The authors of this article focus on the term and the meaning of ‘organised crime’.Following thei... more The authors of this article focus on the term and the meaning of ‘organised crime’.Following their approach, it seems to be impossible to give an exact definition, because it has meant different things over time. There is a historical dimension but also a geopolitical dimension: South American, European and Russian historical developments have created different forms. Sometimes and somewhere organised crime is more or less ‘disorganised’, deregulated and connected with local frameworks. With regard to the organisation structures the authors distinguish five main ideal types: criminal networks with, firstly, ‘no social support structure in the milieu of operation’; those ‘rooted in marginalised subcultures’; those ‘rooted in mainstream society’; those with links ‘in power elites’; ‘criminal alliances between underworld and upper world or mafia-like organisations’.Moreover, the authors offer a versatile and complex picture of what organised crime means today. The contribution offers s...
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies, 2018
Practices refer to collective and historic acts that shaped the evolution of the fundamental dist... more Practices refer to collective and historic acts that shaped the evolution of the fundamental distinction used to define the field of security—that of internal vs. external security. In general, security practices relate to two kinds of tools through which professionals of (in)security think about a threat: regulatory tools, which seek to “normalize” the behavior of target individuals (for example, policy regulation, constitution), and capacity tools, specific modalities for imposing external discipline upon individuals and groups. The roots of the distinction between internal and external security are embedded in a historical process of competition over where to draw the line between the authority and limits of diverse agencies. Much of the international relations (IR) literature ignores the diversity of security practices, and reduces security to an IR problem detached from other bodies of knowledge. This is an error that needs to be corrected. Security and insecurity must be analy...
This chapter sets out the burgeoning research program taking place as part of a “PARIS” approach ... more This chapter sets out the burgeoning research program taking place as part of a “PARIS” approach to studying processes of (in)security and (in)securitization. PARIS is an acronym for Political Anthropological Research for International Sociology. The chapter outlines how a PARIS approach highlights the study of how different bodies of knowledge are labeling security, examining the tensions and controversies between and within practitioners and disciplinary fields in these labeling practices. It analyses different intellectual ways to study the relationship between the “security” label and the boundaries of “security” practices alternatively labeled by others freedom, mobility, violence, or privacy. The chapter concludes by conceptualizing the relation between security and insecurity as a mobius strip; a metaphor which demonstrates how one can never be certain what constitutes the content of security and not insecurity. A PARIS approach thus calls for the study of everyday (in)securi...
Cet article traite du jeu video comme possible mediation artistique dans un dispositif d’art-ther... more Cet article traite du jeu video comme possible mediation artistique dans un dispositif d’art-therapie. Il decrit le positionnement ainsi que la demarche de l’art-therapeute ; il rend compte de ses observations a travers un atelier de jeu video coanime avec un psychologue et mis en place dans un hopital de jour avec des enfants autistes.
La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée ... more La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans ...
... important les conflits de leurs pays d'origine ; ils ne se sont nullement rués vers ... more ... important les conflits de leurs pays d'origine ; ils ne se sont nullement rués vers les États ... La Commission a contribué au maintien de ces valeurs de libre circulation en refusant une citoyenneté ... 28 Dans l'espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice actuel, l'équilibre des rapports ...
Pendant une longue période, les conflits dits locaux, périphériques, indirects n'intéres... more Pendant une longue période, les conflits dits locaux, périphériques, indirects n'intéressaient guère les stratèges et les hommes politiques. L'étude de la guerre était avant tout celle de la «non-guerre», de la dissuasion et des risques d'affrontement classique en Europe. Les ouvrages sur les conflits locaux, les guérillas, la violence politique étaient rares. Si l'on excepte les monographies et les articles sur les conflits locaux et le terrorisme, dérivant de la stratégie indirecte des grandes puissances, les seules grandes études portaient sur les ...
Be aware- Non Corrected version- for a final version buy the excellent book if you read French: D... more Be aware- Non Corrected version- for a final version buy the excellent book if you read French: Derrière Les Grilles : Sortir Du Tout Évaluation, edited by Barbara Cassin. Fayard: Mille et une nuits. Any translation welcome
Setting the scene How to analyse and to describe the various ways power aggregates, concentrates ... more Setting the scene How to analyse and to describe the various ways power aggregates, concentrates and circulates in the world; a world which is politically fragmented, but where everyday lives are interconnected? This is one of the central interrogations that scholars of international political sociology seek to explore. Nowadays, most scholars remain dissatisfied with current forms of analysis of power that consider simply that the regulation by territorial states of questions of politics, economy and society is sufficient for analysing the flows of exchange and their world convolutions. Starting with states and the international system is a particular way of problematizing power and politics in terms of conjunctions (power politics), of homogenising them (politics is power), of reading historical trajectories through the lenses of a political order that is also a social order, and of transforming the state into an actor that subsumes its multitude and tries to regulate an 'inter-state' system along its interest and/or values. Once, one is ready to reject a world imagined as divided into mutually exclusive territorial states, without accepting too easily the idea of a long march towards a global world adjusting politics to the conditions of a global market, the problem of what the international today is, becomes a mesmerizing subject matter. The line of thought of International Political Sociology is born from this willingness to reopen the question of the international. In this chapter, I will argue that the roots of dissatisfaction concerning a vision of the international as an upper level regarding states and individuals lay in the assumptions of the traditional answers coming from the discipline of political science where international relations are conceived both as a specific sphere and as a separate level distinct from governmental politics, as well as, from the false alternative of a depoliticised global sociology, which is searching for a global social " whole " replacing the Hegelian dream of a world state by a more systemic approach of contradictions, but reducing always struggles to dysfunction. By contrast, the positioning of International Political Sociology scholars is distinctive. IPS thinks the international as the lengthening of chains of interdependences between actors that evolves either along centripetal or centrifugal dynamics. This allows first,
The authors of this article focus on the term and the meaning of ‘organised crime’.Following thei... more The authors of this article focus on the term and the meaning of ‘organised crime’.Following their approach, it seems to be impossible to give an exact definition, because it has meant different things over time. There is a historical dimension but also a geopolitical dimension: South American, European and Russian historical developments have created different forms. Sometimes and somewhere organised crime is more or less ‘disorganised’, deregulated and connected with local frameworks. With regard to the organisation structures the authors distinguish five main ideal types: criminal networks with, firstly, ‘no social support structure in the milieu of operation’; those ‘rooted in marginalised subcultures’; those ‘rooted in mainstream society’; those with links ‘in power elites’; ‘criminal alliances between underworld and upper world or mafia-like organisations’.Moreover, the authors offer a versatile and complex picture of what organised crime means today. The contribution offers s...
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies, 2018
Practices refer to collective and historic acts that shaped the evolution of the fundamental dist... more Practices refer to collective and historic acts that shaped the evolution of the fundamental distinction used to define the field of security—that of internal vs. external security. In general, security practices relate to two kinds of tools through which professionals of (in)security think about a threat: regulatory tools, which seek to “normalize” the behavior of target individuals (for example, policy regulation, constitution), and capacity tools, specific modalities for imposing external discipline upon individuals and groups. The roots of the distinction between internal and external security are embedded in a historical process of competition over where to draw the line between the authority and limits of diverse agencies. Much of the international relations (IR) literature ignores the diversity of security practices, and reduces security to an IR problem detached from other bodies of knowledge. This is an error that needs to be corrected. Security and insecurity must be analy...
This chapter sets out the burgeoning research program taking place as part of a “PARIS” approach ... more This chapter sets out the burgeoning research program taking place as part of a “PARIS” approach to studying processes of (in)security and (in)securitization. PARIS is an acronym for Political Anthropological Research for International Sociology. The chapter outlines how a PARIS approach highlights the study of how different bodies of knowledge are labeling security, examining the tensions and controversies between and within practitioners and disciplinary fields in these labeling practices. It analyses different intellectual ways to study the relationship between the “security” label and the boundaries of “security” practices alternatively labeled by others freedom, mobility, violence, or privacy. The chapter concludes by conceptualizing the relation between security and insecurity as a mobius strip; a metaphor which demonstrates how one can never be certain what constitutes the content of security and not insecurity. A PARIS approach thus calls for the study of everyday (in)securi...
Cet article traite du jeu video comme possible mediation artistique dans un dispositif d’art-ther... more Cet article traite du jeu video comme possible mediation artistique dans un dispositif d’art-therapie. Il decrit le positionnement ainsi que la demarche de l’art-therapeute ; il rend compte de ses observations a travers un atelier de jeu video coanime avec un psychologue et mis en place dans un hopital de jour avec des enfants autistes.
La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée ... more La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans ...
... important les conflits de leurs pays d'origine ; ils ne se sont nullement rués vers ... more ... important les conflits de leurs pays d'origine ; ils ne se sont nullement rués vers les États ... La Commission a contribué au maintien de ces valeurs de libre circulation en refusant une citoyenneté ... 28 Dans l'espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice actuel, l'équilibre des rapports ...
Pendant une longue période, les conflits dits locaux, périphériques, indirects n'intéres... more Pendant une longue période, les conflits dits locaux, périphériques, indirects n'intéressaient guère les stratèges et les hommes politiques. L'étude de la guerre était avant tout celle de la «non-guerre», de la dissuasion et des risques d'affrontement classique en Europe. Les ouvrages sur les conflits locaux, les guérillas, la violence politique étaient rares. Si l'on excepte les monographies et les articles sur les conflits locaux et le terrorisme, dérivant de la stratégie indirecte des grandes puissances, les seules grandes études portaient sur les ...
Be aware- Non Corrected version- for a final version buy the excellent book if you read French: D... more Be aware- Non Corrected version- for a final version buy the excellent book if you read French: Derrière Les Grilles : Sortir Du Tout Évaluation, edited by Barbara Cassin. Fayard: Mille et une nuits. Any translation welcome
Setting the scene How to analyse and to describe the various ways power aggregates, concentrates ... more Setting the scene How to analyse and to describe the various ways power aggregates, concentrates and circulates in the world; a world which is politically fragmented, but where everyday lives are interconnected? This is one of the central interrogations that scholars of international political sociology seek to explore. Nowadays, most scholars remain dissatisfied with current forms of analysis of power that consider simply that the regulation by territorial states of questions of politics, economy and society is sufficient for analysing the flows of exchange and their world convolutions. Starting with states and the international system is a particular way of problematizing power and politics in terms of conjunctions (power politics), of homogenising them (politics is power), of reading historical trajectories through the lenses of a political order that is also a social order, and of transforming the state into an actor that subsumes its multitude and tries to regulate an 'inter-state' system along its interest and/or values. Once, one is ready to reject a world imagined as divided into mutually exclusive territorial states, without accepting too easily the idea of a long march towards a global world adjusting politics to the conditions of a global market, the problem of what the international today is, becomes a mesmerizing subject matter. The line of thought of International Political Sociology is born from this willingness to reopen the question of the international. In this chapter, I will argue that the roots of dissatisfaction concerning a vision of the international as an upper level regarding states and individuals lay in the assumptions of the traditional answers coming from the discipline of political science where international relations are conceived both as a specific sphere and as a separate level distinct from governmental politics, as well as, from the false alternative of a depoliticised global sociology, which is searching for a global social " whole " replacing the Hegelian dream of a world state by a more systemic approach of contradictions, but reducing always struggles to dysfunction. By contrast, the positioning of International Political Sociology scholars is distinctive. IPS thinks the international as the lengthening of chains of interdependences between actors that evolves either along centripetal or centrifugal dynamics. This allows first,
Counterterrorist and counter-radicalisation policies not only have the potential to undermine the... more Counterterrorist and counter-radicalisation policies not only have the potential to undermine the democratic principles, institutions, and processes they seek to preserve but also to produce unintended consequences.
Extraordinary Rendition Addressing the Challenges of Accountability Edited by Elspeth Guild, Didier Bigo and Mark Gibney, 2018
This paper is a first draft. For the final version see
Extraordinary Rendition
Addressing the... more This paper is a first draft. For the final version see
Extraordinary Rendition
Addressing the Challenges of Accountability
Edited by
Elspeth Guild, Didier Bigo and Mark Gibney
Routledge 2018
Upon request by the LIBE Committee, this study analyses how the public-private dialogue has been ... more Upon request by the LIBE Committee, this study analyses how the public-private dialogue has been framed and shaped and examines the priorities set up in calls and projects that have received funding from the European Commission under the security theme of the 7th Research Framework Programme (FP7 2007 2013). In particular, this study addresses two main questions: to what extent is security research placed at the service of citizens? To what extent does it contribute to the development of a single area of fundamental rights and freedoms? The study finds that security research has only partly addressed the concerns of EU citizens and that security research has been mainly put at the service of industry rather than society.
This paper examines the EU counterterrorism policy responses to the attacks in Paris, 7-9 January 2015. It provides an overview of the main EU-level initiatives that have been put forward in the weeks following the events and that will be discussed in the informal European Council meeting of 12 February 2015. The paper argues that a majority of these proposals predated the Paris shootings and had until that point proved contentious as regards their efficacy, legitimacy and lawfulness. A case in point is the EU Passenger Name Record (PNR) proposal. The paper finds that EU counterterrorism policy responses to the Paris events raise two fundamental challenges: A first challenge is to the freedom of movement, Schengen and Union citizenship. The priority given to the expansion in the use of large-scale surveillance and systematic monitoring of all travellers including EU citizens stands in contravention of Schengen and the free movement principle. A second challenge concerns EU democratic rule of law. Current pressures calling for an urgent adoption of measures like the EU PNR challenge the scrutiny roles held by the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the European Union on counterterrorism measures in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting. The paper proposes that the EU adopts a new European Agenda on Security and Liberty based on an EU security (criminal justice-led) cooperation model firmly anchored in current EU legal principles and rule of law standards. This model would call for 'less is more' concerning the use, processing and retention of data by police and intelligence communities, and it would instead pursue better and more accurate use of data that would meet the quality standards of evidence in criminal judicial proceedings.
In the wake of the disclosures surrounding PRISM and other US surveillance programmes, this paper... more In the wake of the disclosures surrounding PRISM and other US surveillance programmes, this paper assesses the large-scale surveillance practices by a selection of EU member states: the UK, Sweden, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Given the large-scale nature of these practices, which represent a reconfiguration of traditional intelligence gathering, the paper contends that an analysis of European surveillance programmes cannot be reduced to a question of the balance between data protection versus national security, but has to be framed in terms of collective freedoms and democracy. It finds that four of the five EU member states selected for in-depth examination are engaging in some form of large-scale interception and surveillance of communication data, and identifies parallels and discrepancies between these programmes and the NSA-run operations. The paper argues that these programmes do not stand outside the realm of EU intervention but can be analysed from an EU law perspec...
Upon request by the LIBE Committee, this study focuses on the question of how to best prevent you... more Upon request by the LIBE Committee, this study focuses on the question of how to best prevent youth radicalisation in the EU. It evaluates counter-radicalisation policies, both in terms of their efficiency and their broader social and political impact. Building on a conception of radicalisation as a process of escalation, it highlights the need to take into account the relation between individuals, groups and state responses. In this light, it forefronts some of the shortcomings of current policies, such as the difficulties of reporting individuals on the grounds of uncertain assessments of danger and the problem of attributing political grievances to ethnic and religious specificities. Finally, the study highlights the ambiguous nature of pro-active administrative practices and exceptional counter-terrorism legislation and their potentially damaging effects in terms of fundamental rights.
SIGINT Intelligence Transnational Activities and National Security in
France and Europe:
Transnat... more SIGINT Intelligence Transnational Activities and National Security in France and Europe: Transnationalisation, Oversight and the Role of Courts 24-26 September 2018- CERI- 46 rue Jacob- Paris https://www.sciencespo.fr/agenda/ceri/fr?event=619
SIGINT intelligence transnational activities and National security in France and Europe: transnationalisation, oversight and the role of Courts This international Colloquium is organized at the initiative of the ANR-UTIC for the first two days and for the third day is the result of a collaboration between Ceri and Queen Mary Un iversity, London. It looks at the communications surveillance practices of police and intelligence services, in particular in France but also at the European and transatlantic levels. It surveys today's technologies for collecting and analyzing communications, the use of these technologies by law enforcement agencies as well as the political and legal controversies they trigger. The goal of the colloquium is to examine the reconfiguration of contemporary surveillance, the way it is redefining the limits of democracy as well as state sovereignty. To grasp the stakes surrounding communications surveillance, the project's transdisciplinary approach relies on both Engineering Sciences and Social Sciences. The project's supervisors are Didier Bigo at the CERI (Sciences Po Paris), who is also UTIC's coordinator, Sébastien Laurent for CMRP (Bordeaux) and Laurent Bonelli (Paris Ouest Nanterre). The different panels will examine how national security and its relationship to fundamental rights are transformed both by the global nature of Internet traffic and by the modes of cooperation developed by public and private actors involved in surveillance. It seems that communications surveillance is no longer national and public. Data collection and transfers take place at the transnational scale between different agencies from different countries, with the support of private corporations. In this context, we will the first two days analyze how are alliance systems and power relationships evolving? What is the role of public-private hybridation in this process? What happens to the reason of State when the collection and processing of data takes place on a transnational scale? How a fair and effective oversight is possible? The third day, we will, in collaboration with QMUL, London discuss how European Courts with their judgements on right of privacy sets the limits of surveillance? These are complex questions since the actors of surveillance have conflicting interests. They also act under the constraint of multiple and sometimes contradictory legal frameworks, which are in turn shaped and mobilized by social movements attached to the protection of fundamental rights.
Cambridge Analytica est une entreprise fondée en 2013 par Alexander Nix (PDG de SCL Group) et Ala... more Cambridge Analytica est une entreprise fondée en 2013 par Alexander Nix (PDG de SCL Group) et Alastair Carmichael MacWillson (spécialiste de la cyber sécurité) sur la base d'une idée qu'ont eu, en 2012, Robert Mercer, gestionnaire de fonds de pensions aux Etats-Unis et Stephen Bannon, président de Breitbart News, considéré comme la plateforme de l'alt-right dans ce même pays, et conseiller du président Donald Trump durant une courte période (janvier-août 2017). Ces acteurs aux parcours divers s'intéressent aux développements du « capitalisme de plateforme » et aux possibilités d'utiliser les données individuelles de particuliers recueillies en masse par des entités comme Facebook et Google pour réaliser des profits en améliorant les techniques de profilage de certains groupes influençables à partir de l'analyse de leurs goûts et de leurs caractéristiques psychologiques et sociales. Cambridge Analytica se présente elle-même comme une entreprise de « communication stratégique », capable de faire de la collecte et de l'exploration de données (data mining), d'apporter à une autre entreprise les données qui lui permettront d'améliorer ses performances en terme de ciblage à des fins publicitaires ou de revente de ses données collectées déjà formatées pour un usage commercial particulier (data brokerage) ou encore dans la perspective d'une communication politique en utilisant les données recueillies dans des campagnes électorales (strategic communication). La société s'est d'ailleurs d'abord fait connaître pour sa participation à l'élaboration de profils des électeurs abstentionnistes susceptibles de se rendre aux urnes. Elle met en avant ses succès : la campagne du Leave au Royaume-Uni lors du référendum qui a conduit au Brexit et la campagne présidentielle de Donald Trump. Cambridge Analytica fait aujourd'hui la une de l'actualité à la suite de la divulgation des liens qu'ont entretenu Aleksandr Kogan, psychologue social, chargé de recherche à l'université de Cambridge, et semble-t-il sous contrat avec la branche anglaise de Cambridge Analytica d'une part, et la société Facebook, dirigée par Mark Zuckerberg d'autre part. Aleksandr Kogan a en effet réalisé une étude portant sur 200 000 personnes et sur leurs contacts à plus de deux « degrés de séparation » qui a permis de collecter des données de 87 millions d'individus, sans que ceux-ci n'aient jamais donné leur consentement ou bien qu'ils l'aient donné sans savoir quelle utilisation en serait faite. Les détails de la transaction commerciale entre Cambridge Analytica et Facebook concernant le « transfert de données » du deuxième vers le premier et les accusations réciproques de mauvaise foi émises par Kogan et Zuckerberg lorsqu'ils ont été interrogés sur l'ampleur du « vol » de données personnelles impliquées et la finalité politique de l'étude ont été au coeur de l'actualité récente. En quinze jours, l'affaire Cambridge Analytica est devenue le scandale par excellence de l'extorsion des données privées et de la manipulation politique. L'affaire a commencé le 17 mars 2018 lorsque le canadien Christopher Wylie, lui-même ancien directeur de recherche à Cambridge Analytica, a dénoncé auprès de l'Observer et du New York Times les pratiques de l'entreprise au cours des cinq dernières années et indiqué qu'elles portaient gravement atteinte à la vie privée des personnes. Mark Zuckerberg a été convoqué par le Congrès américain mais s'est finalement peu expliqué sur l'affaire et a réitéré sa volonté de ne pas changer le modèle économique de Facebook. Beaucoup de gens dans les réseaux sociaux ont cru que l'affaire était récente, postérieure à l'élection de Donald Trump, alors que les données ont été collectées il y a plusieurs années. Finalement, la société Cambridge Analytica a décidé de se déclarer en faillite (procédure d'insolvabilité à Londres) niant une quelconque faute mais évoquant la fuite de ses clients vers d'autres compagnies, le 3 mai 2018. Beaucoup voudrait clore le débat maintenant que le mouton noir a été évincé. Il faut néanmoins être prudent car la frontière entre les pratiques de Cambridge Analytica, avec ou sans la complicité de Facebook, et celles routinières de presque toutes les entreprises de communication stratégique et de tous les grands fournisseurs de données, pour ne rien dire des services de renseignements, est pour le moins ténue. La condamnation à venir de Cambridge Analytica, qui malgré sa faillite n'échappera pas à des investigations, ne blanchit-elle pas les autres, dont Facebook, qui respectent certaines formes sans pour autant avoir un modèle différent ? A la condamnation pénale et morale du « vol » des données personnelles, qui est nécessaire, il faut donc aussi ajouter une réflexion sur la notion d'illégalisme décrite par Michel Foucault, car un régime juridique ne se contente pas de constater et de sanctionner des transgressions de l'ordre social mais qui participe à la définition même de cet ordre en traçant la frontière entre le légal et l'illégal. Un récent article d'Ivan Manhoka dans la revue Cultures et Conflits d'avril 2018 met justement l'accent sur ce point et permet de contextualiser l'affaire Cambridge Analytica en évitant d'en faire une affaire exceptionnelle. Selon le chercheur, il faut voir dans cette affaire au contraire une pratique qui devrait se généraliser à l'heure où les données personnelles sont considérées comme le nouveau pétrole et deviennent de facto une « marchandise fictive » qui permet au « capital de plateforme » de réaliser des profits à la condition que l'extraction soit croissante et continue. Le combat des activistes, des juristes et des autorités de protection des données, pour être efficace, doit dès lors, s'intéresser à l'ensemble de l'économie de la production des données afin de simplifier les modalités d'acceptation du consentement sur les sites et d'empêcher les entreprises de pouvoir refuser l'accès au service lorsqu'une personne demande une protection complète de ses données et refuse leur commercialisation. Par ailleurs, comme Susie Allegre le souligne dans son blog juridique, les pratiques de Cambridge Analytica doivent nous interroger sur la prétention de certains psychologues sociaux de construire des critères scientifiques permettant de connaître la pensée des individus avant même que celle-ci ne se transforme en acte. Il faudrait donc que les tribunaux européens rapprochent droit de la liberté de pensée et respect de la vie privée et de la dignité humaine afin de réguler ce que Soshana Zuboff appelle un capitalisme de surveillance. Certains algorithmes devraient être condamnés pour atteinte à la liberté de pensée. La configuration actuelle des intérêts des entreprises au développement de cette matière première que constituent les données personnelles fournies gratuitement par les internautes et qui rapportent des fortunes à ceux qui les exploitent n'est pourtant guère favorable à de tels changements des règles, d'autant que les gouvernements occidentaux peuvent, comme bien d'autres, avoir intérêt à laisser fleurir des bases de données structurées à partir de sources hétérogènes et facilitant la tâche des profilages spécialisées. Ils utilisent d'ailleurs certaines entreprises comme Palantir ou des produits dérivés d'Oracle pour leurs propres recherches. Dès lors, que faire pour déconstruire ces intérêts à faire du profit avec les données personnelles, y compris en les anonymisant et en les revendant sous formes de profils ? A notre avis, il faut s'attaquer à la crédibilité scientifique et à l'efficacité des méthodes de captation de données par des entreprises privées. Croire en leur efficacité est peut-être l'effet le plus pernicieux du scandale. En effet, hormis leur autopromotion et leur prétention d'obtenir des résultats permettant d'anticiper les actes des individus en jouant sur la magie des mots (big data, algorithmes, intelligence artificielle), rien ne dit que ces alchimistes d'un nouveau genre sont capables de transmuter le plomb des données personnelles brutes hétérogènes en or, c'est à dire dans leur cas, en évaluations prédictives effectives des préférences commerciales, sociales et politiques de catégories spécifiques de différentes catégories de personnes. Loin de toute dimension scientifique, il semble bien que ces entreprises de communication stratégique surfent aujourd'hui sur des politiques d'anxiété et de malaise à l'égard du futur qui amènent les dirigeants à les croire lorsqu'elles prétendent (à tort ?) pouvoir indiquer quels événements adviendront. Il n'y a pas de secret scientifique à protéger mais seulement une aura de secret. Tous ces psychologues scientifiques ne sont-ils pas alors la réincarnation des alchimistes, tel Nicolas Flamel qui disait connaître aussi bien le futur que le présent et le passé et prétendait pouvoir prédire l'avenir en le transformant en futur antérieur, soit un avenir déjà connu de sa boule de cristal. Accueil › 1 Sur la théorie des six degrés de séparation dans un monde interconnecté, voir ici. La moyenne est de 3,11. Pour une recherche vous concernant personnellement, voir The Guardian :
Political Anthropological Research on International Social Sciences (PARISS) encourages transvers... more Political Anthropological Research on International Social Sciences (PARISS) encourages transversal social inquiries. The journal seeks to transcend disciplinary, linguistic and cultural fragmentations characteristic of scholarship in the 20th century. It aspires to reinvigorate scholarly engagements untroubled by canonic approaches and to provide a space for outstanding scholarship, marginalized elsewhere due to academic conventions. PARISS seeks to promote a plurality of ways of thinking, researching and writing and to give access to contemporary authors in the social sciences coming from non-English-speaking countries. The editors encourage contributions that write across disciplines, academic cultures and writing styles. Innovative and collective research is particularly welcome.
We welcome all contributions that provide innovative engagements with social inquiries, particularly those that promote collective research and transcend disciplinary, linguistic and cultural boundaries. For the coming three years (2020-2023), we encourage submissions that engage with the following seven running themes: 1) Politics of style; 2) Problematizing transversal lines and their methods; 3) Politics of knowledge and higher education; 4) Social suffering in the academic world; 5) Practices of Mobility and Lived Experiences; 6) Styles of governing and governmentality; and 7) Politics of translation.
Social suffering in the academic world: Taking inspiration from Pierre Bourdieu’s Homo Academicus... more Social suffering in the academic world: Taking inspiration from Pierre Bourdieu’s Homo Academicus and the collective work Misère du monde, we are proposing a running theme on social suffering in the academic world. In addition to mapping the structural transformations that have remodelled the university as a space of education, knowledge production, and intellectual curiosity, we envision this running theme as a chronicle or living archive of everyday experiences of domination, abjection, exclusion, and exploitation in the ivory tower. We welcome individual papers about the conditions of social suffering of the self, but also of colleagues, of institutional transformations seen from below, some would say from the heart. We also encourage collective articles, written under perhaps under pseudonyms, as a way of giving a voice to those who cannot claim alone their forms of suffering because they are often the most fragile in terms of structural positions.
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Papers by didier bigo
Extraordinary Rendition
Addressing the Challenges of Accountability
Edited by
Elspeth Guild, Didier Bigo and Mark Gibney
Routledge 2018
This paper examines the EU counterterrorism policy responses to the attacks in Paris, 7-9 January 2015. It provides an overview of the main EU-level initiatives that have been put forward in the weeks following the events and that will be discussed in the informal European Council meeting of 12 February 2015. The paper argues that a majority of these proposals predated the Paris shootings and had until that point proved contentious as regards their efficacy, legitimacy and lawfulness. A case in point is the EU Passenger Name Record (PNR) proposal. The paper finds that EU counterterrorism policy responses to the Paris events raise two fundamental challenges: A first challenge is to the freedom of movement, Schengen and Union citizenship. The priority given to the expansion in the use of large-scale surveillance and systematic monitoring of all travellers including EU citizens stands in contravention of Schengen and the free movement principle. A second challenge concerns EU democratic rule of law. Current pressures calling for an urgent adoption of measures like the EU PNR challenge the scrutiny roles held by the European Parliament and the Court of Justice of the European Union on counterterrorism measures in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting. The paper proposes that the EU adopts a new European Agenda on Security and Liberty based on an EU security (criminal justice-led) cooperation model firmly anchored in current EU legal principles and rule of law standards. This model would call for 'less is more' concerning the use, processing and retention of data by police and intelligence communities, and it would instead pursue better and more accurate use of data that would meet the quality standards of evidence in criminal judicial proceedings.
France and Europe:
Transnationalisation, Oversight and the Role of Courts
24-26 September 2018- CERI- 46 rue Jacob- Paris
https://www.sciencespo.fr/agenda/ceri/fr?event=619
SIGINT intelligence transnational activities and National security in France and Europe: transnationalisation, oversight and the role of Courts
This international Colloquium is organized at the initiative of the ANR-UTIC for the first two days and for the third day is the result of a collaboration between Ceri and Queen Mary Un iversity, London. It looks at the communications surveillance practices of police and intelligence services, in particular in France but also at the European and transatlantic levels. It surveys today's technologies for collecting and analyzing communications, the use of these technologies by law enforcement agencies as well as the political and legal controversies they trigger. The goal of the colloquium is to examine the reconfiguration of contemporary surveillance, the way it is redefining the limits of democracy as well as state sovereignty.
To grasp the stakes surrounding communications surveillance, the project's transdisciplinary approach relies on both Engineering Sciences and Social Sciences. The project's supervisors are Didier Bigo at the CERI (Sciences Po Paris), who is also UTIC's coordinator, Sébastien Laurent for CMRP (Bordeaux) and Laurent Bonelli (Paris Ouest Nanterre).
The different panels will examine how national security and its relationship to fundamental rights are transformed both by the global nature of Internet traffic and by the modes of cooperation developed by public and private actors involved in surveillance. It seems that communications surveillance is no longer national and public. Data collection and transfers take place at the transnational scale between different agencies from different countries, with the support of private corporations.
In this context, we will the first two days analyze how are alliance systems and power relationships evolving? What is the role of public-private hybridation in this process? What happens to the reason of State when the collection and processing of data takes place on a transnational scale? How a fair and effective oversight is possible?
The third day, we will, in collaboration with QMUL, London discuss how European Courts with their judgements on right of privacy sets the limits of surveillance?
These are complex questions since the actors of surveillance have conflicting interests. They also act under the constraint of multiple and sometimes contradictory legal frameworks, which are in turn shaped and mobilized by social movements attached to the protection of fundamental rights.
We welcome all contributions that provide innovative engagements with social inquiries, particularly those that promote collective research and transcend disciplinary, linguistic and cultural boundaries. For the coming three years (2020-2023), we encourage submissions that engage with the following seven running themes: 1) Politics of style; 2) Problematizing transversal lines and their methods; 3) Politics of knowledge and higher education; 4) Social suffering in the academic world; 5) Practices of Mobility and Lived Experiences; 6) Styles of governing and governmentality; and 7) Politics of translation.