate from official analysis and policy the role of Islamist ideology in terrorism and harmful, extremist social practices. This is done, somewhat paradoxically, by drawing upon arguments in favour of freedom of expression.
Sir John Jenkins, Dr Damon L. Perry, and Dr Paul Stott; Foreword by Rt Hon David Cameron
This report provides an insight into the network of Muslim activist organisations in Britain with... more This report provides an insight into the network of Muslim activist organisations in Britain with roots in the Muslim Brotherhood and those with similar ideological and methodological orientations. It regards their organisational and ideological connections, as well as the major campaigns in which they are involved.
This paper, published by the UK's Commission for Countering Extremism, provides an analysis of ‘p... more This paper, published by the UK's Commission for Countering Extremism, provides an analysis of ‘participationist’ or mainstream Islamism in Britain, including a brief history of the main groups, and a nuanced account of their goals, beliefs and values informed by some original research. The paper also regards some of the conflicts and controversies in which mainstream Islamists have become involved in recent years, focusing on the field of education. The paper concludes with some remarks on some of their successes and setbacks.
Handbook of Political Islam in Europe. Springer Handbooks of Political Science and International Relations, 2024
This chapter introduces some of the most active protagonists of mainstream Islamism in Britain to... more This chapter introduces some of the most active protagonists of mainstream Islamism in Britain today, and their goals and beliefs, including their desire for a comprehensive social transformation in line with what they deem as fundamental Islamic values. It notes a shift from advocacy work to higher profile agitational campaigns. It also highlights several important spheres of activity and policy areas in which they are particularly active: counter-radicalisation and counter-extremism, and education. A key theme running through their work is the promulgation of grievance identity politics, evident in the persistent claim that Islamophobia is endemic in society and inherent to some government policy areas. The chapter concludes with remarks regarding the British Government's response to the challenges these mainstream Islamists present and some policy recommendations.
Since 2011, with the British Government’s counter-radicalisation strategy, Prevent, non-violent I... more Since 2011, with the British Government’s counter-radicalisation strategy, Prevent, non-violent Islamist groups have been considered a security risk for spreading a divisive ideology that can lead to radicalisation and violence. More recently, the Government has expressed concerns about their impact on social cohesion, entryism, and women’s rights. The key protagonists of non-violent Islamist ‘extremism’ allegedly include groups and individuals associated with the Muslim Brotherhood and Jama’at-i-Islami. They have been described as part of the ‘global Muslim Brotherhood’, but do they constitute a singular phenomenon, a social movement?
This book shows that such groups and individuals do indeed comprise a movement in Britain, one dedicated to an Islamic ‘revival’. It shows how they are networked organisationally, bonded through ideological and cultural kinship, and united in a conflict of values with the British society and state. Using original interviews with prominent revivalist leaders, as well as primary sources, the book also shows how the movement is not so much ‘Islamist’ in aspiring for an Islamic state, but concerned with institutionalising an Islamic worldview and moral framework throughout society. The conflict between the Government and the global Muslim Brotherhood is apparent in a number of different fields, including education, governance, law, and counterterrorism. But this does not simply concern the direction of Government policy or the control of state institutions. It most fundamentally concerns the symbolic authority to legitimise a way of seeing, thinking and living.
By assessing this multifaceted conflict, the book presents an exhaustive and up-to-date analysis of the political and cultural fault lines between Islamic revivalists and the British authorities. It will be useful for anyone studying Islam in the West, government counter-terrorism and counter-extremism policy, multiculturalism and social cohesion.
The Prevent counter-terrorism strategy is perhaps the most controversial government policy most p... more The Prevent counter-terrorism strategy is perhaps the most controversial government policy most people have never heard of. Public recognition of it is generally low, but opposition from Britain’s raucous Islamist scene, near total. From there, opposition has spread to sections of the far-left, and those parts of academia where Islamism and the revolutionary left intersect. This report, written by three experts on Islamism, outlines the campaign against Prevent, and argues that this is not an exceptional campaign against a uniquely flawed policy – the groups opposing Prevent have tended to criticise pretty much any counter-terrorism policy, in some cases for a generation. The same names and campaign groups appear time after time regardless of the colour of the government of the day.
Exclusive polling published by Policy Exchange – conducted by YouGov – exposes that a de facto bl... more Exclusive polling published by Policy Exchange – conducted by YouGov – exposes that a de facto blasphemy code is being introduced to our schools.
In Britain, no one has the right not to be offended. Words or actions that are taken by some as offensive – whether they relate to one’s religion, sexuality or race – are not criminal as long as they are not intentionally hostile and meant, or likely, to incite hatred. Yet, this does not seem to be fully acknowledged in Britain’s schools – as our polling shows.
This report exposes how Islamists have been permitted to dominate debate about religious clothing... more This report exposes how Islamists have been permitted to dominate debate about religious clothing both in the United Kingdom, and abroad.
This vacuum can lead to women and girls effectively having the hijab imposed upon them by their community activists or school – despite the fact that throughout much of the Islamic world women are protesting the imposition of the hijab as an oppressive garment. In the latest development in the Iranian government’s war on women, Tehran has announced that ‘repeated violations’ of its strict dress code can lead to imprisonment of up to ten years.
The NYT/Serial podcast, The Trojan Horse Affair, which aired in February 2022, reignited public i... more The NYT/Serial podcast, The Trojan Horse Affair, which aired in February 2022, reignited public interest in the events in Birmingham schools, which hit media headlines in 2014. Triggering a round of Ofsted inspections, official inquiries and some media sensationalism, an anonymous letter was handed to Birmingham City Council outlining a plan to take over clusters of schools with an particular Islamic ethos. The podcast focused on the authorship of the letter, which has never been demonstrated, rather than what actually took place in the schools both in 2014 and years prior. It galvanised activist voices, including those of some of the central protagonists in the Trojan Horse affair, and proclaimed, without reference to the full facts, that there was a government-driven “Islamophobic” “witch-hunt”. But it is only by ignoring the full facts – or an unwillingness to see their significance – that such claims can have any credibility. For this reason, this report lets the facts speak for themselves, in providing several chronologies of key events, and reminders of the findings of the various inquiries. The history of the Trojan Horse affair ought not be determined by activist voices, conspiracy theories, or unfounded denials of what actually happened. Of course, the truth is likely to remain contested, but if this report can help paint a fuller and more accurate picture of events, then it will have served its purpose.
Since the beginning of the Prevent strategy, there have been a number of inter-related, well-orga... more Since the beginning of the Prevent strategy, there have been a number of inter-related, well-organised, and media-savvy campaigns that have sought to undermine Prevent and counterextremism efforts. These campaigns have been led by or strongly featured Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), Muslim Engagement and Development (MEND), and CAGE, which has described Prevent as “fundamentally racist and Islamophobic”.1 These campaigns have occurred under successive governments, spanning Labour, Coalition, and Conservative administrations.
The end goal of these Islamist-led campaigns is the scrapping of Prevent and the counter-extremism programme. They effectively seek to eliminate from official analysis and policy the role of Islamist ideology in terrorism and harmful, extremist social practices. This is done, somewhat paradoxically, by drawing upon arguments in favour of freedom of expression.
Sir John Jenkins, Dr Damon L. Perry, and Dr Paul Stott; Foreword by Rt Hon David Cameron
This report provides an insight into the network of Muslim activist organisations in Britain with... more This report provides an insight into the network of Muslim activist organisations in Britain with roots in the Muslim Brotherhood and those with similar ideological and methodological orientations. It regards their organisational and ideological connections, as well as the major campaigns in which they are involved.
This paper, published by the UK's Commission for Countering Extremism, provides an analysis of ‘p... more This paper, published by the UK's Commission for Countering Extremism, provides an analysis of ‘participationist’ or mainstream Islamism in Britain, including a brief history of the main groups, and a nuanced account of their goals, beliefs and values informed by some original research. The paper also regards some of the conflicts and controversies in which mainstream Islamists have become involved in recent years, focusing on the field of education. The paper concludes with some remarks on some of their successes and setbacks.
Handbook of Political Islam in Europe. Springer Handbooks of Political Science and International Relations, 2024
This chapter introduces some of the most active protagonists of mainstream Islamism in Britain to... more This chapter introduces some of the most active protagonists of mainstream Islamism in Britain today, and their goals and beliefs, including their desire for a comprehensive social transformation in line with what they deem as fundamental Islamic values. It notes a shift from advocacy work to higher profile agitational campaigns. It also highlights several important spheres of activity and policy areas in which they are particularly active: counter-radicalisation and counter-extremism, and education. A key theme running through their work is the promulgation of grievance identity politics, evident in the persistent claim that Islamophobia is endemic in society and inherent to some government policy areas. The chapter concludes with remarks regarding the British Government's response to the challenges these mainstream Islamists present and some policy recommendations.
Since 2011, with the British Government’s counter-radicalisation strategy, Prevent, non-violent I... more Since 2011, with the British Government’s counter-radicalisation strategy, Prevent, non-violent Islamist groups have been considered a security risk for spreading a divisive ideology that can lead to radicalisation and violence. More recently, the Government has expressed concerns about their impact on social cohesion, entryism, and women’s rights. The key protagonists of non-violent Islamist ‘extremism’ allegedly include groups and individuals associated with the Muslim Brotherhood and Jama’at-i-Islami. They have been described as part of the ‘global Muslim Brotherhood’, but do they constitute a singular phenomenon, a social movement?
This book shows that such groups and individuals do indeed comprise a movement in Britain, one dedicated to an Islamic ‘revival’. It shows how they are networked organisationally, bonded through ideological and cultural kinship, and united in a conflict of values with the British society and state. Using original interviews with prominent revivalist leaders, as well as primary sources, the book also shows how the movement is not so much ‘Islamist’ in aspiring for an Islamic state, but concerned with institutionalising an Islamic worldview and moral framework throughout society. The conflict between the Government and the global Muslim Brotherhood is apparent in a number of different fields, including education, governance, law, and counterterrorism. But this does not simply concern the direction of Government policy or the control of state institutions. It most fundamentally concerns the symbolic authority to legitimise a way of seeing, thinking and living.
By assessing this multifaceted conflict, the book presents an exhaustive and up-to-date analysis of the political and cultural fault lines between Islamic revivalists and the British authorities. It will be useful for anyone studying Islam in the West, government counter-terrorism and counter-extremism policy, multiculturalism and social cohesion.
The Prevent counter-terrorism strategy is perhaps the most controversial government policy most p... more The Prevent counter-terrorism strategy is perhaps the most controversial government policy most people have never heard of. Public recognition of it is generally low, but opposition from Britain’s raucous Islamist scene, near total. From there, opposition has spread to sections of the far-left, and those parts of academia where Islamism and the revolutionary left intersect. This report, written by three experts on Islamism, outlines the campaign against Prevent, and argues that this is not an exceptional campaign against a uniquely flawed policy – the groups opposing Prevent have tended to criticise pretty much any counter-terrorism policy, in some cases for a generation. The same names and campaign groups appear time after time regardless of the colour of the government of the day.
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In Britain, no one has the right not to be offended. Words or actions that are taken by some as offensive – whether they relate to one’s religion, sexuality or race – are not criminal as long as they are not intentionally hostile and meant, or likely, to incite hatred. Yet, this does not seem to be fully acknowledged in Britain’s schools – as our polling shows.
This vacuum can lead to women and girls effectively having the hijab imposed upon them by their community activists or school – despite the fact that throughout much of the Islamic world women are protesting the imposition of the hijab as an oppressive garment. In the latest development in the Iranian government’s war on women, Tehran has announced that ‘repeated violations’ of its strict dress code can lead to imprisonment of up to ten years.
The end goal of these Islamist-led campaigns is the scrapping of Prevent and the counter-extremism programme. They effectively seek to eliminate from official analysis and policy the role of Islamist ideology in terrorism and harmful, extremist social practices. This is done, somewhat paradoxically, by drawing upon arguments in favour of freedom of expression.
Sir John Jenkins, Dr Damon L. Perry, and Dr Paul Stott; Foreword by Rt Hon David Cameron
See more here: https://icsr.info/2020/09/28/the-islamic-movement-in-britain/.
This book shows that such groups and individuals do indeed comprise a movement in Britain, one dedicated to an Islamic ‘revival’. It shows how they are networked organisationally, bonded through ideological and cultural kinship, and united in a conflict of values with the British society and state. Using original interviews with prominent revivalist leaders, as well as primary sources, the book also shows how the movement is not so much ‘Islamist’ in aspiring for an Islamic state, but concerned with institutionalising an Islamic worldview and moral framework throughout society. The conflict between the Government and the global Muslim Brotherhood is apparent in a number of different fields, including education, governance, law, and counterterrorism. But this does not simply concern the direction of Government policy or the control of state institutions. It most fundamentally concerns the symbolic authority to legitimise a way of seeing, thinking and living.
By assessing this multifaceted conflict, the book presents an exhaustive and up-to-date analysis of the political and cultural fault lines between Islamic revivalists and the British authorities. It will be useful for anyone studying Islam in the West, government counter-terrorism and counter-extremism policy, multiculturalism and social cohesion.
In Britain, no one has the right not to be offended. Words or actions that are taken by some as offensive – whether they relate to one’s religion, sexuality or race – are not criminal as long as they are not intentionally hostile and meant, or likely, to incite hatred. Yet, this does not seem to be fully acknowledged in Britain’s schools – as our polling shows.
This vacuum can lead to women and girls effectively having the hijab imposed upon them by their community activists or school – despite the fact that throughout much of the Islamic world women are protesting the imposition of the hijab as an oppressive garment. In the latest development in the Iranian government’s war on women, Tehran has announced that ‘repeated violations’ of its strict dress code can lead to imprisonment of up to ten years.
The end goal of these Islamist-led campaigns is the scrapping of Prevent and the counter-extremism programme. They effectively seek to eliminate from official analysis and policy the role of Islamist ideology in terrorism and harmful, extremist social practices. This is done, somewhat paradoxically, by drawing upon arguments in favour of freedom of expression.
Sir John Jenkins, Dr Damon L. Perry, and Dr Paul Stott; Foreword by Rt Hon David Cameron
See more here: https://icsr.info/2020/09/28/the-islamic-movement-in-britain/.
This book shows that such groups and individuals do indeed comprise a movement in Britain, one dedicated to an Islamic ‘revival’. It shows how they are networked organisationally, bonded through ideological and cultural kinship, and united in a conflict of values with the British society and state. Using original interviews with prominent revivalist leaders, as well as primary sources, the book also shows how the movement is not so much ‘Islamist’ in aspiring for an Islamic state, but concerned with institutionalising an Islamic worldview and moral framework throughout society. The conflict between the Government and the global Muslim Brotherhood is apparent in a number of different fields, including education, governance, law, and counterterrorism. But this does not simply concern the direction of Government policy or the control of state institutions. It most fundamentally concerns the symbolic authority to legitimise a way of seeing, thinking and living.
By assessing this multifaceted conflict, the book presents an exhaustive and up-to-date analysis of the political and cultural fault lines between Islamic revivalists and the British authorities. It will be useful for anyone studying Islam in the West, government counter-terrorism and counter-extremism policy, multiculturalism and social cohesion.